Terrorism Research Research Articles

Методология исследования террористической деятельности. Часть 2: познавательные инструменты

Introduction. The article is a logical continuation of the publication “Terrorism Research Methodology. Part 1: Research Fundamentals”. The article is devoted to the description of specific methodological tools of terrorist activity research. On account of the complexity of terrorist activity, the increasing complexity in the dynamics of social development, the diversity of types and forms of terrorism in modern transitional society, it is necessary to apply effective approaches to research. Methods. The methodological basis of the research was formed by the fundamental bases and postulates of philosophical methodology: universal categories, principles and regularities of dialectical and activity approaches, general scientific methodology of system approach, as well as a set of general logical methods of cognition. Results. The author substantiates that the dialectical method makes it possible to study the contradictory nature of terrorism, manifested in the dynamics of terrorist activity in the context of socio-historical development. The understanding of the complexity, diversity of types and forms, technological nature of terrorist activity as a modern socio-legal phenomenon, its place and role in the dynamics of social development of modern transitional society, as well as the need for systemic counteraction to it determines the requirement for applying a systemic approach. The use of the methodology of the interval approach provides a comprehensive study of the terrorist activity and its manifestations in various aspects and dimensions, the synthesis of knowledge of each of them helps to obtain an interval model of terrorist activity. Application of the activity approach reveals terrorist activity as criminal behaviour implemented on a systematic basis, including precriminal and post-criminal actions from a standpoint of committing a terrorist act.

Assessing the Validity of Open-Source Biographical Data in Terrorism Research

ABSTRACT A multitude of studies in terrorism research depend on biographical data gathered through the cliometric method. This technique entails reconstructing and aggregating demographic and socio-economic data on terrorism offenders from publicly accessible sources. A notable limitation of this method is the substantial number of missing values. Researchers often employ this data collection strategy as comprehensive official sources are not publicly accessible and are rarely provided to researchers due to privacy concerns, among other factors. In this study, we analyze original data on 53 convicted Islamist terrorism offenders, collected from both publicly available media data and court records. We concentrate on and compare a number of demographic, socio-economic, and biographic variables. The insights derived from these analyses hold important implications for the reliability of biographical research that relies on open-source data.

Strengths and Weaknesses of Open Source Data for Studying Terrorism and Political Radicalization

Compared to studying other forms of illegal violence, terrorism research faces unique data challenges. Notably, consistent police data are generally lacking, victims often have no direct knowledge of attacks and are sometimes killed, and perpetrators are difficult to interview and are often unreliable sources. In the face of these data challenges, the increasing availability of open source data on terrorist attacks and perpetrators has profoundly affected the scientific study of terrorism. Over time, a growing proportion of published academic research on terrorism—especially more heavily quantitative studies—relies on open source data. Moreover, the growing availability of individual-level terrorism data has allowed empirical tests of psychological and social-psychological theories of radicalization. In this paper, we assess the impact of open source data on the study of terrorism. We begin with an overview, providing a brief history of terrorist attack and perpetrator open source data bases. We then consider the major strengths and weaknesses of both types of open source data and suggest ways of countering the weaknesses. We close with observations about the impact of open source data on terrorism research and future opportunities for improvement.

Strengths and Weaknesses of Using Register Data to Study Extremism and Terrorism

In recent years, the study of terrorism and violent extremism has increasingly benefited from the use of register data such as population data and judicial data. The use of this type of data brings with it many advantages, such as the ability to study complete populations, to combine different sources of data, and, often, it enables researchers to take on a longitudinal and comparative approach. However, the use of register data also brings with it some significant challenges, in terms of acquiring the data (practical challenges) and in terms of biases in the data (content/ethical challenges). In this paper we discuss the usage of register data in terrorism research, with a focus on the Dutch and Swedish context. Whereas both countries are to some extent similar in that they both have a rich data-infrastructure, differences also exist regarding the type of data, agencies responsible for collecting and distributing the data, and ethical approaches. In the chapter, we will go into the strengths and weaknesses of using register data in research on terrorism and violent extremism. Moreover, we will elaborate on how the use of register data can be improved, what type of research questions can and cannot be answered based on register data, and on potential opportunities of integrating register data into mixed-methods designs.

