Temple Of Hathor Research Articles

Enhancing durability and sustainable preservation of Egyptian stone monuments using metabolites produced by Streptomyces exfoliatus

Despite their threatens for Egyptian stone monuments, A few studies focused on using biocontrol agents against deteriorative fungi and bacteria instead of using chemical assays that leave residuals leading to human toxicity and environmental pollution. This work aims to isolate and identify fungal and bacterial isolates that showed deteriorative activities from stone monuments in Temple of Hathor, Luxor, Egypt, as well as determine the inhibitory activity of metabolites produced by Streptomyces exfoliatus SAMAH 2021 against the identified deteriorative fungal and bacterial strains. Moreover, studying the spectral analysis, toxicological assessment of metabolites produced by S. exfoliatus SAMAH 2021 against health human cell fibroblast, and colorimetric measurements on the selected stone monuments. Ten samples were collected from Temple of Hathor, Luxor, Egypt. Three fungal isolates and one bacterial isolate were obtained and identified as A. niger isolate Hathor 2, C. fioriniae strain Hathor 3, P. chrysogenum strain HATHOR 1, and L. sphaericus strain Hathor 4, respectively. Inhibitory potential of the metabolites in all concentrations used (100–25%) against the recommended antibiotics (Tetracycline 10 µg/ml and Doxycycline (30 µg/ml) showed an inhibitory effect toward all tested deteriorative pathogens with a minimum inhibition concentration (MIC) of 25%. Cytotoxicity test confirmed that microbial filtrate as the antimicrobial agent was safe for healthy human skin fibroblast with IC50 of < 100% and cell viability of 97%. Gas chromatography analysis recorded the existence of thirteen antimicrobial agents, Cis-vaccenic acid; 1,2-Benzenedicarboxylic acid; ç-Butyl-ç-butyrolactone and other compounds. Colorimetric measurements confirmed no color or surface change for the limestone-treated pieces. The use of the metabolite of microbial species antimicrobial as a biocontrol agent raises contemporary issues concerning the bio-protection of the Egyptian monuments to reduce chemical formulas that are toxic to humans and pollute the environment. Such serious problems need further investigation for all kinds of monuments.

Das Horn des Steinbocks. Die Treppen und der Dachkiosk in Dendara als Quellen zum Neujahrsfest by Alexa Rickert

The publication reviewed here is a slightly revised version of the doctoral thesis submitted by the Alexa Rickert in 2017 to the Faculty of Philosophy at the University of Tubingen. It deals with the evidence for the Egyptian Festival of the New Year found in the stairwells and roof kiosk of the Temple of Hathor in Dendara. Reviewed by: Stefan Bojowald, Published Online (2021-08-31)Copyright © 2021 by Stefan BojowaldThis open access publication is distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (CC BY-NC-ND) Article PDF Link: https://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/aestimatio/article/view/37711/28721 Corresponding Author: Stefan Bojowald, Rheinische FriedrichWilhelms University BonnE-Mail: stefan.bojowald@t-online.de

Geographical Verbal Variation in Dendera. An Exploratory Study in Verbal Variation between East and West in Offering Texts from Graeco-Roman Temples in Dendera

This paper researches the interaction between inscriptions facing east and those facing west in offering texts of the Graeco-Roman period, specifically those found in the temple of Hathor and the temple of Isis in Dendera. Continuing research performed by Christian Leitz, this paper argues that a pattern shown by Leitz in which the east side is active where the west is reflecting a state, is not an anomaly, but should actually be considered part of the ‘grammaire du temple’. Moreover, I show that this pattern is used during the reign of Cleopatra VII, and falls out of use during the reign of the emperor Augustus.

TRAVEL TO THE HEALING CENTERS IN THE EGYPTIAN TEMPLES: THE PROTOTYPE OF THE MODERN MEDICAL TOURISM

A travel for treatment was one of the oldest motivations for travel in ancient world. Among thesites that attracted such travelers were the supposed healing centers in Egyptian temples. As theancient Egyptian physicians were very clever in their profession, they had a very remarkablefame not only in Egypt but among the patients of other ancient nations as well. The ancientEgyptian and foreigner patients traveled to those medical centers to spend a night or moreseeking for cure by medical treatment or through dreams and messages from gods. Thearchitectural evidences prove the existence of such healing centers in the temples. The onlypreserved example is the sanatorium within the precinct of the Hathor temple at Dendera, inUpper Egypt. According to the modern concept of tourism, such travels were more or less a typeof tourism. In this context, this paper, through the textual, pictorial, and architectural evidences,tries to originate the earlier examples of medical tourism, as well as it applies the concept andcomponents of present tourism on the travels of ancient Egyptian and foreigner patients.

