Tatu Vanhanen Research Articles

Mudanças da propaganda eleitoral e efeitos na competição e participação em eleições municipais brasileiras entre 2008 e 2016

Este trabalho apresenta uma proposta de medição da participação e competição nas eleições brasileiras, utilizando o Índice de Democratização de Tatu Vanhanen, para o qual competição e participação são fundamentais para analisar a democracia em uma eleição. São utilizados dados agregados dos resultados das eleições nos municípios brasileiros entre os anos de 2008 e 2016, associados à estrutura de comunicação tradicional (rádio e TV) e digital nas cidades. A hipótese é a de que existe associação entre intensidade de comunicação e participação eleitoral. O objetivo é analisar se a maior ou menor estrutura de comunicação da propaganda eleitoral afeta a participação e competição das eleições, em um período no qual houve mudanças das leis eleitorais e diminuição do espaço de comunicação tradicional. A pergunta que norteia o trabalho é: a visibilidade das eleições causada com a mudanças nas regras eleitorais diminui a democracia eleitoral nesses municípios? Os resultados mostram que há efeitos em direções contrárias.

Neurocognitive, Biological and Genetics factors and the Risk of Developing Borderline Intellectual Functioning (BIF) Disease among Kurdish Societies

Differences in intelligence are the most significant factor in explaining levels of social progress and development. One measure scientists use to determine differences in intelligence is Intelligence Quotient (IQ), which is derived from standardized tests designed to assess human intelligence. Individuals with IQ scores between 90 and 109 are considered average intelligence and those with scores of 89 to 80 are considered Below Average or Dullness. In this study our analysis of the literature has assessed the level of Kurdish intelligence quotient. The area of Kurdish nation, located in four different countries includes Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey. The average IQ of Iranian people is 84, Iraqi people 87, Syrian people 83 and Turkey people is 90. These numbers came from a work carried out from 2002 to 2006 by Richard Lynn, a British Professor of Psychology, and Tatu Vanhanen, a Finnish Professor of Political Science, who conducted IQ studies in more than 80 countries (IQ Research). Based on this study we estimate the average Kurdish IQ ranges between 83 and 90. Vanhanen and Lynn argue that IQ and the Wealth of Nations analyses the relation between national IQ scores and measures of economic performance. In this study, we aimed to assess the association between IQ (intelligence quotient) and neurocognitive, biological and genetics factors among Kurdish populations and then we drew inferences about the state of social progress and development of Kurdish societies and genetic characteristics based on a statistical pattern.

POLITICAL REGIME IN POST-SOVIET RUSSIA: PERIODS OF TRANSFORMATION AND INDICES OF DEMOCRACY

The article deals with the formation and systematized criteria of democracy indices during the presidency of Boris Yeltsin, Dmitry Medvedev, Vladimir Putin. The author used the rating Tatu Vanhanen, whereby the calculated indices of democracy in certain periods of transformation of the political regime in post-Soviet Russia. The author offered an original chart the changes in relation to democracy indicators of its dynamics in modern Russia. Analyzed as a specific factor for oil prices impact on the indices of democracy in the post-Soviet Russia.

Tatu Vanhanen, Global Inequality as a Consequence of Human Diversity: A New Theory Tested by Empirical Evidence (London: Ulster Institute for Public Research, 2014) 203 pages. ISBN 9780957391376. £16 paperback, £5 ebook.

Tatu Vanhanen, Global Inequality as a Consequence of Human Diversity: A New Theory Tested by Empirical Evidence (London: Ulster Institute for Public Research, 2014) 203 pages. ISBN 9780957391376. £16 paperback, £5 ebook.

Book Review: Race Differences in Intelligence: An Evolutionary Analysis, 2nd Revised Edition (Lynn, R.)