Three waves of critical terrorism studies: agenda-setting, elaboration, problematisation

ABSTRACT The past twenty years have witnessed critical terrorism studies (CTS) become an increasingly influential body of work. In this article, I offer the first sustained effort to chart CTS’ development and transformation by positing three successive waves in its evolution. CTS’ first wave, I argue, was characterised by agenda-setting efforts to map the prospects of a distinctively critical approach to terrorism research. Second wave literature elaborated on this nascent project’s scope, strengthening and broadening its empirical, conceptual, and methodological ambitions. More recent third wave work seeks to problematise the underpinning assumptions and commitments of earlier CTS literature, especially in relation to its engagement with race and colonialism. Mapping CTS’ development in this way, I argue, offers three contributions to knowledge. First, it helps historicise CTS research by detailing the academic and wider contexts of its development. Second, it enables engagement with CTS’ pluralism, foregrounding the importance of internal disagreements for its past and future trajectories. And, third, it enables new reflection on the political and normative stakes of differing approaches to, and aspirations for, critical terrorism research.

KEBIJAKAN PAKISTAN TERHADAP TEHREEK-I-TALIBAN PAKISTAN SETELAH KEMENANGAN TALIBAN DI AFGHANISTAN (2021-2022)

This research aims to determine Pakistan's policy towards the Pakistan Tehreek-I-Taliban after the Taliban's victory in Afghanistan (2021-2022). The type of research used is explanatory using qualitative methods. This research uses the concept of terrorism and counterterrorism theory. According to Schmid in the Handbook of Terrorism Research in 2011. In response to the increasing number of TTP terror figures in Pakistan after the Taliban's victory over Afghanistan in 2021-2022, the Pakistani government implemented two counterterrorism policies which were divided into two approaches, namely the soft approach and the soft approach. rough approach (hard approach). The approach to counterterrorism policy can be relative, meaning that the implementation of the policy may differ from one country to another, depending on the conditions faced by that country. The research results show that Pakistan has two methods in implementing policies: a soft approach and a hard approach. Pakistan implemented a soft approach policy by mediating with the TTP and choosing the Afghan Taliban as a mediator. Meanwhile, Pakistan implemented a tough approach policy by launching cross-border air strikes into Afghanistan targeting TTP members.

Not gone away: how domestic terrorism impacts multinationals in foreign markets

PurposeThe paper aims to understand how state and non-state domestic terrorism impacts MNEs in foreign markets. Despite the burgeoning literature on terrorism within international business (IB), most research has focused on international terrorism, or terrorism generally. Consequently, there has been limited research examining how domestic or local based terrorism impacts foreign firms.Design/methodology/approachThis is a conceptual paper.FindingsDomestic terrorism is the most common form of terrorism in the world today and involves the state and non-state actors. Non-state domestic terrorism can be low intensity or high intensity. High intensity non-state-domestic terrorism typically involves regular and protracted political violence, along with inter-communal violence. This can expose MNEs to considerable operational, governance and legitimacy pressures.Originality/valueThe paper contributes to the gap in IB terrorism research with regards domestic or local based terrorism. Drawing on IB theory and critical terrorism research, the paper addresses the nature and impact of domestic terrorism within IB. The authors’ paper shows the operational, governance and legitimacy pressures of both state and non-state domestic terrorism for MNEs in host markets. While most IB scholars consider the threat of non-state terrorism for international firms, this study shows how domestic state terrorism benefits and constrains foreign firms.

