Tenure Of Government Research Articles

From bonus to burden: The cost of ruling from a new(s) perspective

AbstractStudies have repeatedly documented the cost of ruling: governing parties generally suffer electoral defeats. We approach this empirical law of political science from the perspective of another empirical law: the incumbency bonus, the fact that incumbents get more media attention than the opposition. Our claim is that the bonus constitutes an electoral liability because it reflects the critical approach of media to government power. News featuring incumbents is therefore associated with a more negative tone than news featuring the opposition. This incumbency burden in turn affects government support negatively. Empirically, we draw on an extensive news corpus covering four European countries over two decades, combined with monthly poll data. Analyses show that the incumbency burden in political news is an empirical reality, and that variations in the burden contribute substantially to predictions of government support. Finally, the negative burden effect is stronger for single‐party cabinets, but stable throughout government tenure.

Schemes and Policies for Marginalised Communities in Bihar: A Study of Nitish Government Tenure

Schemes and Policies for Marginalised Communities in Bihar: A Study of Nitish Government Tenure

Evaluation of Socio-Cultural and Political Factors on Small Scale Business Performance

The research explores the influence of environmental factors on the performance of Small and Medium Scale Enterprises (SMEs) in Oda, Ondo State. Primary data were gathered through the administration of questionnaires to the selected SMEs. Analysis of the data was conducted utilizing Simple Percentage, Chi-Square (X2), and Regression Techniques. The findings of this study clearly show that political and social-cultural factors have significant impact on SMEs performance in Ondo state with the result of hypotheses shown that there were significant positive effect of political and socio-cultural factors through monetary and fiscal policies on the existence of small scale business in Ondo state as the situation was showed through t-statistic and p-value (P= 0.022<0.05) on coefficient value (t=2.098>2.00) and F-stat value 7.617= p(0.034) that showed the robustness of the model with significant differences on the impact of economic factor through government measurement and control from how it was before the inception of this government tenure in Ondo state. The research concludes that environmental factors significantly affect the performance of SMEs in Niger State. In light of these findings, it is recommended that owners and managers of SMEs strategically involve themselves in ongoing monitoring and environmental scanning. This involves a thorough analysis of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats to consistently assess the overall health and vulnerabilities of their businesses.

Issue Responsiveness in Canadian Politics: Are Parties Responsive to the Public Salience of Climate Change in the Question Period?

This paper explores how politicians respond to the public salience of policy issues when determining which topics to publicly address. Using new data and state-of-the-art methodology, our study provides a fresh perspective on this fundamental question. We focus on a multi-party parliamentary system, specifically the Canadian House of Commons, with a specific emphasis on the issue of climate change. To assess the attention given by political parties to various policy issues, we analyze transcripts from the Question Period spanning from April 2006 to June 2021. To gauge the public’s level of concern for these issues, we incorporate data obtained from Google Trends. Employing an instrumental variable estimation strategy, our study causally estimates the extent to which the public salience of climate change influences elite attention. Our findings reveal that the public salience of climate change significantly influences the attention given to this issue by parties, albeit with noticeable partisan variations. Moreover, our research highlights the effectiveness of the Question Period in compelling the government to address challenging or potentially embarrassing issues. Lastly, we uncover evidence suggesting that the Liberal Party of Canada successfully increased the public salience of climate change during its tenure in government.

Perceptual Consequences of Portfolios: How Allocation Affects Left–Right Placement

AbstractRecent research suggests that party leaders can strategically impact the perceived left–right position of their parties by changing their selective emphasis on certain issues. We suggest that a party's ideological image can also be altered by the portfolio allocation of the coalition government in which the party participates. By controlling a portfolio, the party will have a more direct influence on the related issue and will frequently communicate the party's issue position publicly, thereby cultivating a perception of strong emphasis on the related issue. We run a cross-national party-level analysis showing that portfolio allocation matters with regard to the importance of the subdimensions for the general left–right dimension. In particular, the influence of sociocultural stances depends on the share of sociocultural portfolios. In addition, we show that the mechanism does not apply at the beginning of a government's tenure, but only after a year or longer in office.

