Teaching Of Democracy In Schools Research Articles

Virtues, values and the fracturing of civic and moral virtue in citizenship education policy in England

ABSTRACT This paper analyses the fracturing of civic and moral virtue within curricular policies pertaining to Citizenship in England since the late 1990s. A longstanding aim of education and schooling, the teaching of citizenship gained a more secure base in the English curriculum with the introduction of Citizenship as a statutory subject for 11–16 years olds from 2002, which owed a great deal to the Report of the Advisory Group on Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (Crick Report). The report drew intimate connections between civic virtue, moral virtue, and personal character. These connections have become seriously fractured over the years since the Crick Report. In charting this fracturing, the paper will examine how the character-influenced direction taken in the early/mid-2000s was replaced by, at first, a more general emphasis on British Values before morphing into a more specific, though no less problematic, concentration on Fundamental British Values. While character education has gained significant policy attention in England over the last six years, the civic dimensions have been at best underplayed, with little connection to education for citizenship. It is argued that without greater clarity and consistency about how the moral – including moral virtues – intersects with the civic in contemporary Britain, official curricular policy (whether for Citizenship education, character education or more generally) will restrict rather than encourage the education of young citizens who are informed, wise, responsible and active participants in their communities.

CITIZENSHIP: THE POLITICAL AND THE DEMOCRATIC

ABSTRACT Citizenship as a compulsory subject was added to the National Curriculum in England in 2002 following the 1998 report, ‘Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools’. It was little noticed at the time that the report stressed active citizenship much more strongly than democracy. The underlying presupposition was what historians call ‘civic republicanism’, the tradition from the Greeks and the Romans of good government as political government, that is, citizens reaching acceptable compromises of group interests and values by public debate. This is contrasted to modern liberalism. To stress ‘democracy’ unduly in citizenship education can lead to definitional dogmatics about multiple meanings of the term, even to disillusionment. Democracy is a necessary element in good government but not a sufficient one, unless subjective opinion is enshrined over knowledge through education. The practices of free politics are both historically and logically prior to democracy.

Curriculum constructions of ability: enhancing learning through Teaching Games for Understanding (TGfU) as a curriculum model

This article examines the curricular constructions that influence our perceptions of learner ‘ability’ within games education. Games education has both inherent and intrinsic value for learners, and within this context, teachers make important choices about what they believe will be of most value and interest for students. This in turn impacts the way that the curriculum is constructed and developed. Extrinsic cultural and social values have also had an impact upon the discipline. These values have been usefully summarized by Jewett as five value orientations: (1) disciplinary mastery, (2) self-actualization, (3) social reconstruction, (4) learning process and (5) ecological integration. Identification of the philosophical principles which underpin the curriculum allows the reflective part of the praxis to take place. These five value orientations provide critical reference points for my exploration of the different ways in which two curricula constructions frame ability. Teaching Games for Understanding (TGfU) and the more familiar model of Technique-Based or Direct Instruction are considered, not to further the methodology debate, but to illustrate how each frames ability differently. This will be achieved by examining the context and culture within which each has developed. Finally, a closer examination will be made of the TGfU curriculum model in terms of the ways in which it defines learner ability. It is suggested that, TGfU offers a more inclusive way to think about ability in PE by employing a range of value orientations. As teachers encourage learners to invent their own games, they help them to develop respect for equal justice and for free and open inquiry (social reconstruction). In this way, learners come to appreciate and understand their responsibility to protect individual and collective rights and freedoms. When it comes to teaching democracy, it is clearly important to pay close attention to the entire context in which learning takes place, since by definition, the notion of democracy applies to individuals as they operate within community. The TGfU approach lends itself to the teaching of democracy in schools, since it empowers both teacher and learner and invites them to question the status quo (ecological integration). In this way, players focus on creating play as a shared experience, not just on being winners.

