Terms Of Solidarity Research Articles

Fratelli tutti e Solidariedade Global

The text aims to understand the evolution of the term “solidarity” within Pope Francis’ magisterial theology until the writing of the encyclical letter Fratelli tutti. Enriched with the global adjective, the term solidarity for Francis is translated as a real and profound critique towards global divisions and inequalities, in the pursuit of an inclusive and empathetic love inspired by St. Francis of Assis. Therefore, the idea of solidarity that seeks to become “global” is not reduced to charitable aid only, but must be concretized as co-participation in the pain and common destiny of humanity. The encyclical proposes a “social friendship” that recognizes the dignity of all, seeking to transcend polarizations and ultranationalisms. Francis seeks the promotion of forms of dialog between local and global instances, avoiding abstract universalisms and/or stagnant localisms. His theological vision emphasizes interconnectedness and mutual responsibility in the building of a just and fraternal global community.

Pandemic Politics in the Federal Republic

Abstract This article assesses the distinctiveness of the COVID-19 pandemic's impact on German party politics. To do so, it compares and contrasts the politics of the pandemic with those of four other historic crises—the catastrophic flooding of August 2002; the 2008–2009 global financial crisis; the European Union's sovereign debt crisis; and the refugee influx of 2015–2016. It examines the extent of a “rally-round-the flag” effect; how political parties framed the crisis in terms of solidarity; and the impact of retrospective assessment and voting on crisis management. The article finds that the political consequences of the coronavirus pandemic on the whole resembled past patterns, notwithstanding the unprecedent nature of the 2020–2021 crisis.

KERANGKA DASAR AGAMA DALAM BUKU WAWASAN AL-QUR’AN KARYA M. QURAISH SHIHAB (KAJIAN AL-QUR’AN DENGAN PENDEKATAN SOSIOLOGI AGAMA)

This article describes the basic framework of religion in the thoughts of M. Quraish Shihab as stated in his book Wawasan al-Qur'an. He explained comprehensively about religion which has a close relationship with the existing system in society. In this study the authors used qualitative methods (library research). From the results of the research it can be concluded that there are four basic frameworks designed by M. Quraish Shihab related to the issue of religion for humans, namely religion and a sense of security, religion and peace, religion and solidarity, religion and modernity. All the concepts about religion that are presented in his book in the big theme of religion, are strengthened by concepts brought by sociologists from Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, Williams James, Nottingham, and others. These concepts are accumulated strongly by the author of the book with several verses of the Koran and hadith. From the confessions of sociologists, they both think that religion will one day be needed when humans have fear. So that religion is present to provide a sense of security. Religion is also an institution built for the sake of social integration. Thus creating peace, not conflict. Religion in terms of solidarity is able to show the occurrence of cooperation and an important role reciprocally with all social institutions, both family, political, economic, legal and educational institutions. In terms of modernity, religion is one of the growth factors that has so far been able to drive transformational changes in the structure of the economy and society, contributing to development and advancing society. These are forms of actualization of religious values ​​regarding the economy in fulfilling responsibilities in society.

Newspaper coverage on solidarity and personal responsibility in the COVID-19 pandemic: A content analysis from Germany and German-speaking Switzerland

Solidarity and personal responsibility have been repeatedly called upon during the COVID-19 pandemic. This study quantifies and contextualizes the use of these terms in newspaper coverage in Germany and German-speaking Switzerland based on n = 640 articles from six functionally equivalent newspapers. The term solidarity in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic was mentioned in 541/640 articles (84.5%) and was primarily used during phases with high death rates and comparatively stringent policies in place, supporting the idea that solidarity was used to explain restrictive measures to the population and motivate people to comply with these measures. German newspapers published more articles on solidarity than Swiss-German newspapers, consistent with more stringent COVID-19 policies in Germany. Personal responsibility was mentioned in 133/640 articles (20.8%), meaning that the term was less frequently discussed than solidarity. Articles covering personal responsibility included more negative evaluations during phases of high infection rates as compared to phases of low infection rates. Findings indicate that the two terms were, at least to some extent, used in newspaper reporting to contextualize and justify COVID-19 policy during phases of high infection rates. Moreover, the term solidarity was used in a high variety of different contexts and the inherent limits of solidarity were rarely mentioned. Policymakers and journalists need to take this into account for future crises to not jeopardize the positive effects of solidarity.

