Temporary Agricultural Workers Research Articles

Labor Issues that the H2A Temporary Agricultural Worker Policy Attempts to Resolve in Florida

Labor is a critical component of a successful agricultural venture. In 2020, the USDA reported that 10.3% of total US employment was in jobs in the agricultural and food sectors. We rely on food, fiber, and natural resources, and effective agricultural labor is a critical social need, but the challenges inherent in the effort to secure agricultural labor are many and difficult to solve. Particularly in Florida, maintaining a labor sufficient to meet the needs of the industry presents a complex problem. Controversies abound over issues like human rights and migrant vs. domestic labor. Today the H-2A Temporary Agricultural Workers Program is providing some compromise and progress within the agricultural labor crisis. The purpose of this publication is to review agricultural labor in Florida and analyze how the H-2A program addresses agricultural labor challenges. The publication will be of interest to consumers, labor activists, producers, corporations, and governments.

Covid-19 disease burden, vaccine uptake, and workplace disease prevention efforts in temporary agricultural workers in the US

Objective. To compare Covid-19 risk factors, self-reported Covid-19 testing and infection, and Covid-19 vaccination among H-2A workers and agricultural workers without H-2A visas. Materials and methods. Farmworkers completed surveys at randomly selected sites in five U.S. states from March – August 2022. Descriptive statistics and bivariate analyses were conducted for key characteristics and outcomes. Results. A total of 532 H-2A workers and 748 non-H-2A workers participated in the surveys. H-2A workers had significantly higher Covid-19 primary vaccine series uptake than non-H-2A workers (94.7 vs. 65.9%). More than one in four H-2A workers (29.6%) continued working while ill or positive with Covid-19. Fewer H-2A than non-H-2A workers reported receiving a Covid-19 test (51.5 vs. 59.2%, respectively) and a positive test result for Covid-19 (24.5 vs. 44.9% among those tested). Conclusions. Although H-2A workers had a lower self-reported prevalence of Covid-19 and higher Covid-19 primary vaccine series uptake than non-H-2A workers, findings such as reporting to work while ill or positive for Covid-19 indicate areas for improvement by binational public health leaders.

COVID-19 Testing of United States-Bound Agricultural Workers in Mexico

The COVID-19 pandemic presents global health, welfare, and economic concerns. The agricultural workforce has experienced adverse effects, placing the U.S. food supply at risk. Agricultural workers temporarily travel to the United States on H-2A visas to supplement the agricultural workforce. Approximately 300,000 agricultural workers enter the United States with H-2A visas each year; over 90.0% are from Mexico. During February–May 2021, a COVID-19 testing pilot was performed with Clínica Médica Internacional (CMI), a clinic that performs medical examinations for US-bound immigrants, to determine the SARS-CoV-2 infection status of H-2A agricultural workers in Mexico before entry to the US. The CerTest VIASURE Real Time PCR Detection Kit was used. Participants’ demographic information, test results, and testing turnaround times were collected. Workers who tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 completed isolation before US entry. During the pilot, 1195 H-2A workers were tested; 15 (1.3%) tested positive. Average reporting time was 31 h after specimen collection. This pilot demonstrated there is interest from H-2A employers and agents in testing the H-2A community before US entry. Testing for SARS-CoV-2 can yield public health benefit, is feasible, and does not delay entry of temporary agricultural workers to the US.

Towards an emotional geoeconomics? Masculinity and emotions among Mexican and Guatemalan temporary agricultural workers in Quebec

AbstractThis article explores the emotional geographies underpinning the experiences of temporary agricultural workers who migrate yearly to fields of labour in Canada. The research is based on a transnational qualitative study in Quebec, Mexico, and Guatemala. To provide a theoretical framework for this article, we bring the concepts of geoeconomics and geographies of emotion into conversation. We then briefly present the history and evolution of temporary agricultural work, highlighting its deeply racialized and gendered nature. We argue that the mobilization and interiorization of a particular form of masculinity and emotional expression are central to both the exploitation of workers and their acceptance of their working conditions. These forms of masculinity and emotional expression are tightly bound to the workers’ role as household providers. Workers demonstrate satisfaction and pride in fulfilling their roles while negotiating an ongoing fear of job loss if they do not comply with work expectations. We argue that this represents a new form of subaltern masculinity that underpins Canadian geoeconomic strategy.

Earnings differentials between H-2A and unauthorized citrus harvesters in Florida

AbstractThe H-2A temporary agricultural workers visa program is a federal program allowing agricultural employers to bring in foreign workers on a seasonal basis. The extent to which H-2A workers earn more compared to their domestic unauthorized counterparts is of interest for both producers and workers. Using novel data on citrus harvest workers in the state of Florida, we estimate hourly earnings differentials by legal status using Classical and Bayesian inference. Findings suggest that participation in the H-2A program is associated with 18–23% higher hourly earnings for migrant harvesters in Florida after controlling for observable demographic and work-related variables.