Race Differences in Intelligence: An Evolutionary Analysis, 2nd Revised Edition. Richard Lynn Athens, Georgia: Washington Summit Publishers 2015, 425 pagesRichard Lynn is perhaps best known for his work on national differences in IQ, conducted with Tatu Vanhanen. In 2006, in the first edition of this book, he brought together all the studies then known to calculate race differences in intelligence. This second revised edition adds another 100 pages and many more studies to Richard Lynn's first definitive compilation of racial IQs. The conclusions given in the first edition are largely confirmed by many more studies in this new edition and are summarised in the table below.Clearly, this new book will now be the definitive resource for anyone interested in understanding race differences in intelligence. There are many important changes when comparing it to the first edition. One of the most important of these is the discussion of the IQ of Europeans. In the first edition (apart from a few low IQ outliers such as Ireland and Greece) Europeans were argued to have an IQ of roughly the Greenwich median of 100. In this edition, drawing upon more recent studies, it is argued that both Eastern Europeans (i.e. much of the former Communist Bloc) and southern Europeans have lower average IQs than Western Europeans by about 3 points on average. In the case of Eastern Europe Lynn puts this down to poor living standards, but it could also be a function of dysgenics: more intelligent Latvians, for example, being disproportionately slaughtered by the Soviets as they cleansed the intelligentsia and also having been more likely to have made the necessary plans to flee the country around this time. In the last edition, the Balkan countries were shown to have lower IQs than Western Europe. Lynn argues that they are clines, reflecting genetic admixture with peoples from the Near East, where the IQs are in the range of approximately 90 (Turkey), 87 (Lebanon) and 83 (Syria) and hence the peoples of the southern Balkans are a mixed race cline of European and Near-Eastern populations with IQs intermediate between the two peoples. Likewise, in the last edition, Lynn noted that Portugal's IQ was significantly lower than other Western European countries, something he put down to Early Modern African slaves, an issue which was not a factor in Spain, for example. In this edition, it is shown that the IQ in the far south of Western Europe is, in general, significantly below 100. In Sicily and in the South of mainland Italy it is 90, and in southern Spain it is 95.5. Lynn argues that the populations here are a European-North African cline, so the IQ is intermediate between Europe and North Africa. He quotes many expert sources -often verbatim and at length-to back up these interpretations and also substantiates his interpretation with gene frequency data.In this new edition, Lynn takes pains to respond to many critics of his findings of his earlier work. For example, he sets out in detail how the conclusion that the Sub-Saharan African IQ is 76 is erroneous and based on elite samples. However, based on more recent information, this edition revises the Sub-Saharan African IQ up from 67 in the first edition to 71. This edition also discusses the relatively high intelligence of African infants which it puts down to their developing more quickly than European children, who soon surpass them. Lynn responds to the criticism that the estimated IQ for Bushmen, of 55, is impossibly low because it would render them severely mentally retarded by European standards. He notes that 55 IQ points (according to adult norms) is the average intelligence of a European 8-year-old, these generally being literate. Apes, with the mental ability of human 4-year-olds, notes Lynn, survive well as foragers. One potential criticism here is that Lynn doesn't take the time to pull apart the popular (but ludicrous) theory of 'stereotype threat,' which is logically incoherent but is widely used by Lynn's critics. …