Black Feminists in the Third Sector: Here Is Why We Choose to use the term Solidarity Economy

Many countries in the Global North use the term “social economy”—also known as the third sector—to describe economies run by citizens rather than by state or business actors. Over the years, many Black feminist scholars that we have worked with also share the view that the concept of the “social economy” is limited to a European understanding. It fails to acknowledge those actors in the third sector who are excluded from interacting with the government or private sector. There is an assumption that the social economy is “socially inclined” and that it is a sector able to “interact” with the state and capitalist firms. What happens when certain groups of people cannot interact with the state or private sectors due to systemic exclusion? We argue that to transform literature on the social economy, we must use the term solidarity economy. Rejecting the sanitized language of the social economy, we use critical discourse and case study analyses to show the worldwide use of the term solidarity. Our work draws on theories of community economy intentional community to argue that the solidarity economy is a site of contestation and a way to push for social change.

A Socio-pragmatic Study of Impolite Expressions in American Action Movie "Home of the Brave 2006"

This study investigates impoliteness theory from a sociopragmatic perspective in two American Action movies, namely “Home of the Brave (2006)” and “The Kill Team (2019)”. It is conducted for filling a gap that the impoliteness strategies have not yet been explored from a sociopragmatic perspective in American action movies. The study aims at; investigating the most frequent use of impoliteness strategies in American action movies, finding out how characters’ use of impoliteness is affected by social power and solidarity and investigating the functions of impoliteness strategies used by the characters in these movies. To achieve these objectives the researcher adopted Culpeper’s (1996, 2011) models in identifying the types of impoliteness strategies and their functions, whereas Brown and Gilman’s (1960) theoretical framework of power and solidarity was used to investigate the extent to which power and solidarity influence characters’ use of impoliteness strategies.The researcher implemented a qualitative content analysis in analyzing every impolite situation extracted from the data of the two movies. The data were utterances employed by the characters of each movie. The findings of this study are clarified as follows. First, four of the impoliteness strategies proposed by Culpeper (1996) were used by the characters of each movie. They were bald on record impoliteness strategy, positive impoliteness strategy, negative impoliteness strategy and sarcasm or mock politeness strategy. Positive impoliteness strategy was the most frequent strategy used by the characters. Meanwhile, withhold politeness was not used by any character of the movie.Regarding the social variables ‘power and solidarity’ the results of the analysis revealed that impoliteness is increased among equal power interlocutors, as (10) times which formed a percentage of (66.7%) of the impoliteness strategies were used by the characters who were equal in power to their addressees. And that (4) occurrences of the impoliteness strategies were used by powerful characters which formed (26.7 %) percent. Finally, the analysis showed that only (1) strategy, i.e. (6.6%) percent of the total strategies, used by the characters who were less powerful than the addressees. In terms of solidarity, (11) times which comprised (73.3%) of the impoliteness strategies were used by solidary interlocutors, and (4) times of the impoliteness strategies which formed a percentage of (26.7%), were used by non-solidary interlocutors.Finally, regarding the function of impoliteness, all the functions were used by the characters. The 'affective function' was the most frequently used function among the others with (8) occurrences which formed a percentage of (53.4%). Followed by the 'entertainment function' which was used (4) times or (26.7 %) percent. Finally, the 'coercive function' took the last position with only (3) occurrences with a percentage of (20%) of the total number of the impolite strategies used in the data analyzed.

دراسة تداولية اجتماعية للتعابير غير المؤدبة في فلم الأكشن الامريكي "فريق القتل 2019"