“Hot Forests”: Spatial Concentration of Forest “Pyro-Terrorism” in Israel

AbstractOne of the areas in terrorism research that has not been adequately examined is the geographic concentration of pyro-terrorism (PT) attacks. The literature related to the geographical distribution of terror generally focuses on macro-places (continents, countries and regions) and micro-places – “hot spots”. However, to our knowledge, the geographical distribution of terror in forests has yet to be studied. The findings of “hot spots” studies have great relevance for law enforcement practitioners. This study examines the spatial characteristics of forest PT and whether there is a concentration of PT attacks in a limited number of “hot forests” that are stable over time. This study examined the entire population of suspected forest PT in Israel between 2008 and 2022 (excluding 2016), totalling 2,297 attacks. The research revealed high spatial clustering of forest PT attacks concentrated in specific “hot forests” and that they were stable over time. In conclusion, the concentration of PT attacks calls for a specialized counterterrorism response, equivalent to “hot spots policing”, based on the characteristics of potential terrorist hot forests.

Contextualizing involvement in terrorist violence by considering non-significant findings: Using null results and temporal perspectives to better understand radicalization outcomes.

Irrespective of discipline, the publication of null or non-significant findings is rare in the social sciences. For burgeoning fields like terrorism research, this is particularly problematic. As well as increasing the likelihood of Type II errors, the selective reporting of significant findings ultimately impedes progression, hindering comprehensive syntheses of evidence and enabling ill-supported lines of scientific enquiry to persist. This manuscript discusses several structural and individual-level variables which failed to produce significant, linear associations with involvement in terrorist violence in a dataset (N = 206) of right-wing and jihadist extremists active in Europe and North America. After considering methodological factors such as non-random distributions of missing data, we illustrate how certain variables are significantly associated with involvement in terrorist violence at particular periods in a radicalizing individual's lifespan, but not others (i.e., pre- or post-radicalization onset). Moreover, we demonstrate that while some static, binary constructs (such as whether or not a radicalizing individual was exposed to diverse viewpoints) are not associated with terrorist violence, their influence over time produces different associations. We conclude that radicalization may be less about individuals having pre-disposing risk factors, such as biographical stressors, and more about cognitive changes that allow individuals to re-evaluate their lives through the lens of an extremist ideology. We also underline the importance of taking a temporal, rather than static, perspective to better understand the variables associated with the outcomes of radicalization trajectories.

State capacity matters in ‘the middle:’ A new perspective on domestic terrorism

When it comes to domestic terrorism (DT), state capacity matters in ‘the middle.’ Our article aims to bring together two apparently separate strands of terrorism research: one concerning the effects of regime type; and another concerning the effects of state capacity. We argue that state capacity can reduce DT in anocracies, but not so much in full dictatorships and democracies. Terrorists seek to maximize the reach of their attacks by exposing themselves to a larger audience. As a result, regimes with higher audience costs tend to be more vulnerable to domestic terror attacks. In anocracies, there is room for state capacity to influence the audience costs of a domestic terrorist attack. In full democracies and dictatorships, on the other hand, state capacity has little influence on the audience costs of DT. Consequently, if previous studies have purported linear, U-shaped, and inverted- U-shaped links between democracy and terrorism, we argue that the shape of the relationship is contingent on the level of state capacity. Theoretically, we substantiate our argument with a two-player simultaneous game between a terrorist group and a government. On the empirical side, we conduct a series of negative binomial panel regressions upon a time-series cross-sectional dataset of no less than 108 countries from 1970 to 2007.

Growth opportunities in American and British terrorism research

ABSTRACT This paper identifies what we see as opportunities to improve data collection, analysis, and interpretation of findings in American and British terrorism research. We suggest seven directions that we see as promising. These include: 1) interview methods and reporting, 2) source reporting in database studies, prioritizing available court records, 3) more comparison groups, including non-offender activists for the same cause and non-political offenders, 4) comparison of cases with and without confidential informants, 5) extremist ideas and extremist violence studied as separate problems, 6) more attention to grievances, avoiding controversies over defining ideology and narrative, and 7) more attention to emotions of terrorists, their supporters, and their victims.