The agrarian origins of social capital

This paper investigates the agrarian roots of social capital. I show that Italian areas exhibiting a higher share of temporary agricultural workers in the Post-Unification period register lower civic capital today. Spatial analysis and IV estimates using malaria as a source of exogenous variation indicate that the effect is robust even after controlling for social-property relations being not randomly determined. Finally, I demonstrate that institutions affecting the benefits and costs of cultural norms generate persistent effects. I investigate the role of “industrial districts” as a mechanism to transmit the cultural trait of cooperation through time. Since they developed where temporary workers were relatively rare, I find those municipalities exhibiting high civic capital to have a higher propensity to belong to an industrial district.

Estimating Exposure to Three Commonly Used, Potentially Carcinogenic Pesticides (Chlorolathonil, 2,4-D, and Glyphosate) Among Agricultural Workers in Canada.

Certain pesticides have been associated with adverse health outcomes including cancer and reproductive harms. However, little is known about the prevalence of occupational pesticide exposure among agricultural workers in Canada. The purpose of this study was to estimate the prevalence and likelihood of occupational exposure to pesticides in Canada's agricultural industry, using three commonly used, potentially carcinogenic pesticides [chlorothalonil, 2,4-dichlorophenoxyacetic acid (2,4-D), and glyphosate] as an example. Estimates were calculated using the Canadian Census of Population and the Census of Agriculture. The number of workers and the proportion of farms applying 'herbicides' or 'fungicides' by farm type was estimated using survey data from the Census of Agriculture. These values were multiplied to yield the potential number of workers at risk of exposure. Likelihood of exposure (i.e. exposed, probably exposed, and possibly exposed) was then qualitatively assigned using information on crop type, primary expected tasks, crop production practices, and residue transfer data. Additional agricultural workers who are at risk of exposure but not captured by the Census of Agriculture were identified using the 2016 Census of Population. An estimated range of 37 700-55 800 workers (11-13% of agricultural workers) were exposed to glyphosate in Canada while 30 800-43 600 workers (9-11%) and 9000-14 100 (2.9-3.2%) were exposed to 2,4-D and chlorothalonil, respectively. Approximately 70-75% of workers at risk of exposure were considered probably or possibly exposed to any of the pesticides. Glyphosate exposure was most common among workers in oilseed (29% of oilseed farm workers exposed) and dry pea/bean farms (28%), along with those providing support activities for farms (31%). 2,4-D exposure was most common in corn (28%), other grain (28%), and soybean farms (27%), while chlorothalonil exposure was more likely among greenhouse, nursery, and floriculture workers (42%), workers on farms (28%, for occupations not captured by the Census of Agriculture, specifically), and those providing support activities for farms (20%). Regional variations broadly reflected differences in farm types by province. This study estimated the prevalence of occupational exposure to three pesticides in Canada. Seasonal and temporary agricultural workers, which were captured by the Census of Agriculture, contributed to many additionally exposed workers. A large percent of the workers who were considered at risk of exposure were considered probably or possibly exposed, indicating a need for enhanced data collection and availability on pesticide use data in Canada. The study's methods can be applied to estimate workers' exposures to other pesticides within the agricultural industry.

Racial Capitalism, Slavery, Labour Regimes and Exploitation in the Canadian Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program

This paper will attempt to critically examine Canada’s Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP) with an intent of connecting four themes: the Canadian agricultural industry, indentured servitude, the labour regime in Canada, and the racialization of the SAWP. It has been argued that the workers from the Caribbean who participate in the Temporary Agricultural Workers Program are should consider themselves fortunate to be given such an opportunity. I argue that this assertion is problematic because it overlooks the hardship the workers face in Canada as a result of their non-citizen status. I also examine the fact that many of the workers enlisted in the SAWP are forced to migrate for a living wage due to poor economic conditions in their countries of origin, and that these conditions are a direct consequence of unequal trade policies and structural adjustment programs. Finally, I demonstrate Canada’s complicity in benefiting from these programs.

The Epidemiology of Malaria in Gaziantep Between 2005 and 2015

We aimed to evaluate the epidemiological data of malaria cases by using the data of Gaziantep Public Health Directorate between January 2005 and December 2015. Blood samples were taken from suspicious cases and temporary agricultural workers living in the Fırat Watershed and in areas in where malaria was seen before and in the tent cities of Islahiye, Nizip and Karkamış by request of the ministry. The cases were evaluated in terms of age, gender, detected malaria species, months when malaria was detected, and whether they were imported cases. Thirty-one malaria cases were detected in blood samples taken from 184.305 patients. The malaria positivity rate was determined as 0.017%. Five of the patients (16.3%) were indigenous; 2 (6.5%) were cases with relapse and 24 cases (77.2%) were imported. In our study, we last saw a new indigenous case in 2005. In the following years , cases with relapses and cases originating from abroad were seen, which was linked to the ease of transportation and the increase in touristic and commercial relations. Although lack of malaria in the samples taken from people living in tent cities in our region is favorable, necessary measures should be taken against new epidemics.