This study investigated impoliteness theory from a sociopragmatic perspective in the American action movie “The Kill Team (2019)”. The study aimed at; investigating the most frequent use of impoliteness strategies in American action movies, finding out how characters’ use of impoliteness is affected by social power and solidarity and investigating the functions of impoliteness strategies used by the characters in these movies. To achieve these objectives the researcher implemented a qualitative content analysis in analyzing every impolite situation extracted from the data of the movie, which includes impolite utterances employed by the characters of the chosen movie. Additionally, Culpeper’s (1996, 2011) models were adopted in identifying the types of impoliteness strategies and their functions, whereas Brown and Gilman’s (1960) theoretical framework of power and solidarity was used to investigate the extent to which power and solidarity influence characters’ use of impoliteness strategies. However, there have been a lot of studies conducted on impoliteness but most of these studies focused on how impoliteness strategies are employed pragmatically, without taking into account the social context in which this phenomenon occurs. Thus, the current study is conducted in the discipline of linguistics in order to give an additional contribution to the phenomenon of impoliteness, and fill a gap that according to the researcher’s knowledge impoliteness strategies have not yet been explored from a sociopragmatic perspective in American action movies, in sense it takes into account the extent to which the use of impoliteness is affected by social power and solidarity. The findings of this study are clarified as follows. First, four of the impoliteness strategies proposed by Culpeper (1996) were used by the characters of the movie. They were bald on record impoliteness strategy, positive impoliteness strategy, negative impoliteness strategy and sarcasm or mock politeness strategy. Positive impoliteness was the most frequently used strategy among the other, followed by negative impoliteness, which took the second position and then bald on record impoliteness and sarcasm or mock politeness. Meanwhile, withhold politeness was not used by any character in the movie. Regarding the two social variables ‘power and solidarity’, the results of the analysis revealed that powerful characters tend to use impoliteness strategies over the less powerful characters, as (10) strategies which formed a percentage of (76.9%) of the strategies were used by powerful characters. And that (3) strategies, i.e. (23.1%) percent of the total strategies, were used by characters who were equal in power in relation to the addressees. Finally, concerning the characters who were less powerful to the addressees, the analysis did not mention any use of impoliteness by them at all. In terms of solidarity, the analysis showed that only (5) occurrences which formed (38.5%) of the impoliteness strategies were performed by solidary interlocutors and that (8) occurrences which comprised (61.5%) percent of the impoliteness strategies were used by non-solidary interlocutors. Regarding the function of impoliteness, all the functions were used by the characters. The 'affective function' was the most frequently used function among the others, which was used (6) times i.e. (46.1%) of the total functions. Followed by the 'coercive function' which was used (5) times i.e. (38.5%) percent. Finally, the 'entertainment function' took the last place with (2) occurrences only which comprised (15.4%) percent of the total data.

Feminist identification, inclusive victimhood and supporting outgroups

Our research demonstrates the key role of identity content— feminist, egalitarian, or nonfeminist— in predicting solidarity-based actions towards outgroup members among women with regards to the cognitive construals of victimization—victim consciousness. Perceived similarities with other victim groups—inclusive victim consciousness—may have positive effects on intergroup relations. Using an online large sample of women from Hungary (N = 772; SD = 11.54), we show that feminist identification is associated with higher levels of support for victimized outgroups. However, contrary to our expectations that inclusive victimhood would play a significant role, we identified an association between support for other groups and collective victim beliefs only with respect to the centrality of ingroup victimization. These results contribute to the emerging literature on collective victim beliefs and solidarity towards other victimized groups, suggesting that perceived relevance of victimization for own identity may be a more important link in terms of solidarity between victimized groups than emphasizing shared victimization over different identities that outgroups are formed over.

Solidarity in Performance

In what ways can performance practice and its related discourse contribute to working towards social equality in neoliberal contexts? The article addresses this question through a close examination of the notion of solidarity in terms of considering what it might mean to ‘feel and act for and with others in mind’. In addressing the processual aspect of activist practice and exploring how solidarity can be enacted in and through performance, it brings together a range of voices from UK-based artists and activists that gathered as part of the ‘Performing Solidarity’ (2019–2020) series in which approaches to enacting solidarity were shared. Drawing on a posthumanist framework, the article discusses the notions of inter-connection and interdependency within a broader consideration of the ways in which alternative subject formations and relations among people can be explored, newly formed and rehearsed in and through performance practice. It thereby offers a renewed validation of the discipline of performance in view of its sociopolitical role.

Solidarity and Public Health.