Why Terrorism Researchers Should Care abour Criminal Responsibility

Criminal responsibility is a basic principle in holding individuals to account for criminal actions. Making exemptions to criminal responsibility when individuals cannot be held responsible for their actions is equally central, and most countries have frameworks allowing for such exemptions for reasons of serious mental health problems. However, despite the recent years’ enormous interests in the possible links between individual ‘mental health’ and involvement in terrorism, the issue of criminal responsibility has apparently so far not been the subject of much interest in the field of terrorism research. This Research Note makes the simple point that criminal responsibility should be of particular interest to terrorism researchers, for two main reasons: the centrality of (political, religious, ideological) motivations for defining a crime as terrorism-related and the sometimes-difficult boundary-setting between such motivations and (psychotic) delusions; and the political nature of terrorism-related crimes.

Constructivism, Identity, and Discourse in Terrorism

Terrorism is a phenomenon with a long history. Scholars from many different disciplines research terrorism. One of the disciplines studying the phenomenon of terrorism is International Relations. Significantly after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the discipline's interest in terrorism increased dramatically. However, increasing academic studies since the early 2000s did not lead to an increase in the contribution of the field to Terrorism Studies. The state-centric perspective of Neorealism and Neoliberalism is a fundamental reason behind this problem. Constructivism offers an alternative to the state-centric view. In this context, I examine the role of identity and discourse on terrorism by adopting the Constructivist perspective. Within this scope, the manifestos of eight different terrorists within three various terrorist organizations were examined. In parallel, news about the terrorists whose manifestos were examined was analyzed. Using text analysis, results suggest that both terrorists and the media divide the world into two "us" and "them." The results of this study provide interesting insights and empirical implications on International Relations. In this research, I give an overview of this research area. I then discuss this research's primary results and explain why the Constructivist approach, identity, and discourse are essential in terrorism research.

Terörist Özneyi Tarihselleştirmek: İktidar İlişkileri Çerçevesinde Türkiye’de Terörizm Söyleminin İnşası (1973-1980)

Türkiye’deki terörizm çalışmaları, terörist özneyi tarihsel olarak sabitlenmiş biçimde ele alarak, onun tarihsel ve mekânsal olarak inşa edilme süreçlerini es geçmektedir. Halbuki, terörist özne tüm tarihsel dönemlere aşkın bir konumda değildir, toplumdaki iktidar ilişkileri ve mücadeleleri neticesinde inşa edilmiştir. Bu makale, eleştirel terörizm çalışmalarının post-pozitivist ontolojik ve epistemolojik katkılarından faydalanarak, Türkiye’deki terörist öznenin inşasını 1970’lerdeki iktidar mücadeleleri ve toplumsal gelişmeler ışığında analiz etmektedir. Buna göre, Türkiye’deki hegemonik terörist öznenin inşası sürecinde 1970’lerde Türkiye sağı ile CHP arasındaki iktidar mücadelesi çerçevesinde iki temel anlatının bulunduğu iddia edilecektir. Dahası, Maraş Katliamı ertesinde ilan edilen sıkıyönetim ve ardından gelen 12 Eylül Darbesi’nin terörist özneyi tarihte sabitleyerek Türkiye sağının anlatısını hegemonikleştirmesi süreci analiz edilecektir. Analiz için gerekli veriler TBMM Tutanaklarından elde edilmiştir.

Mental disorder, psychological problems and terrorist behaviour: A systematic review and meta-analysis.