The Gifts of “Darkness” (KKW). The Dark Waters of the Nile Inundation in Hydrological Processions of the Ptolemaic and Roman Era

Abstract The article takes a closer look at a specific feature of the Nile, and more in particular an aspect of its life bringing inundation known to the ancient Egyptian priests as Keku (“Darkness”). This facet of the inundation occurs seven times among the gifts brought by offering bearers in hydrological processions on the soubassement in the Horus temple of Edfu, the Opet temple at Karnak, the Hathor temple of Dendara and the small Isis temple of Dendara dating from the reigns of Ptolemaios IV Philopator (221–204 BCE) to that of Emperor Nero (54–68 CE). The study of its location on the temple walls as well as the inscriptions accompanying this specific personification of the Nile inundation indicates the existence of patterns in the distribution of these texts not only within a single temple, but also between temples over time and space.

Early evidence (late 2nd millennium BCE) of plant-based dyeing of textiles from Timna, Israel.

In this article, we focus on the analysis of dyed textile fragments uncovered at an early Iron Age (11th-10th centuries BCE) copper smelting site during new excavations in the Timna Valley conducted by the Central Timna Valley (CTV) Project, as well as those found by the Arabah Expedition at the Hathor Temple (Site 200), dated to the Late Bronze/early Iron Ages (13th-11th centuries BCE). Analysis by HPLC-DAD identified two organic dyestuffs, Rubia tinctorum L. and indigotin, from a plant source (probably Isatis tinctoria L.). They are among the earliest plants known in the dyeing craft and cultivated primarily for this purpose. This study provides the earliest evidence of textiles dyed utilizing a chemical dyeing process based on an industrial dyeing plant from the Levant. Moreover, our results shed new light on the society operating the copper mines at the time, suggesting the existence of an elite that was interested in these high quality textiles and invested efforts in procuring them by long-distance trade.

Hatshepsut at Serabit el-Khadim: Historical Implications of Documented Finds from the Archives of the Tel Aviv University Expedition

The Hathor Temple at Serabit el-Khadim has yielded valuable information about different phases of Hatshepsut's career. Alongside the references to Hatshepsut already published in The Inscriptions of Sinai, new references can be found in unpublished finds from this site, documented by the Tel Aviv University Expedition. These finds shed further light on Hatshepsut's role as expedition organizer at Serabit el-Khadim in the early phase of her career, and contribute to our understanding of her progress from the status of queen and god's wife to the status of legitimate king.

The Ten Dead Deities of the Temple of Dendera*

Among the dead deities in ancient Egypt during the Graeco-Roman Period, there are ten deities connected to the temple of Hathor at Dendera. Although they were not depicted elsewhere in the Egyptian temples, they were connected liturgically not only to the temple of Horus at Edfu but also to its nine dead deities. The different aspects of these deities are investigated in extenso and a comparison with the other dead deities is made to present similarities and dissimilarities.

The Pastophorion Revisited: Owners and Users of ‘Priests' Houses’ in Ptolemaic Pathyris and Elsewhere in Egypt*

This article draws on legal texts written in demotic Egyptian and in Greek to investigate the ownership and use of the pastophoria (Egyptian s.wt (n ḥ.t-nṯr), ‘places (of the temple)’) of ancient Egyptian temple complexes. The focus is on the pastophoria of the temple of Hathor in Pathyris in Upper Egypt during the Ptolemaic period. The Pathyrite evidence is compared with that provided by documents from other Egyptian sites. The relationship between the temple functionary known as the pastophoros (Egyptian wn(?)) and the pastophorion is examined.

The Pastophorion: ‘Priests’ Houses' in Legal Texts from Ptolemaic Pathyris and Elsewhere in Egypt*

This article examines legal texts in Demotic and in Greek to investigate the siting and construction of pastophoria, Egyptian s.wt. (n ḥ.t-nṯr) ‘places (of the temple)’, in the enclosure of the temple of Hathor in Pathyris in Upper Egypt during the Ptolemaic period. The Pathyrite evidence is compared with documentary and archaeological evidence from other Egyptian sites. In a forthcoming article in this journal, the scope of the study will be extended to consider the ownership and use of pastophoria and their relationship with the temple functionary known as the pastophoros, Egyptian wn(?). In addition to advancing study of the topography of the Pathyrite temple complex and of the Egyptian pastophorion, this article and its sequel explore the kinds of evidence that legal texts provide about ancient property types, their uses, and their social contexts.