We argue that an unqualified use of the term solidarity in public health is not only equivocal but problematic toward the ends of public health. The term may be deployed normatively by public health advocates to strengthen the bonds among public health practitioners and refer to an ideal society in which the importance of interdependence among members ought to be acknowledged throughout the polity. We propose an important distinction between partisan solidarity and societal solidarity. Because any moralized belief in a vision of a broad societal solidarity will be a contested political ideal, political reality would limit solidarity based on such a vision to partisan solidarity. An idealized vision of societal solidarity is simply not politically feasible in pluralistic, liberal, democratic societies. However, although societal solidarity is unlikely with respect to any particular policy, it might be hoped for with respect to constitutional procedures that provide boundaries for the agon of the political process. We suggest that moralizing assertions of a solidaristic ideal in a pluralistic society might be counterproductive to generating the political support necessary for public health per se and establishing legitimate public health policy. A pragmatic political approach would be for public health advocates to generate sufficient strong political support for those public health policies that are most amenable to the political and social realities of a time and place.

Seeking inclusion through redefining expertise: the changing spatial contours of disability activism in the long 1970s

ABSTRACT This article focuses on European transnational activism in the long 1970s. Using the independent living movement as a case study, it illuminates how new spaces of knowledge production, social experience and political activism often emerged from informal contacts. Such initiatives challenged the medical understanding of disability and questioned the expertise of medical and rehabilitation personnel: activists fighting for the elimination of spatial segregation redefined disability into a social condition and asserted that the source of expertise was above all the lived experience. More conventional professional spaces of exchange also intensified and diversified in this period, as the example of two networks representing people with intellectual and developmental disabilities reveals: one fashioned itself as a space of neutral professional exchange, whereas the other also engaged in activism. Yet another instance of diversification is the coming into being of the world’s first cross-disability organization in 1981. The article reveals the ideological tensions and practical obstacles that restricted international exchange and the manifestations of solidarity. In particular, it points to the mismatched expectations between activists from Europe and North America who defined solidarity in terms of identity politics, and those from the Global South who tended to equate it with financial aid.

Affective Politics and Alliances in ‘Queering the Gypsy’ and Facing Antigypsyism in the LGBT Milieu

This essay engages with issues of homophobia, lesbophobia, biphobia, and transphobia in Romani/Gypsy/Traveller (RGT) communities. A lack of acceptance, marginalization, and at times expulsion of Queer people from RGT communities is a source of suffering for individuals and their families – with political consequences in terms of solidarity and alliances. Sexual minorities within marginalized ethnic and non-ethnic RGT minorities, when excluded, can be regarded as a threat to the social cohesion of the group and to internal social ties based on common struggles for economic and cultural justice. Acceptance for Queer people in RGT communities may also improve relations with social movements’ alliances, a sensible and necessary step –primarily in the anti-racist and feminist arenas, movements for social rights, i.e., jobs and housing.The paper discusses social (mis)representations of the ‘Gypsy Queer’ vs. self-representations emerging from activists’ experiences. In light of ‘affective politics’ – s conceptualized by Sara Ahmed – experiences of Homo-Lesbo-Bi-Trans-phobia in the RGT communities and ‘soft’ anti-gypsyism in Queer communities are addressed. In conclusion, affective politics are viewed in the frame suggested by Judith Okely around Roma-Gypsy-Traveller cultural identity “constructed through opposition, not isolation”; through the mirror of Jasbir Puar’s theory of identity created in the constant and aware, individual and collective, assemblage of parts of self; and as an element of ‘travelling activism’ – practice of “mobilizing hybrid forms of expertise and knowledge across space and difference” contesting both territorialization and ethnicization, as in Van Baar.

Vietnamese EFL/ESL Learners’ Attitudes towards British English versus American English Accents

This paper explored the attitudes of Vietnamese learners of English as a second/ foreign language (ESL/EFL) towards American English (AmE) accent versus British English (BrE) accent. Responses to a survey were collected from 70 ESL/EFL learners in Vietnam who were asked to rate Five-point-Likert-scale statements to explore their beliefs and attitudes about the two accents. The statements in the survey were classified into three dimensions Cognitive, Affective, and Conative. Results showed that Vietnamese ESL/EFL learners believed that BrE accent was an accent of higher social statuses while AmE accent was of more solidarity in terms of cognitive dimension. Regarding the affective dimension, those Vietnamese ESL/EFL learners had much more positive sentiments for AmE accent than BrE. Similarly, in the conative dimension, a higher percentage of those ESL/EFL learners preferring AmE accent as the target model accent for them to follow and practice when speaking English than BrE. Overall, despite the fact that the BrE variety is somehow biased than AmE by the language policy in Vietnam, AmE accent seems to be more preferred by Vietnamese ESL/EFL leaners.