Ministerial Advisers as Power Resources: Exploring Expansion, Stability and Contraction in Westminster Ministers’ Offices

Abstract In this article, we argue that the entourage of ministerial advisers available to prime ministers and other ministers is an institutional power resource that can serve as a useful indicator to measure the changing nature of the political executive. Two novel contributions are made utilising four new datasets on ministerial advisers coupled with a comparative analysis of 21 governments in Australia, Britain, Canada and New Zealand, in varying dates between 1997 and 2020. First, by using ministerial advisers as a proxy indicator, we chart how the offices of executive politicians can either expand, remain stable or contract. As a corrective to the general long-term narrative that ministers’ offices continually expand, our evidence shows this expansion has in some cases been interrupted and more generally manifests in different patterns from one government to the next. Second, we interrogate these patterns against the background of four typical assumptions from the party family, government tenure, parliamentary control and leadership stability literature. The new datasets, typology and analysis provide fresh comparative insights to advance our understanding about the evolving nature of the political executive in the four classic Westminster family countries.

Dynamics of India-USRelations during UPA Government's Tenure (2004-2014)

India and the United States, as the world's two largest democracies, share common values and interests that form the basis of their relationship. However, their historical journey towards a closer partnership has been shaped by a range of factors, including political considerations, strategic interests, economic opportunities, and shared challenges on the global stage.The present article sheds light on dynamics in India –US relations during the two tenures of the UPA government (2004-2009 & 2009-2014). As it is a dynamic subject and a matter of contemporary relevance and importance, India-US relations is still attracting the attention of scholars around the world. Statesmen on both sides have bemoaned this period as ‘the lost half century’ or ‘the fifty wasted years’ during which the world’s largest democracy and the world’s oldest democracy failed to cooperate consistently across a range of issues.The UPA governments' tenure marked a turning point in the relationship, characterized by strategic initiatives such as the New Framework for the US-India Defence Relationshipand US-India Civil Nuclear Agreement,which paved the way for enhanced defence, nuclear energy, economic and tradecooperation. It provided a comprehensive roadmap for engagement in areas such as joint exercises, defence trade, and research and development collaboration.

Antecedents of Business-Government Relationship: Evidence from 13 African Countries

A strong Business-government relationship is one method of rent-seeking activity of firms. Using novel proxies of political connectivity from the World Bank Enterprise Survey (WBES), we study the relationship behavior of 7733 firms from 13 African countries with their government. According to the results of the baseline estimation and subgroup analysis using robust Tobit and Probit models, we find business regulations and policies trigger the relationship introspects of a firm’s strategic choices. The result further indicates that the strength and magnitude of the business-government relationship are subjected to specific country-level characteristics including, corruption level, regulatory quality, economic development, duration of government tenure, and the level of the bureaucracy of countries. Moreover, firm-specific characteristics including firm size, age, government dependency, extensive exporters, and the existence of informal market competition are among the firm-level antecedents of the Business-government relationship. Our separate analysis further provides that old, big, and manufacturing firms have more likely to form a strong relationship than others. Keywords: Business-Government Relationship; Corporate Political Connectivity; Institutional Qualities; Small and medium firms, censored data. DOI: 10.7176/EJBM/14-20-02 Publication date: October 31 st 2022

Impact of Corporate Governance on Dividend Policy: Evidence from Pakistan

Purpose: The objective of the paper is to examine the impact of corporate governance on the dividend payout policy of firms listed on the Pakistan stock exchange during 2010-2020. As Pakistani investors face issues regarding their return in the shape of dividends and depend upon the firm’s corporate governance strength. To test whether changes in firm code of corporate governance have a significant influence on dividend policy.
 Design/Methodology/Approach: The panel data has been used for the period 2010-2020 and panel least square has been applied. Further, to test the association, following factors such delisting risk, government tenure, political connection with institutional shareholding as many political firms hold corporate shares which influence the decision to pay dividends.
 Findings: Findings from the fixed effect model show that corporate governance has a negative impact on dividend policy while government tenure, politically connected firm has a positive impact on the dividend. The study also concludes that firm size, profitability, tax, asset turnover, leverage, and firm shareholding also influence firm dividend payment behavior.
 Implications/Originality/Value: The implication of study reveals that firms must focus on strong their governance and include more independent directors on the board which leads to favorable strategies regarding investors. The investor must invest in those firm where lower political connection, pay continuous dividend either high or low decease/increase delisting chances, strong corporate governance and firm specific factors also lead to make decision of dividend payment.