Obituary: Tatu Vanhanen 1929-2015

The political scientist Tatu Vanhanen, who died on 22nd August 2015 aged 86, was Finland's most notorious academic. This was principally on account of his work carried out with Richard Lynn on national IQs, first published in IQ and the Wealth of Nations (Lynn & Vanhanen, 2002). This book, combining Lynn's calculations of national IQs and Vanhanen's mastery of political science and economics, argued that there were national differences in (strongly heritable) IQ and that these predicted differences in national wealth.In August 2004, Vanhanen gave an interview about the book to the monthly magazine attached to Finland's biggest newspaper Helsingin Sanomat. He told the journalist 'Whereas the average IQ of Finns is 97, in Africa it is between 60 and 70. Differences in intelligence are the most significant factor in explaining poverty.' This 'thought crime' resulted in Finland's Ombudsman for Minorities, Mikko Puumalainen, demanding that Vanhanen be prosecuted for 'inciting hatred against an ethnic group'. The Finnish National Bureau of Investigation (the Finnish FBI) then announced that they were investigating whether there were grounds for prosecution. The incident generated huge media coverage because Vanhanen's son, Matti, had become Prime Minister the previous year. Matti Vanhanen distanced himself from his father's remarks but refused to become embroiled in the affair. However, it was announced that there was insufficient evidence to proceed against the 75 year-old Emeritus Professor and the case was dropped. As a result, Tatu Vanhanen became a household name in Finland and his death, after a long illness, was reported in every national and significant local newspaper in the country. Even some of my own research on Finland has been of interest to the Finnish press partly because it was co-authored with Richard Lynn and he had worked with Tatu Vanhanen.Tatu Vanhanen was born on 17th April 1929 in the village of Sintola in the municipality of Vuoksenranta in the eastern Finnish province of Karelia. His father was a farmer, Taavi Vanhanen (1905-1968). In November 1939, the Soviet Union demanded that Finland give up eastern Karelia (often simply referred to as 'Karelia' in this context). Eastern Karelia included Vuoksenranta and the country's second city, Vyborg. Together with the areas of Lapland the Soviets wanted, the Finns would have to give up 12% of their territory and 20% of their industrial capacity. When Finland refused to concede to the Soviet Union, the Soviets invaded. Despite a surprisingly successful resistance campaign during the Winter War, Finland lost the territory, and most of Karelia's 410,000 residents (12% of the Finnish population) fled to the new Finland, including Vanhanen's family. Then, in the so-called Continuation War, Finland took Karelia back again in 1941 and about half the residents returned, the Vanhanens among them. But the Finns were forced to surrender Karelia to the Soviets in 1944, with the Karelian Finns given just 10 days to get out before the border would be closed. Vanhanen's family were part of the huge re-exodus of Karelian refugees to the new Finland. The Vanhanen family were evacuated to Kauraketo near Somero in southwestern Finland where Vanhanen's father later became chairman of the local forestry and fishing society. Farmers were compensated in proportion to their previous landholdings but received about a third of their original farm size.In the chaos of war, Vanhanen had to leave school at 12 and begin working on a farm. He gained his secondary school education via a part-time correspondence course organized by the Finnish Lifelong Learning Society. Vanhanen joined the Agrarian League (later known as the Centre Party), a traditionalist party with strong rural support which was, and remains, one of Finland's largest political parties. The party was involved in running the Alkio Folk School - an adult education college - in Jyvaskyla, in the center of the country. …

Book review: Global Inequality as a Consequence of Human Diversity: A New Theory Tested by Empirical Evidence

Global Inequality as a Consequence of Human Diversity: A New Theory Tested by Empirical Evidence Tatu Vanhanen Ulster Institute for Social Research 2014, 171 pages.Why are some nations so much wealthier than others? And why has the difference between the wealth of nations continued to grow until recently despite international aid and other attempts to redistribute wealth? The standard answer among social scientists is that the difference is a result of the exploitation of poorer countries by richer countries or a lack of particular kinds of natural resources, or particular kinds of history or culture, in poorer countries.This book's thesis is as bold as it is controversial: As with any animal, humans evolved into sub-species which vary in intelligence due to differing environmental selection pressures for this characteristic. Even within these sub-species there is genetic variance in intelligence. Intelligence strongly correlates with numerous measures of individual and national success and especially those that measure standard of living. As such, there will always be 'inequality.' It is a biological fact of human existence.In Global Inequality, Vanhanen examines the relationship of six measures of national living standard - GNI per capita, tertiary education, infant mortality, life expectancy, sanitation, and democratization - with average IQ in 178 countries. His conclusion is that around 75% of global variation between nations in these measures is explained by national differences in average intelligence. In discussing his results, Vanhanen looks at each of the nations whose relationship is an outlier on each measure and explains why this is the case. He also defends Richard Lynn's national IQs from the often unreasonable and tendentious criticisms that have been leveled against them.Quite apart from its carefully-argued thesis, Global Inequality has a number of points to recommend it. Often, books written by scientists who propose biological and more specifically genetic theories as explanations for social phenomena tend to summarily dismiss or even ignore the environmentallydeterminist theories which are, often for ideological reasons, advocated by scholars in the social sciences and humanities. This permits humanities scholars to argue that the scientist is 'reductionist' or not familiar with the relevant literature, allowing them to dismiss his scientific work with their own theories. In this regard, Vanhanen's patience is extremely useful. He spends considerable time looking at every significant environmentally-determinist explanation for global inequality, showing that they are question-begging, partial explanations, or do not accord with the available evidence.In fact, in that the book is relatively short, I would have liked to have seen it go much further in this regard; defending the utility of the concept of intelligence and even philosophically or morally justifying studying population differences at all. These avenues tend to be those down which ideologically-driven scholars turn in the face of overwhelming empirical evidence which proves that they are wrong. They may also attempt to argue that concepts such as 'intelligence' or even the desire to have wealth or education are 'very Western.' Accordingly, it would be useful to note the obvious problem with this argument: People everywhere value these things or proxies for them such as access to resources, wisdom or common sense. …