Resilience in the Times of COVID-19: Rethinking the Neoliberal Paradigm and Creating New Strategies for Battling the Global Change

The paper is an attempt to redefine the concept of resilience in the context of changes taking place globally. One of the key changes was caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. It has shown the inadequacy of the neoliberal discourse of resilience that shifts responsibility to individuals who must be prepared to overcome the circumstances of crisis or shock. However, resilience can be seen in terms of solidarity, dignity and responsibility towards others. Resilience also implies strategies that involve large investments in public health, ecology and self-sustainable solutions to battle climate change that is causing infectious diseases. The purpose of this paper is to raise awareness of the need to start creating a set of public policies that would imply an ethical evaluation related to the success or failure of treating others responsibly.

Leben im Versteck. Eine multiperspektivische Annäherung an die Geschichte von Kindern ausländischer Arbeiterinnen und Arbeiter in der Schweiz der Hochkonjunktur

According to an estimate from the 1970s, during the boom years after the Second World War, 10,000 to 15,000 children of foreign workers lived secretly in Switzerland because their parents had no right to family reunification due to their seasonal status. As a result, many of these children stayed in hiding in Switzerland, sometimes for several months, often for several years. The clandestine character of this situation is reflected in the almost complete absence of these children in the historical record. The paper argues that a historical reappraisal of the history of the hidden children requires a multiperspective approach, drawing on a variety of source genres and sources. Three approaches are presented: an approach that focuses on sources from popular culture in order to highlight the gender-historical dimensions of the topic; a second one that looks at the mobilisation of civil society in terms of solidarity and lobbying; and a third that examines political discourses between national and international agenda-setting. The approaches reveal that the story of the hidden children is able to challenge long-held certainties of post-war history at the intersection of gender and social history.

The Doctor as Parent, Partner, Provider\u2026 or Comrade? Distribution of Power in Past and Present Models of the Doctor\u2013Patient Relationship

The commonly occurring metaphors and models of the doctor–patient relationship can be divided into three clusters, depending on what distribution of power they represent: in the paternalist cluster, power resides with the physician; in the consumer model, power resides with the patient; in the partnership model, power is distributed equally between doctor and patient. Often, this tripartite division is accepted as an exhaustive typology of doctor–patient relationships. The main objective of this paper is to challenge this idea by introducing a fourth possibility and distribution of power, namely, the distribution in which power resides with neither doctor nor patient. This equality in powerlessness—the hallmark of “the age of bureaucratic parsimony”—is the point of departure for a qualitatively new doctor–patient relationship, which is best described in terms of solidarity between comrades. This paper specifies the characteristics of this specific type of solidarity and illustrates it with a case study of how Swedish doctors and patients interrelate in the sickness certification practice.

Negotiating urban solidarities: multiple agencies and contested meanings in the making of solidarity cities

ABSTRACT Many cities have adopted welcoming strategies, branding themselves as cities of welcome or of solidarity. Urban scholarship to date has interpreted these efforts either under the rubric of municipal governance reform or urban citizenship, frameworks which both sideline the role of civil society and social movements of refugees. Since these actors play crucial roles in negotiating the terms of solidarity, hospitality and inclusion, this paper brings together research perspectives from urban governance, civil society, and (migrant) mobilization literatures to gain a better understanding of the collaborative/competitive interactions between the key players engaged in this urban policy arena. This discussion reveals that the evolving practices and interrelations of municipalities, civil society actors and social movements of refugees imply opportunities, but also difficulties in building substantively welcoming arrival structures, highlighting the contested meaning of terms such as “solidarity city” in the contemporary constellation.

Measuring solidarity: towards a survey question on fiscal solidarity in the European Union

Comparing solidarity attitudes between EU citizens is significant in the context of European integration, since solidarity—or rather the lack thereof—has been used in public debates and recent studies as an explanation for a variety of crises. In these academic studies, the measurement of solidarity and its conceptualization strongly differ and that prevents us from evaluating the long-term existence of solidarity in the EU or its effectiveness. This article intends to narrow this gap by starting a theoretical discussion on a possible standardized question on fiscal solidarity in the EU. To do so, it examines existing questions and borrows from the research on social trust and survey methodology. Then, it proposes a new fiscal solidarity question, of which its reliability and validity is assessed via the Survey Quality Predictor, a computer program to evaluate survey questions. This article argues that the new fiscal solidarity question should mention the term solidarity and include the solidarity practice defined as permanent financial help. Once established, a standard solidarity question will strengthen the comparability of solidarity in continued social science research.