A STRATEGIC PUZZLE OF SAUDI-IRAN STRIFE AND FOREIGN POLICY CHOICES OF PAKISTAN (2013-18)

In diverse circumstances of region, Iran and Saudi Arabia have significant part in foreign policy of Pakistan. It is difficult for policy makers of Pakistan to retain acceptable relations and policies towards both countries at the same time because of severe contentions between the Iran and Saudi Arabia including the high interests of the main players in the Middle East Politics. The main objectives of research are to elucidate the different standpoints between Iran and Saudi Arabia and their impacts on policies of Pakistan. Different diplomatic, political and economic triangle developments among Iran, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan is discussed during last government tenure of PML (N). For this set out, the qualitative method with historical research design has been used, through argumentation procedure while complex interdependent theory applied to examine the nature of triangle relations and policies including their impacts on regional politics and economy. The study provides significant insights for its implication in the particular context with diverse outcomes.

A Review of Solid Waste Management Strategies in Nigeria

The global population and increased urbanization have resulted in the increased production of municipal solid waste, thus, becoming a critical issue as a result of its poor management and inappropriate disposal. This is particularly the case of developing countries. This study assessed Solid Waste Management (SWM) strategies commonly adopted by different state waste management Authorities in Nigeria with a view to develop a sustainable roadmap for the management of solid waste in Nigeria. It assessed the Traditional Solid Waste Management Strategy (TSWMS), Waste Minimisation Strategy (WMS) as well as the Technological Strategy (TcS) employed, laying focus on their challenges and benefits. The study depended on a desktop study approach; hence, data were obtained from secondary data as the main source of information with emphasis on published journals, conference papers, newspaper posts and statutory reports from government agencies relevant to the current study. Results from the review showed that waste management across various parts of Nigeria is poor, interwoven with several challenges at all phase of the management process with little benefits recorded on alternative SWM strategy. The reason for the low success rate of some of this management strategies were noted as; increase in population, area covered, increase in urbanization and industrialization, tenure of government, over dependence on government authorities for waste management, finance and other factors of the environment. Although most waste authorities rely heavily on the TSWMS, WMS and the TcS showed a better and promising alternative strategy when inculcated into the already existing strategy. Based on this finding, a roadmap for the actualization of a sustainable integrated solid waste management strategy was recommended for adaptation and adoption by the Nigerian SWM Authorities and Agencies. Keywords: Nigeria, Solid Waste Management, Traditional Solid Waste Management Strategy, Waste Minimisation Strategy, Technological Strategy, Waste Authorities. DOI: 10.7176/JEES/10-6-11 Publication date: June 30 th 2020

Employment and Earnings for Federal Government Economists: Empirical Evidence by Gender and Race

We contribute to the literature on diversity in the economics profession, which has mostly focused on academia, by providing a first look at the employment and earnings of federal government economists by gender and race. Combining micro-level data on federal workers with information on their earnings in federal and private sector jobs, we examine the share of federal government economists by race and gender, earnings differences by race and gender, and whether earning gaps differ during their federal government tenure.

Structural Equation Modeling of Factors Affecting Rural Knowledge-Based Realization (Case Study: Dekhkoda Village of Hamidieh County)

Purpose: Today, many scholars believe that accelerating the exchange of knowledge and information with emphasis on the central role of knowledge and science is crucial to achieve comprehensive development. In fact, a knowledge-based society is recognized as a paradigm for development. Investing in knowledge-based foundations in the rural areas can also lead the rural community towards the future and play a role in national and international arenas. The purpose of this study is to model structural equations affecting knowledge-based realization in Dehkhoda Village in Hamidieh County. Design/methodology/approach: The design of this study is of applied-theoretical type and adopts a descriptive-analytical research method. Research data were also extracted from library resources and field surveys. For this purpose, by visiting statistical centers and exploring through statistics, a comprehensive dataset was compiled for the research along with a self-administered questionnaire. The population of this study were the residents of Dehkhoda Village inhabiting permanently in this village in 2018 (n=1980). Of this statistical population, a sample size of n=321 was selected using Cochran formula for rural community. Pearson correlation coefficient, single sample T, multivariate regression and path analysis were used to analyze the data and test hypotheses. These tests were performed using SPSS.22 and Amos software. Findings: The results suggested that information and communication technology (ICT), education, management, government agencies and NGOs (as independent variables) were positively and directly related to knowledge-based realization (as dependent variable) in Dehkhoda Village. SEM indicators also exhibited that the model developed in this study is backed up by the research data, with all indicators confirming the utility of the SEM. According to the results of research, it can be argued that public satisfaction with management indicators, government and non-governmental organizations is higher than average, whereas satisfaction with ICT and education is lower than average. Practical implications: Rural knowledge-centeredness requires decentralization, reduction in government tenure, the reinforcement of voluntary and non-voluntary public institutions in villages, the modification of rural management laws and regulations to create and integrate rural management system, the assignment of a large portion of the government's executive duties and responsibilities to rural sheriffdom, and the transfer of facilities and financial resources to it.