Microanalysis of blue pigments from the Ptolemaic temple of Hathor (Thebes), Upper Egypt: a case study

The aim of the present work was to characterize blue pigment samples collected from the Ptolemaic temple of Hathor (Thebes), the western bank of Luxor, Upper Egypt. The characterization of the examined pigments was carried out by means of optical microscopy, scanning electron microscopy equipped with an energy dispersive X‐ray detector, micro X‐ray fluorescence spectrometry and Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy. On the basis of the chemical composition and microstructure of the samples, the blue pigments were identified as Egyptian blue (cuprorivaite, CaCuSi4O10). Moreover, the micro X‐ray fluorescence analysis revealed significant quantities of lead in the glass phase suggesting that a leaded bronze scrap was used to produce the pigment. The optical examination of the paint layers showed that the pigments were applied on a thin layer consisting of gypsum (CaSO4∙2H2O) and dolomite (CaMg(CO3)2). In addition, some pigment samples showed discoloration mainly in the form of green and black hues. The obtained results helped in improving our knowledge about some painting materials used during the Ptolemaic era of ancient Egypt. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley &amp; Sons, Ltd.

Demonology during the Late Pharaonic and Greco-Roman Periods in Egypt

Abstract This paper gives an overview of the beliefs in demons as perceived by the ancient Egyptians during the later phases of the Pharaonic period and under the Greco and Roman rule. It focuses in particular on the so-called “guardian demons” represented and named on the walls of the Ptolemaic temples such as the temple of Hathor at Dendera. These figures of protectors are in fact later reinterpretations of the demonic guardians of the doors and regions of the netherworld as described in the so-called Book of the Dead. Through this and other examples taken from iconographic and textual sources mentioning demons, it is discussed how the conception and ritual practices concerning “demons” changes significantly in Greco-Roman Egypt as compared to the earlier Pharaonic period.

Mortuary Archaeology and Religious Landscape at Graeco-Roman Deir El-Medina

Post-excavation analyses and interpretations of the site of Deir el-Medina have focused on the extensive New Kingdom documentary and material data. This has usually been at the expense of later periods, although the site demonstrates a broad temporal spectrum, with the construction of a Ptolemaic temple and significant Saite, Ptolemaic and Roman mortuary activity. From the perspective of contextual archaeology, this article will examine some patterns of mortuary and religious usage in the Ptolemaic and Roman Periods. This is based on three case studies: the general pattern of burials; a late Roman family burial in the cellar of a Ramesside house; and the Hathor temple. These illustrate how the status of the site shifted from the Ptolemaic to the early Christian Period, and how successive monumental constructions acted as vehicles for conceptualising different ideologies.

Cities and Administration in Roman Egypt

These two inscriptions come from the precinct of the temple of Hathor at Denderah (Tentyra), capital of the Tentyrite nome, just north of Thebes in Upper Egypt. The impressive remains of the complex are mostly late Ptolemaic and Roman (re)constructions, but they look Pharaonic and suggest social and cultural continuity across the centuries. The inscriptions, however, illustrate the radical changes in communal organization and administration which the Romans introduced. These changes form the subject of this paper. The first inscription dates to 12 B.C., but is almost entirely in the pre-Roman tradition. It is a trilingual dedication with the primary version in demotic (i.e. Egyptian). Augustus is god, implicitly Pharaoh, and lacks his Roman titles. The strategos (governor of the nome) Ptolemaios gives himself obsolete court titles and a string of local priesthoods. Ptolemaios came from a family which had hereditarily held local priesthoods (and probably continued to hold them after him), and his father Panas had preceded him as strategos of the Tentyrite nome, retaining office through the Roman annexation. On this occasion Ptolemaios' dedication was personal, but other dedications show him acting, like his father, as the head of local cult associations. Ptolemaios is last attested as strategos in 5 B.C. Five years later, our second inscription, which dates to 23 September A.D. I, reveals a very different situation. The dedication was made on Augustus' birthday, and was finely inscribed in Greek only. The strategos Tryphon, whose name suggests an Alexandrian sent up to the Tentyrite nome, figures only as an element of the official dating clause standard throughout Roman Egypt; he is just a cog in the Roman administrative machine. The dedication was made corporately by the local community, structured, as we will see, on the new Roman model.