Temporary Workers in the United States and Canada: Migrant Flows and Labor Outcomes

This article analyzes migratory flows and labor outcomes for temporary migrants from Mexico who participate in the H-2A visa program in the United States and the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program in Canada. Using data from the Mexican Migration Project, we analyze the determinants of taking a first trip to each country with temporary work documents, the financial and labor circumstances that migrants experience while working abroad, and the factors that determine the likelihood and amount of money sent home to Mexico as remittances or held onto and brought home to Mexico as savings. We find that temporary agricultural workers migrating to both countries come from rural backgrounds, but those working in the United States earn higher wages and experience shorter workdays than those in Canada. Nevertheless, total annual work hours and earnings are quite similar for both groups of migrants. We observe few differences between the two groups in remittance amounts sent home, but find that temporary workers in the United States return home with more savings than do those working in Canada.

Contesting Gender Discrimination in the Canadian Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program

Temporary agricultural workers have come to Canada from Mexico under the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP) since 1974. In Canada, temporary migration programs, including the SAWP, are heavily gender segregated and racialized. In this paper we examine the ways in which unions, civil society organizations and workers themselves have engaged at multiple sites and scales to contest SAWP recruitment practices that discriminate on the basis of gender. We document how the United Food and Commercial Workers union has brought challenges against gender discrimination in recruitment practices in domestic forums in both Canada and Mexico, as well as under the North American Agreement on Labour Cooperation, the labour side agreement of the North American Free Trade Agreement. We argue that this case demonstrates how the transnational character of temporary migrant labour severely limits the legal frameworks available for addressing the rights of migrant workers, but also opens up some windows for transnational forms of collaboration and contention across nation-state borders to promote workers' rights.

After the International Organization for Migration: recruitment of Guatemalan temporary agricultural workers to Canada

ABSTRACTThe global agricultural industry is increasingly supported by transnational migrant labour. The experience of this precarious workforce in receiving states has been the focus of intensified scrutiny by policy-makers and academics at the global and national scale. Drawing on field research we examine how the International Organization for Migration was involved in the development of a transnational labour migration corridor from Guatemala to Canada, and how the organisation’s activities are associated with new forms of migration governance. This story, while unique in some ways, illustrates the increased complexity of the international management of migration. For instance, destination states such as Canada continue to play key roles in the management and recruitment of temporary labour migration but other actors have also entered the picture. This development, as this case illustrates, places migrant workers in increasingly vulnerable positions, while states can disclaim responsibility for their plight.

Documenting and classifying labor: the effect of legal discourse on the treatment of H-2A workers

The H-2A temporary agricultural worker program is a large-scale governmental program that is touted as a legal and documented avenue for nonimmigrant foreign workers to gain temporary employment in the USA. This paper historically situates the H-2A program within the larger history of American temporary work programs and argues that the H-2A program has inadequately curtailed the exploitation of temporary agricultural workers by focusing on documenting immigration through a lengthy application process and complex classification system, while failing to properly document the employment conditions of temporary agricultural workers once they have arrived in the USA. The analysis of the federal government’s documentation and classification practices exposes how discursive practices are legitimized through the legal codes of two statutory regimes, labor and immigration law, and exposes how these discursive practices create rigid worker classifications that largely structure the debate on immigration and the rights of documented and undocumented workers.

El aislamiento social de los trabajadores con visas H-2A. El ejemplo de los jornaleros tamaulipecos

La proximidad de Tamaulipas a la frontera estadounidense abarata los costos de transporte, y esto hace que en el estado se otorgue un número elevado de visas H-2A a trabajadores agrarios temporales. Sin embargo, los programas de trabajadores huéspedes empujan a la mano de obra al abuso y la explotación. El aislamiento social, que hace referencia a una erosión de la esfera relacional del individuo, constituye uno de los principales problemas sufridos por los trabajadores tamaulipecos con visa H-2A; aquí se analiza la situación de aislamiento social de éstos, en específico la de los empleados en el sector agrario estadounidense.

Pushed to the Edge: Political Activism of Guatemalan Migrant Farmworkers

This paper explores political engagement by Guatemalans who seasonally migrate to Canada as contracted agricultural workers. Since 2003, an ever-increasing number of Guatemalans have pursued economic opportunities in Canadian fields and greenhouses as participants in a labour migration scheme brokered by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) called the Temporary Agricultural Workers to Canada (TAWC) Project. While some describe this labour migration as a win-win situation for employers and migrant workers, for too many of these migrants, work in Canada has demanded sacrifices and losses, not the least of which of their human rights and dignity at the hands of employers and administrators of the TAWC Project. While there is a great deal at stake for these migrants should they denounce mistreatment, given the climate of fear created by the employer-driven nature of the TAWC project, a growing number of them have been pushed to do so. With the support of allies that encourage political empowerment of migrant workers, black-listed Guatemalans have formed a political advocacy group - Asociación de Guatemaltecos Unidos por Nuestros Derechos (AGUND) - aimed at fighting for the realization of their rights and redressing cases of wrongdoing. Based on workers’ testimonies and other institutional interviews, this paper outlines the difficulties workers have experienced as labour migrants to Canada, the context of vulnerability that largely impedes them from denouncing mistreatment, and the development and activities of AGUND. Informed by literature on political organizing, it also identifies the factors that have both impeded and encouraged political activity on the part of these disenfranchised yet determined Guatemalan workers.