In an Age of Worrying Global Trends, Ambassador Power Offers Hope and a Challenge to Aspiring Diplomats

In an Age of Worrying Global Trends, Ambassador Power Offers Hope and a Challenge to Aspiring Diplomats Jenna Wichterman (bio) Review of Samantha Power, The Education of an Idealist (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 2019). “What can one individual do?” In a world suffuse with suffering, disorder, and conflict, can one person—or one country, for that matter—truly make a difference in addressing some of our globe’s most pressing issues? This question emerges as a central theme in Ambassador Samantha Power’s memoir, The Education of an Idealist. It is a question that she continuously asks herself, and implicitly challenges the reader to ask themselves as well. Power’s voice is one of deep conviction and moral clarity, as she seeks to elevate the role of human rights in American foreign policy and persuade other policymakers to wield the immense power of the United States with a greater sense of responsibility. Power’s Memoir: A Summary Power writes a captivating narrative about her entrance into foreign policy as a war correspondent in the Balkans and her subsequent tenure in the Obama White House. An immigrant from Ireland, she describes herself as mesmerized by the American promise of freedom, opportunity, and promotion of human dignity— such that she is appalled at American hypocrisy when its people cry “never again” at genocides throughout history, yet stand idly by in subsequent decades of human rights atrocities. After calling for stronger American action to prevent violence as a war correspondent in fragmenting Yugoslavia, she returns to the United States and writes her first book, A Problem from Hell, arguing that US policymakers often fail to fully use their leverage in order to prevent genocide. She meets with upand-coming Senator Barack Obama, who hires her as a foreign policy fellow on [End Page 185] his Senate staff. Following his presidential election, Power then enters the halls of power: first as senior director for multilateral affairs at the National Security Council, then as US ambassador to the United Nations. In these roles, Power wrestles with navigating her newfound responsibility to uphold the principles which she had espoused as an activist. She began her journey as an untested idealist, and though her opinions gain nuance throughout her career, she concludes her tenure in government with sustained belief in the power of these ideals. An Argument for Human Rights, Shrinking the Change, and Coalition-Building Ambassador Power’s memoir is not merely a narrative; it is an extended argument for the promotion of human rights, the importance of even incremental attempts to ameliorate complex global problems, and the value of leadership through coalition-building. Power contends that the United States should use various tools in its policy toolbox to promote human dignity and protect the vulnerable around the world whenever feasible. American foreign policymakers, she believes, “should not frame [their] policy options in terms of doing nothing or unilaterally sending in the Marines.”1 Rather, the United States has a vast toolbox of other options, including economic sanctions, public shaming, public and private diplomacy, multilateral peacekeeping operations, and negotiations, among others. “Even if we can’t solve the whole problem,” Ambassador Power often told her team in the US Mission to the UN, “surely there is something we can do.”2 Her rejection of the all-or-nothing approach to global issues remains the secret to Power’s effectiveness throughout her government tenure.3 She highlights ways in which the United States significantly improved people’s lives around the world with low-cost efforts. She argues that American diplomatic pressure on the Sudanese government influenced their decision to respect South Sudan’s 2011 independence referendum, preventing potential violence.4 When Ambassador Power was briefed about warning signs of imminent massacres in the Central African Republic, she personally visited the country (becoming the first US cabinet official to do so). While her visit did not fully solve the problem, Power’s elevation of this issue helped galvanize the international community in successful peacekeeping and prevention efforts.5 Whenever her team at the United Nations began to feel overwhelmed with the magnitude of a problem, she pushed them to consider how to “shrink the change” and keep...

Deschooling from Religious Education in Islamic Republic of Iran: Possibility and Necessity?