WHEN THERE WAS MORE DEMOCRACY IN LITHUANIA? A COMPARISON OF THE POLITICAL REGIMES OF THE FIRST AND SECOND REPUBLICS OF LITHUANIA

The article provides a diachronic quantitative comparison of the political regimes of the First (interwar, LR I) and Second (contemporary, LR II) Republics of Lithuania, which is supplemented by a synchronic comparison with neighbour countries. For this comparison, the data set and the Index of Democracy by the Finnish political scientist Tatu Vanhanen (known in the literature as the Vanhanen Index, VI) is used; its values are calculated by multiplying those of the indicators of public contestation and of the participation in elections. The Vanhanen data are corrected, extended, and some of his assumptions are criticised. Vanhanen’s index is not a valid tool for measuring liberal democracy. However, the application of Vanhanen’s index to the time of the 1926 coup helps to highlight in the decorative parliamentarism of the IV Seimas in 1936–1940 some non-fictive elements of the genuine electoral regime, which have survived because of the obstacles to the complete entrenchment of authoritarianism, set by the autonomy of the Klaipėda region under defense of international treaties.

A conversation with Richard Lynn

This special issue - Evolution of race and sex differences in intelligence and personality: Tribute to Richard Lynn at eighty – testifies to his many research interests over time, where Richard often pioneered. To mention a few examples, he clarified the confusion about the existence of an average sex difference in IQ, by demonstrating that children below 15 do not show the later adult sex difference. More importantly, Richard was the first to establish average IQs for all countries with more than 40.000 people, and then, with Tatu Vanhanen, illustrated the impressive predictive power of these IQs for understanding essential aspects of a nation’s economical and social infrastructure. Richard was also the first to realise that classical eugenic measures do not suffices to avert serious consequences of dysgenics and to suggest that modern reproductive technologies may entail better eugenic potentials.The present conversation provides sufficient details to get a glimpse of the person behind these pioneering efforts this and of his courage. As a prominent member of the London School of Differential Psychology he paints broad consequential strokes on our deeper understanding of human nature and what makes civilizations rise and fall. The behavioural sciences need extraordinary people like him.

Anti-Oxidants, Omega-3 Fatty Acids, and Cognitive Decline with Aging

A nti - oxidants , O mega -3 F atty A cids , and C ognitive D ecline with A ging Tanu Ashok Patel B S J Mental capabilities have become an increasingly valuable commodity, especially in recent years with the bursting of the dot-com bubble, the general economic downturn, and the advent of competition for jobs with rising countries such as China and India. The focus on increasing and retaining cognitive abilities such as memory and executive functions has risen over the past couple of years. In the year 2006 the release and popularity Figure 1. A list of the most common anti-oxidant ruch foods. Graphic by Tanu Ashok Patel of the book, IQ and Global Inequality by Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen captured precisely this fascination with cognitive abilities. For some, this interest has meant adopting the “tiger mom” tactics of Yale law professor Amy Chua (Chua, 2011), while for others, this has meant turning to less rigorous tactics, such as the consumption of herbal concoctions involving fish oils and anti-oxidants simply because they’ve heard of the benefits these foods have on cognition, an idea that has become urban lore of late. The popularity of supposedly mind-sharpening anti-oxidants and fish oils has only increased over the years, and the foods containing these ingredients continue to fly off the shelves of small herbal shops and big corporate stores alike. Children in homes across the US are encouraged to eat foods rich in these compounds. But is there a real correlation between these foods and mental capabilities? As we shall see, research has shown both sides of the coin. While the consumption of anti- oxidants has been commonly shown to increase cognitive abilities, there has also been research illustrating that consumption of anti-oxidants has a minimal effect on the aged brain. Similarly polar findings can easily be found for the prevention of cognitive decline and Omega-3 Fatty Acids. Studies showing a positive correlation between cognitive impairment and oxidative stress have been replicated many times over and the correlation between the two is relatively trusted. The human brain is placed under as much oxidative stress as the rest of the body, but has been found to be more sensitive to damage from the free radicals that result from oxidative stress. (Butterfield et al., 2005) The body incurs oxidative stress simply by carrying out normal functions like breathing. Oxidation has the harmful effect of producing free radicals, which are highly reactive molecules that react readily with lipids, proteins, and DNA causing them to become radicals, and altering their natural 1 • B erkeley S cientific J ournal • S cience of F ood • V olume 16 • I ssue 1

IQ AND GLOBAL INEQUALITY - by Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen

IQ AND GLOBAL INEQUALITY - by Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen

Black intellectual genocide: An essay review of IQ and the Wealth of Nations.