National and post‐national dimensions of citizenship education in the UK

Citizenship education has been an ongoing matter of academic and political debate in the UK since the 1970s. This debate culminated in the setting up of the Advisory Group in citizenship education under the chairmanship of Bernard Crick. The publication of the Crick Report, Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (London, QCA, 1998), has influenced the development of citizenship education across the UK from primary level to post‐16. Citizenship education has now been established as a statutory component of the compulsory school national curriculum in England and a set of proposals for Scotland were launched in 2002. In this paper, with particular reference to the Crick Report, I explore the theories and conceptions of citizenship that are evident in this policy area and consider the opportunities it offers for embedding democratic practices within late modern societies.

Citizenship Education in England: The Making of a New Subject

Citizenship has been included for the first time ever as an explicit part of the school curriculum in England from September 2002. This paper explores how this historic shift has come about through the work of the Advisory Group on Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (commonly known as the Crick Group). The first section sets out the background to why the Crick Group was established and shows how the main lessons from past policy approaches were absorbed by the Group. The second section explains how citizenship education is defined in the school curriculum in England. The third section details some of the current activities designed to encourage the development of effective practice in citizenship. In the final section a number of challenges facing citizenship education are identified. How these challenges are tackled will have a major impact as to the effectiveness of citizenship education practice in schools and elsewhere in England.

Citizenship Education in England, Ireland and Northern Ireland

The 1990s have seen a resurgence of interest in citizenship education in the UKand Ireland. Within the UK, interest in citizenship education has been fuelled by the Labour government's commitment to a process of devolution and the establishment of new legislative Assemblies in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. This has given rise to renewed debate on issues related to nationality, identity and citizenship in each of the constituent countries of the UK. Alongside this, there is a growing concern within each of these jurisdictions to understand how a sense of citizenship might be maintained within a context of increasing social, cultural and political diversity. In England in 1998 an Advisory Group on Citizenship, under the chairmanship of Professor Bernard Crick, issued its final report, Education forCitizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools. One outcome has been the introduction of citizenship education for pupils in all schools from September 2000 for 5- to 11-year-olds and from September 2002 for 11- to 16-year-olds. The English citizenship curriculum has three main strands (Social and moral responsibility; Community involvement; and Political literacy).The Republic of Ireland has had a longer involvement in the development of civic education. A pilot project between 1993 and 1996 led to the introduction of a new curriculum programme in Civic, Social and Political Education (CSPE) in all secondary level schools from September 1997. CSPE is a course in citizenship based on human rights and social responsibilities. It aims to develop active citizens who have a sense of belonging to the local, national, European and global communities. The course incorporates seven key concepts (democracy, rights and responsibilities, human dignity, interdependence, development, law and stewardship) and is taught through four units of study (The Individual and Citizenship; The Community; The State; Ireland and the World). In terms of its constitutional status, Northern Ireland is part of the UK, yet geographically it is part of the island of Ireland. For historical and political reasons it has a Unionist and Loyalist population (predominantly Protestant) that wishes to remain part of the UK and a Nationalist and Republican population (mainly Catholic) that seeks to be part of a unified Ireland. Competing loyaltiesbetween British and Irish identities have been a feature of the violent conflict in Northern Ireland for the past 30 years. However, the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement in April 1998 led to the establishment of new, democratic structures as part of an emerging `peace process' and guaranteed equal status to British and Irish identities. This is the context in which current plans for the introduction of citizenship education in the Northern Ireland Curriculum are taking place.This article describes recent developments in civic and citizenship education in each of these situations, highlighting the differing political contexts in which they have arisen and how these have influenced definitions of civic and citizenship education as part of new curriculum programmes.

The challenge of education for active citizenship

Draws on the 1998 Crick Report, Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools, to provide a “viewpoint” on citizenship education in the UK. Summarises the purpose and nature of citizenship education in schools and then explores the implications of this for government, the education sector and schools. Stresses the relationship between emerging political thinking, societal values and citizenship education and that the “challenge” is to nurture a new political consensus with active citizenship at its heart. Assesses the prospects for citizenship education and utilises case study data to illustrate positive developments and encouraging practice, although conclusions as to whether citizenship education can ultimately achieve a change in the political culture of the country remain essentially speculative.