Nowadays negative implications of Globalization, the crisis of values, crisis of media, consumerism, and lack of cultural identification, impatience in the face of religion, virtual identification and loss of religious and traditional values are the main challenges confronting students. Besides transfer of knowledge, schools are responsible for educating the graduates, too. It means that it should invest in flourishing all existential dimensions of students including intellectual, emotional, social, spiritual, and moral dimensions and care for their education and productivity. Now this question arises is that since religious education is a process accomplished through granting vision, genuine and practical obligation to the person, in harmony with his nature and far from force and pressure, in order to gain this- and other-worldly prosperity, can the school undertake this important responsibility or not and in the case of disability to fulfill this duty, should religious education be deschooled; i.e. the mission of religious education should be assigned to institutions other than school or not? The findings of this investigation show that religious education doesn’t have desirable situation and the new generation doesn’t receive the religious thoughts and behaviors as is qualified. Teachers use grade and other quantitative indices to teach values and morality and evaluate the progress in religious education of students; this results in duality of the student’s identity, personality and behavior, because they are not motivated internally to learn religious issues. On the other hand, in Islamic societies, the administrators and politicians cannot be irresponsible for the religious education of members of their society. According to the doctrines of the true religion, Islam, governors and politicians are obliged to attempt to accomplish this affair, so ministry of education in Iran as a public institution has taken the charge of this affair and schools are charged with delivering religious and divine education to the students and the necessity of deschooling the religious education is denied in Islamic republic of Iran and since our formal education is directly governed by the government and is mentioned in national document of school curriculum and also the document of fundamental transition in education, the objective of education is to educate a religious and committed human being, we may not separate the religious education of students from school. So the possibility of deschooling from religious education in Iran is denied, too. But the tenure of government and formal education relating to religious education is conditional upon conditions, that if accomplished, the tenure will be permitted. In this article these conditions are indicated in detail.

How Socio-Political Indicators of Poor Governance Pave the Way for Coup d' Etate in Pakistan? An Analysis of Nawaz Shareef's Second Tenure in Government

This paper is about the relationship between the socio-economic indicators of poor governance and how it helps the military to take over the affairs of the state with ease. The 1990s era witnessed serious lapses in the governance system of Pakistan, and so, the military made frequent entries in politics. What this paper finds is that if the system of governance does not improve during the civilian government, it provides an opportunity for the armed forces to impose martial law and takes over the country. Though Nawaz Shareef had formed a government with a two-thirds majority, he hardly made any improvement on the governance front, and this was the major reason for his dismissal from the office of prime ministership. The methodology employed is secondary sources of data collection, including books, research papers and newspaper articles.

Elections as a Disputed Power-Sharing Mechanism in Afghanistan

The disputed outcome of Afghanistan's 2014 presidential election ended with an American-brokered agreement to form a new national unity government and a prominent commitment by the two leading candidates to a series of electoral reforms. Those reform talks have proceeded fitfully throughout the government tenure, and there has been little progress in preparing for parliamentary elections, which are officially scheduled to take place in July 2018, nearly three years after the previous parliament's five-year tenure was to expire. With donors unenthusiastic about assuming the administrative costs of this next round of elections and the government consumed by internal security challenges and other political crises, the official timeline for parliamentary elections looks increasingly uncertain—further weakening the tenuous representational function of the incumbent legislature and raising the competitive stakes for factions eying the presidential elections scheduled to take place in 2019. This essay will assess the politics of elections in Afghanistan, both among domestic actors and as they relate to the international community's engagement with and continued support for the Afghan government.

“You Can't Always Get What You Want”: Regime Politics, the Supreme Court of Canada, and the Harper Government

AbstractApplying the regime politics approach to the study of judicial behaviour, which regards the Supreme Court as largely operating to preserve the policy agenda of the existing lawmaking majority, this paper evaluates the Court's behaviour during the Conservative government's tenure. There is evidence to support the basic core of the regime politics thesis. The Court rarely invalidates laws passed by the sitting government. Nonetheless, the Court's behaviour during the Conservative government's tenure was distinctive. Incorporating a measure of issue salience—the relative importance of the policies affected—into the analysis demonstrates the Court's impact on the Conservatives' policy agenda stands in sharp contrast to previous governments. It is the only government of the Charter period to have policies in its election platforms blocked by judicial review and the only government in Canadian history to effectively lose all of the constitutional reference cases it posed to the Court.

The Rise of Populist Conservatism and Public Service Management

The rise of conservative populism in the United States is evident with the election of Donald Trump whose campaign focused on a fear of otherness, a resentment of elites (including bureaucrats), and an emphasis on self-interest. This paper will focus on populist policies and actions introduced during Stephen Harper’s tenure in government. Many of these policies were directed specifically towards the public service including the reduction of public servants, unilateral changes to labour laws, and the politicization of the public service through a proposed niqab ban. While the influence of populist conservative policies has caused noticeable resentments between public servants and the Conservative Party, public servants should reconsider their position within democracy as not focused on their compatibility with the government of the day, but rather with their adherence to the values of inclusion, fairness, and neutrality. While the public service must constantly adapt to the will of the political branch of government including more populist governments, these core values should be celebrated through active implementation and leadership to aid in the development of a positive relationship with both the political arm of government and the public more broadly. These values provide a means for individual public servants to invest their motivation into values that they can treat as fundamental to their role in democracy.