General Practitioners' Experiences During the First Phase of the COVID-19 Pandemic in Italy: A Critical Incident Technique Study.

Since February 2020, when coronavirus disease began to spread in Italy, general practitioners (GPs) were called to manage a growing number of health situations. The challenges experienced by Italian GPs remained unrevealed. This study aimed at exploring Italian GPs' care experiences and practices associated with critical incidents during the first wave of the pandemic. A qualitative study design involving the critical incident technique through an online survey was applied. Sociodemographic data and open-ended responses were collected. While participants' characteristics were analyzed through descriptive statistics, qualitative data were thematically analyzed employing the framework method. 149 GPs responded to the survey and 99 participants completed the survey (dropout rate = 33%). Eight themes emerged indicating factors related to the organization of the healthcare system and factors related to the clinical management of patients, that were perceived as impacting on the GPs' care provision. The analysis revealed difficulties in communicating with other local services. This, together with the lack of coordination among services, was reported as a major challenge. Primary care was perceived as having been undervalued and criticalities in the organization of GP courses, led in a bureaucratic fashion, posed at risk some trainees to be infected. The digital technologies adopted for remote patient consultations were seen as useful tools for daily practice helping the GPs to stay emotionally connected with their patients. Besides, the improvement in the GP–patient relationship in terms of solidarity between patients and doctors and compliance to rules, had a positive impact. Moreover, many respondents addressed the importance of professional collaboration and teamwork, in terms of both support in practical issues (to find PPE, diagnostics and guidelines) and emotional support. At the same time, the lack of resources (e.g., PPE, swabs) and of specific guidelines and protocols impacted on the care provision. Our findings suggest that GPs in Italy are at risk of being left behind within the epidemic management. Communication and coordination among services are essential and should be substantially improved, and primary care research should be initiated to collect the context-specific evidence necessary to enhance the system's preparedness to public health emergencies and the quality of primary care services.

КОНФЛІКТ ТА СОЛІДАРНІСТЬ ІНТЕРЕСІВ В УМОВАХ ПАНДЕМІЇ КОВІД-19

У статті досліджуються проблеми теорії та практики залагодження конфлікту цивільних інтересів в умовах пандемії КОВІД-19. Інтереси є однією з базових категорій цивільного права. Проблема їх конфлікту та залагодження, а надто з’ясування можливості солідарності інтересів набуває особливої актуальності в умовах надзвичайних ситуацій, зокрема, епідемій /пандемій. Оскільки публічні засоби впливу у цій сфері виявилися недостатньо ефективними, актуальним є також вивчення ролі громадянського суспільства у стосунках, які при цьому виникають. Для досягнення зазначеної мети у статті аналізується поняття та сутність категорії «інтерес» та її співвідношення з категорією «суб’єктивне право». Розглядається поняття «конфлікт інтересів» та чинники такого конфлікту. Зазначається невиправданість ігнорування концепту «солідарність інтересів» та ідеї солідаризму з погляду використання цієї ідеї для залагодження (ліквідації) конфлікту інтересів. Розглядається значення громадянського (цивільного суспільства), як конструкту солідаризму, для залагодження конфлікту цивільних інтересів в умовах кризи, зумовленої пандемії КОВІД-19. Екстремальні умови буття суспільства, зумовлені пандемією КОВІД-19, створюють підґрунтя загострення конфлікту цивільних інтересів, що створюють загрози як у приватній, так і публічній сферах. Зазначається, що спроби подолати ці загрози за допомогою публічно-правових засобів не є ефективними, про що свідчить і практика їх застосування під час карантину (локдауну). Разом із тим, і суто приватноправовими засобами залагодити ці конфлікти, як стало очевидно, неможливо. На підставі критичного аналізу матеріалу робиться висновок, що найбільш ефективним засобом подолання конфліктів інтересів, які виникають у кризових умовах, є використання ідеї солідаризму (солідарності інтересів), що є можливим за допомогою громадянського (цивільного, громадського) суспільства, яке, власне, є втіленням згаданої ідеї.