Citizenship education and the challenge of racism, discrimination and disadvantage

The idea behind citizenship education is that it will help both to integrate the demands of justice, equality and community and to prevent the increasing apathy towards politics and government, which may damage the health and stability of a modern liberal democracy. The recent British Report on Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (the Crick Report) can be seen as a response to those concerns. This article discusses these concerns and offers an evaluation of the main recommendations of the Crick Report from the perspective of ethnic minorities and disadvantaged groups. If citizenship education as defined by the Crick Report is intimately linked to ideas of entitlement, justice and tolerance of difference, would such an education help students to acquire the necessary knowledge and understanding, skills and dispositions to tackle racism, discrimination and disadvantage? An incisive education must help to remove social, racial and sex barriers that prevent some citizens from enjoying their full citizenship rights. This article offers some critical general conceptual perspectives that aim to help inform teachers thinking about those issues.

Citizenship education and the challenge of racism, discrimination and disadvantage

The idea behind citizenship education is that it will help both to integrate the demands of justice, equality and community and to prevent the increasing apathy towards politics and government, which may damage the health and stability of a modern liberal democracy. The recent British Report on Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (the Crick Report) can be seen as a response to those concerns. This article discusses these concerns and offers an evaluation of the main recommendations of the Crick Report from the perspective of ethnic minorities and disadvantaged groups. If citizenship education as defined by the Crick Report is intimately linked to ideas of entitlement, justice and tolerance of difference, would such an education help students to acquire the necessary knowledge and understanding, skills and dispositions to tackle racism, discrimination and disadvantage? An incisive education must help to remove social, racial and sex barriers that prevent some citizens from enjoying their full citizenship rights. This article offers some critical general conceptual perspectives that aim to help inform teachers thinking about those issues.

Student Teachers and Attitudes towards ‘Race’: the role of citizenship education in addressing racism through the curriculum

This research explores the attitudes of postgraduate student teachers in England towards issues of ‘race'; their personal values, the changing nature of racism in society, and the role that education has to play in challenging racism. The research findings are discussed in the context of the recent recommendations made by the Advisory Group on Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (AGECTDS, 1998), the Crick Committee, and Curriculum 2000 guidance on Personal, Social and Health Education (PSHE) and citizenship education (QCA, 1999). The research finds that the vast majority of students hold very positive attitudes towards a diverse and pluralistic society, and are convinced of the importance of education in fostering civic virtues of tolerance and respect for all sections of society. However, this is accompanied by high levels of anxiety about how to incorporate these issues into their teaching, with many students feeling that their training has left them unprepared for enhancing citizenship awareness in schools. This article explores the students' attitudes to ‘race’ issues, and discusses the implications for initial teacher education institutions as they prepare student teachers for delivering citizenship education.

Citizenship Education in England: The Crick Report and Beyond

Citizenship education is being formally introduced into schools in England as a matter of national policy for the first time. This article offers a critical evaluation of the report of the Advisory Group on Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools which was chaired by Professor Bernard Crick, and which has been influential in shaping current educational policy in relation to these matters. An assessment is also offered of the challenges and prospects which confront citizenship education in England in the light of these developments.

Democratic citizenship in the curriculum: some problems and possibilities

This article reflects upon the recently published final report of the advisory group on citizenship in England and Wales, and examines the implications of this document within the context of the government's proposals for a revised national curriculum. Following a brief historical review, the article goes onto explore issues of practical relevance, by rehearsing some of the anticipated problems surrounding the implementation of citizenship as a foundation subject within the curriculum. The article then reflects upon a range of substantive issues presented within the document Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (1998). In analysing the model of citizenship implicit within the advisory group's report, a critique of its prescriptive overtones, sociocultural perspective and nostalgic sensibilities is elaborated. Finally, the article considers the possibility of a way forward, discussing the idea of a working model of citizenship based on the Aristotlean notion of moral action.

New Labour, New Citizenship?