Obama’s Challenge to China: The Pivot to Asia, by Chi Wang. Farnham: Ashgate, 2015. vi+321 pp. £70.00 (cloth); also available as an eBook.

Previous articleNext article FreeReviewsObama’s Challenge to China: The Pivot to Asia, by Chi Wang. Farnham: Ashgate, 2015. vi+321 pp. £70.00 (cloth); also available as an eBook.Chin-Hao HuangChin-Hao HuangYale–NUS College, Singapore Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmailQR Code SectionsMoreChi Wang’s latest book provides a comprehensive account of the recent history of US foreign policy toward China. The book challenges the pessimistic outlook that the two countries are marching lockstep toward a preordained path of conflict and rivalry, but it also warns that the United States’ “pivot” or “rebalance” to Asia has stirred up fears and anxieties reflective of a testy relationship. Within this context the book raises an interesting overarching research puzzle: why does the public diplomatic discourse between the United States and China speak of cooperation while their actions imply that each side is expecting conflict?The book aptly characterizes US-China relations as oscillating between “reassurance and cooperation” and “deterrence and confrontation.” A notable shift toward the latter occurred when trusted “China hands” and senior advisors to President Obama left their positions in the administration. In particular, the book credits James Steinberg and Jeffrey Bader for being the point persons for strengthening US policy in Asia, especially on China, and their departure in 2011 led to a gradual worsening of bilateral relations. The ushering in of a new team of Asia advisors, including Kurt Campbell and Daniel Russel, reflected different policy agendas and preferences, including a deepening of US relations with Japan, Korea, Indonesia, and Vietnam, countries that have complicated relations with China. According to Chi Wang, this has led to a tougher and more hawkish set of US policies that are intended to constrain and deter China.While the book makes a convincing argument about the impact of personnel changes on US foreign policy, it is worth noting that tensions and public spats between the United States and China predated the pivotal year of 2011. For instance, Washington began to take a tougher approach toward Beijing with its arms sale to Taiwan in January 2010, followed by President Obama’s reception of the Dalai Lama a month later. These actions spurred the US-China rift at the early onset of the Obama administration, and they unfolded during Steinberg and Bader’s tenure in government. There is no doubt that a different set of senior policy advisors on Asia could have contributed to deeper tensions, but there may be other equally plausible contributing factors as well, chief among which was China’s evolving cost-benefit calculus and growing confidence. Shortly after Obama assumed office in 2009, Beijing was lukewarm and even reluctant to take on Washington’s overtures to prioritize and elevate bilateral cooperation. A growing nationalism in China’s domestic politics resisted cooperation with a weakening superpower. This proud, self-righteous narrative within China posed difficult challenges for sustained bilateral cooperation on such sensitive issues as trade deficit, regional maritime disputes, human rights, and climate change. An action-reaction dynamic in turn led decision makers from both sides of the Pacific to assume the worst-case scenario in each other’s intentions.The book’s broader observation is valid: US-China relations are becoming increasingly complicated, with recent trend lines pointing toward more visible confrontation. Chi Wang perceives an urgent need to execute a more coherent and consistent US policy that reflects what Anthony Lake, former national security adviser, said two decades ago during his visit to Beijing: “America respects China. America wants China to be part of the system governing the world in the twenty-first century. … The United States plans to maintain its strong military presence in Asia and the Pacific, but only to preserve stability and not to contain China” (58). The latter part of the statement presents the greatest challenge: any policy recommendation that assumes that a robust US security presence in Asia is essential to preempt and offset a possible power transition in the region can lead to a continued, costly deterioration in US-China relations.Getting US-China relations back on track will not be an easy task for the new US administration. But, it could start by the president’s appointing the right strategic advisers with the right political acumen to strike a delicate balance between reassurance and deterrence, as part of a larger goal of restoring trust and cooperation in the world’s most important bilateral relationship. Previous articleNext article DetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The China Journal Volume 77January 2017 Published on behalf of the Australian Centre on China in the World at the Australian National University Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/689239 For permission to reuse, please contact [email protected]PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.