The link between mental health difficulties and terrorist behaviour has been the subject of debate for the last 50 years. Studies that report prevalence rates of mental health difficulties in terrorist samples or compare rates for those involved and not involved in terrorism, can inform this debate and the work of those responsible for countering violent extremism. To synthesise the prevalence rates of mental health difficulties in terrorist samples (Objective 1-Prevalence) and prevalence of mental health disorders pre-dating involvement in terrorism (Objective 2-Temporality). The review also synthesises the extent to which mental health difficulties are associated with terrorist involvement compared to non-terrorist samples (Objective 3-Risk Factor). Searches were conducted between April and June 2022, capturing research until December 2021. We contacted expert networks, hand-searched specialist journals, harvested records from published reviews, and examined references lists for included papers to identify additional studies. Studies needed to empirically examine mental health difficulties and terrorism. To be included under Objective 1 (Prevalence) and Objective 2 (Temporality), studies had to adopt cross-sectional, cohort, or case-control design and report prevalence rates of mental health difficulties in terrorist samples, with studies under Objective 2 also needing to report prevalence of difficulties before detection or involvement in terrorism. For Objective 3 (Risk Factor) studies where there was variability in terrorist behaviour (involved vs. not involved) were included. Captured records were screened in DisillterSR by two authors. Risk of bias was assessed using Joanna Briggs Institute checklists, and random-effects meta-analysis conducted in Comprehensive Meta-Analysis software. Fifty-six papers reporting on 73 different terrorist samples (i.e., studies) (n = 13,648) were identified. All were eligible for Objective 1. Of the 73 studies, 10 were eligible for Objective 2 (Temporality) and nine were eligible for Objective 3 (Risk Factor). For Objective 1, the life-time prevalence rate of diagnosed mental disorder in terrorist samples (k = 18) was 17.4% [95% confidence interval (CI) = 11.1%-26.3%]. When collapsing all studies reporting psychological problems, disorder, and suspected disorder into one meta-analyses (k = 37), the pooled prevalence rate was 25.5% (95% CI = 20.2%-31.6%). When isolating studies reporting data for any mental health difficulty that emerged before either engagement in terrorism or detection for terrorist offences (Objective 2: Temporality), the life-time prevalence rate was 27.8% (95% CI = 20.9%-35.9%). For Objective 3 (Risk Factor), it was not appropriate to calculate a pooled effect size due the differences in comparison samples. Odds ratios for these studies ranged from 0.68 (95% CI = 0.38-1.22) to 3.13 (95% CI = 1.87-5.23). All studies were assessed as having high-risk of bias which, in part, reflects challenges conducting terrorism research. This review does not support the assertion that terrorist samples are characterised by higher rates of mental health difficulties than would be expected in the general population. Findings have implications for future research in terms of design and reporting. There are also implications for practice with regards the inclusion of mental health difficulties as indicators of risk.

How unique are terrorist suspects? Investigating similarities and differences between terrorist suspects, their siblings, and other suspects

This article contributes to the debate in terrorism research on how unique terrorist suspects (i.e. individuals suspected of crimes with terrorist intent) actually are and whether or not specific theories are necessary to explain their behavior. Our study compares terrorist suspects from the Netherlands with their siblings and nonterrorist suspects to find out whether and how terrorist suspects are unique. Inspired by criminological theories involving social bonds, regression analyses were conducted utilizing registry data on household compositions, socio-economic status (SES), and criminal histories. A key finding is that terrorist suspects seem to have more in common with other suspects than with their siblings; besides prior criminal involvement, no significant differences were found between terrorist suspects and other suspects. Terrorist suspects were significantly less often married, had a lower SES, and were more often previously suspected of crimes as compared to their siblings. Particularly, lacking employment is a differentiating factor for terrorist suspects and siblings. Our findings stress the necessity to investigate in-depth under what circumstances and how a disadvantaged background (e.g. lack of social bonds, criminal history) can lead to becoming a terrorist suspect.

Looking Back, Looking Forward: A Personal Reflection

This article contains a personal reflection of experiences in terrorism research over the past few decades. It begins by discussing early academic struggles to recognize the legitimacy of terrorism research, especially in the field of criminal justice. This is followed by a selective description of events where the author correctly predicted events as well as those where he was blindsided by surprises. It closes with an appeal to both the academy and the American public to move beyond ideology and populist understandings of terrorism to grapple with the multiple forms and complexities of terrorist violence.