A Graeco-Roman group statue of unusual character from Dendera

Publication of a small sandstone statue of the Roman period from Dendera (Cairo JE 46278). It depicts two naked children of identical size, one male and one female, standing within the coils of two serpents. They are the twin figures of two deities, whose exact identity is not certain. They might be seen as Shu and Tefnut, or as Harpocrates and his twin sister. This latter might be either a form of Isis, which was paired with Harpocrates in the Graeco-Roman period, or simply a feminine form of the god Harpocrates. The snakes seem to be Isis Thermouthis and Serapis-Agathos Daimon. This statue is of a votive or dedicatory nature, perhaps from a shrine to Isis-Thermouthis just outside the enclosure of the great temple of Hathor of Dendera.

Corrections on Timna and Tel Yinʿam in the "Bulletin"

Two papers, in Bulletins 242 and 243, contained very perturbing statements. As, to my mind, this is a matter of basic scientific integrity, I find it imperative to put the facts on record. 1. In Adaptive Strategies in the Archaeology of the Bulletin 242, in Table 2, Archaeological Summary of the Negev, Timna-Industrial Sites in Arava, Aileen G. Baron lists Timna as I (United Kingdom), 1200-1000 B.C., and II (Divided Kingdom), 1000-586 B.C. She describes Timna as Iron I industrial sites in the Arava in the vicinity of copper and malachite sources, identified as 'Ramesside' by Rothenberg (1967, 1972)... . Trying to establish why Dr. Baron would date Ramesside copper mining and smelting sites to I-II, I referred to her doctoral dissertation, Glueck Survey: Issues and Problems in the Archaeology of the (University of California, 1978). There she states: Although Rothenberg (1972) attributes the building of the 'Hathor Temple' near Timna, and associated mining activities to the reign of Sethos I (1318-1304 B.C.) of the XIX Dynasty, the associated pottery suggests that the Egyptian installation cannot be earlier than the 12th century B.C.... At the Egyptian 'Hathor Temple' scarabs with the names of Ramses III and Ramses IV suggest that it remained in use throughout the twelfth century. No Late Bronze Age sites have been identified in Glueck's Negev survey. The fact is that the pottery from the Ramesside Sanctuary of Timna, which Dr. Baron implied should be redated to I-II, has not yet been published. It has been in my charge since the excavations, and Dr. Baron has not seen it. The list of Pharaonic cartouches of the 19th and 20th Dynasties, from Sethos I to Rameses V, found in stratified context, together with the pottery under discussion, as well as the drawings and photographs, was published in 1972 in my Timna book (1972), which Dr. Baron quotes in her bibliography. These cartouches date the Timna Sanctuary, its mines, and its smelters to the New Kingdom, i.e., the Late Bronze Age, or late 14th to mid-12th century B.c. I refrain from further comments.

A Temple of Hathor at Kusae

A Temple of Hathor at Kusae

The Serabit Expedition of 1930: III. The Temple of Hathor

On one of the relatively flat projections of the plateau which forms the top of the mountain of Serabit el-Khadim, three days’ journey by camel from the nearest point of the coast into the interior of the peninsula of Sinai, stand the ruins of the Temple of Hathor. Near it are turquoise mines exploited by the Egyptians from the third to the eighteenth dynasties, and probably also worked intermittently by the local tribes. But the mines were not the raison d'être of the temple, although the goddess of the temple was certainly worshipped by the miners. In the Wadi Maghara also there are Egyptian turquoise mines, and until they were either destroyed or taken away to museums there were inscriptions, carved to record Egyptian expeditions to them. But there is no temple at Maghara.

A New Disclosure from Sinai

In the season 1904-1905, Sir William Flinders Petrie conducted researches at Serabit-el-Hadem on the peninsula of Sinai. During this campaign he discovered a number of inscriptions in an unknown script.' Seven of them were inscriptions on votive objects found in the ruins of the temple of Hathor; the rest of them were found at a spot one and a half miles east of that temple. Petrie himself recognized the writing as of alphabetic character, but was unable to decipher it. It was straightway recognized that an inscription on the surface of a rock in the Wady Maghara, which had been previously discovered and published, was written in the same characters. The interest of scholars was at once