In this paper New Labour's commitment to developing a citizenship curriculum will be reviewed. Characterised by a determination to affect cultural change through the introduction of citizenship education in schools in England from 2002, the Government's citizenship agenda has been developed in the policy process by the Advisory Group on Citizenship (AGC). An explanation of the work of the AGC and the final report Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools will be followed by an analysis of how it dealt with the issue of defining the values to be taught in the citizenship curriculum. The ambiguous text of the report reflects the political sensitivity that the subject demands. An investigation of the main reasons and political appeal of invoking the citizenship ideal will precede a review of the inherent contradictions within the New Labour agenda. The paper seeks to describe the dichotomous position of New Labour's explicit commitment to implementing a citizenship curriculum, and the present lack of a clear ideology from which to inform the moral basis of such a venture.

The Crick Report: difference, equality and racial justice

ABSTRACTThis article examines current policy on citizenship education in England, drawing on the recommendations of the 1998 Crick Report, Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools. In particular, it seeks to establish whether the proposals for citizenship education outlined in the report and draft frameworks for citizenship education, published by the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority as part of the National Curriculum review for England, have the potential to contribute towards racial equality. The report sets out to provide a framework for citizenship education which is intended to strengthen our democracy. The publication of the Macpherson Report of the Stephen Lawrence inquiry in 1999 led senior politicians to acknowledge institutional racism in British society and to pledge themselves to a programme to eradicate racism. Racism is therefore now officially recognized by those in government as one of the forces which operates to restrict the citizenship rights of minorities and undermines the principles of democracy. An understanding of racism, the ways in which it serves to undermine democracy, and skills to challenge this anti‐democratic force are therefore essential features of any education programme which seeks to promote the political literacy of citizens. This article argues that a key aim in any programme of citizenship education must be to enable young people to understand the barriers to citizenship and to equip them with the skills to challenge and overcome such barriers. It examines the images and understandings of multiculturalism in the Crick Report and considers how it deals with questions of difference, equality and justice. It further examines whether the proposals within the report are an adequate basis from which sound anti‐racist education programmes might be developed or whether the report itself may unwittingly reflect racism. It concludes by suggesting how the citizenship education project might be modified so that it promotes a vision of a multicultural society founded on principles of human rights and of schools where children are able to realize their rights on the basis of equality.

The Case of the Chingford Skinhead: John White on Education and Special Obligations between Fellow Nationals

This article questions whether it is legitimate to propagate national sentiment and foster ties of nationality through school curricula. Against certain arguments for the ethical significance of nationality I question whether those who share a national identity have special moral obligations to members of their national group that they do not have to other persons. I argue that such ties of sentiment are unnecessary for achieving principled liberal goals, and that education within a liberal democracy should focus directly upon certain general moral principles, such as fairness, justice, and toleration. The recent Advisory Group on Citizenship's Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (1998) similarly endorses, I argue, education focused upon general moral principles.

Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools

Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools

Changing the Political Culture: The Advisory Group on Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools

This article discusses the background to and deliberations of the Advisory Group on Education for Citizenship and the Teaching Democracy in Schools established by Secretary of State for Education and Employment David Blunkett. The final report of the Advisory Group was published in September 1998. The article discusses the Group's main recommendations. As regards implementation, the article identifies four challenges: curriculum reform, the relationship between schools and communities, the difficulties of citizen life in a globalised context, and the issue of individuals' participation in politics and society.

New Labour, New Policies: Constructing a Discourse of Citizenship

The purpose of this paper is examine the development of citizenship education as a curriculum priority within the UK. Employing Habermas' theory of legitimation crisis, the paper places the contemporary enthusiasm for citizenship education within a socioeconomic, cultural and political context. The paper argues that current preoccupations with citizenship education contained in Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (Dfee, 1999), stem from the impact of Neo-Liberal concerns with individualism, economic and technological globalisation and the potential fragmentation of contemporary society. The paper explores the principles of education for citizenship and the teaching of democracy in schools and suggests that, as part of New Labour's developing conception of British society, citizenship education asks some fundamental questions of that society.