Jihadist Journalism: Exploring the Geographic Coverage of al-Masra Newspaper

ABSTRACT Recent terrorism research has explored jihadist groups’ discourse surrounding different countries by exploring the content of various magazines. We build on existing literature by examining al-Masra, an Arabic-language newspaper linked to Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). We created an original dataset from 1,250 articles in fifty-eight al-Masra editions, utilizing content analysis to code for each article’s main country of focus. Overall, we found that fifty-four countries formed the central focus of at least one al-Masra article. Although the United States was the most covered country, the combined coverage provided to countries in the Middle East and North Africa, South Asia, and sub-Saharan Africa far outweighed al-Masra’s concentration on “the West.” Despite al-Masra’s stated commitment to covering global Muslim affairs, however, a number of countries with large Muslim populations, including Bangladesh, Indonesia, and Nigeria, received little attention. Interestingly, al-Masra’s focus on certain countries varied over time. While coverage of Libya, Somalia, and Syria decreased during 2017, al-Masra’s concentration on the United States increased over time, especially following Donald Trump’s electoral victory. This article contributes to research on terrorist media campaigns and framing strategies by examining an understudied Arabic-language jihadist publication and its propaganda related to dozens of countries.

Motives of The Terrorism Phenomenon Among Youth and The Role of Laws In Dealing With It

It is to be argued that terrorism, with its different objectives and means, is the result of various reasons, including political, economic, social, and psychological. It is agreed that studying these causes is a difficult task because it requires the hollowness of most of the complex problems facing individuals and the international community alike, in which the causes of terrorism lie, and some have invoked this difficulty. It would be better to focus first on taking urgent practical measures to combat terrorism without being involved in trying to identify it. Its causes are numerous and complex. Still, there is a view that identifying and eliminating the causes of terrorism must precede action to take any measures to prevent terrorism. The authors stressed the impossibility of removing terrorism unless it was part of a planned process to root out the phenomenon and warned that hasty action would exacerbate the phenomenon. In our view, the diagnosis of the causes of terrorism, particularly after its recent expansion, must be made before any effective measures are taken to eradicate it in the long run. But this does not mean that action to take steps to prevent terrorism must necessarily wait to identify and eliminate the causes of terrorism. In the face of the seriousness of this phenomenon and its possible consequences and effects, researchers and those interested in violence research in general and terrorism research. In particular, needed to devote their efforts to highlight this dangerous phenomenon to clarify its nature, root its roots, explore its tributaries and search for its motives. Its excites are an analysis of their causes to identify the dangers in an effort to treat them and take what is necessary to reduce or, instead, eliminate their seriousness. Terrorism as a criminal phenomenon or behavior deviates from the social norms of conduct prevailing in society because criminal behavior is not purely a fact criminalized by law. Still, behavior emanates from humans living in a particular environment and the middle of a specific society. The reasons and motives of terrorism explain this phenomenon. Therefore, the interpretation of this phenomenon applies to it; what is said about understanding the criminal phenomenon in general, and has international and internal laws (Iraqi) addressed the problem of terrorism? And did you do that?.

The impact of (counter-)terrorism on public (in)security in Nigeria: A vernacular analysis

This article examines the impact of (counter-)terrorism on public (in)security in Nigeria through engaging with non-elite understandings of ongoing conflicts in the northeast. Through 41 in-depth interviews carried out during a four-month fieldwork exercise with internally displaced persons in Nigeria, the article contributes to current (counter-)terrorism research on Nigeria and Africa by examining the lived experiences of non-traditional security ‘practitioners’, thus enriching current debates about ‘deepening’ and ‘broadening’ the security concept within critical security studies. The images of security that emerge show that the public in Nigeria adopt two main discursive devices, that is, a story and an interpretative repertoire, to discursively position themselves in relation to Boko Haram, the state and societal discourses and practices. Two discourses are prominent, namely a ‘(counter-)terrorist people’ discourse and a ‘ kafir’ or ‘infidel’ discourse, which are constructed around ‘ethnic’ and ‘religious’ identities. This vernacular study of public understandings of (counter-)terrorism in Nigeria achieves three primary objectives: (i) it serves to invigorate debates around the meaning and practice of (in)security in Nigeria, (ii) it expands public (in)security debates on Africa, and (iii) it enriches vernacular research debate through foregrounding the experiences of groups and individuals who experience insecurity in their everyday lives.