I review the book IQ and the Wealth of Nations, written by Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen. I critique the authors’ major assertion that a significant part of the gap between rich and poor countries is due to differences in national intelligence. The authors claim that they have evidence that differences in national IQ account for substantial variation in per capita income and growth of a nation. This essay review debunks their assumptions that intellectual and income differences between nations stem from genetic differences. This critique provides an extended review of the research literature that argues against these assumptions and presents a different picture from that presented by Lynn and Vanhanen about the concept of intelligence, what IQ measures and does not measure. The essay exposes the racist, sexist, and antihuman nature of the research tradition in which the authors anchored their studies and the deep methodological flaws and theoretical assumptions that appear in their book. The low standards of scholarship evident in the book render it largely irrelevant for modern science. This essay specifically deals with the IQ value of Ethiopian immigrants that came from Israel, used by the authors as representing the National

Exploring the Origins of Transitions in the Fourth Wave

Democratic Transitions: Exploring the Structural Sources of the Fourth Wave. By Renske Doorenspleet. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2005. 203 pp., $49.95 (ISBN: 1-58826-306-1). The question of what conditions help foster the emergence of democratic rule is one of the most persistent puzzles confronting social scientists. In Democratic Transitions , Renske Doorenspleet has written an interesting and comprehensive comparative study of democratization that is fit to sit on bookshelves next to such classics as Robert Dahl's Polyarchy (1971), Seymour Martin Lipset's Political Man (1960), Tatu Vanhanen's The Process of Democratization (1990), and Adam Przeworski's Democracy and Development (Przeworski et al. 2000). Rather than examining the details of how transitions unfold in particular places, the emphasis in Democratic Transitions rests very much on evaluating general propositions about the structural characteristics of countries and societies that might facilitate democracy. Doorenspleet is entirely unapologetic about her decision to emphasize the relationship between structural conditions and democratization over what she calls “actor-oriented” explanations. She argues that approaches that emphasize the autonomy of actors are ultimately either indeterminate, in the sense that they simply identify a great number of outcomes as “possible,” or resort to structural conditions to account for the motives behind the behavior of individuals. Many comparative studies have analyzed structural differences between democratic and autocratic states to uncover contrasts that may tell us something about the structural conditions that facilitate democracy (see, for example, Lipset 1960; Vanhanen 1990; Burkhart and Lewis-Beck 1994; Muller 1995). Doorenspleet, however, focuses specifically on the characteristics of societies that have actually experienced transitions to democracy from authoritarian rule. She argues that the factors associated with the presence of democratic institutions (that is, characteristics of democratic states) may tell us more about the stability of democratic institutions than the prospects for transitions per se. Moreover, rather than studying political transitions over a long time period, she focuses specifically on transitions that occurred …

Book Reviews

Books reviewed:Edited by C. Kirkpatrick, R. Clarke and C. Polidano Handbook on Development Policy and ManagementJane A. Pryer Poverty and Vulnerability in Dhaka Slums: The Urban Livelihoods StudyRichard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen IQ and the Wealth of NationsEdited by Sara Oldfield The Trade in Wildlife: Regulation for ConservationJohn Degnbol‐Martinussen and Poul Engberg‐Pedersen Aid: Understanding International Development CooperationJules Pretty Agri‐Culture: Reconnecting People, Land and Nature

IQ and the Wealth of Nations. A Critique of Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen's Recent Book

Recently Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen have presented evidence that differences in national IQ account for the substantial variation in national per capita income and growth. However, their findings must be considered as highly problematic. The authors neither make use of state‐of‐the‐art methodological techniques nor can they substantiate their theoretical claims. More precisely the authors confuse IQ with human capital and fail to adequately discuss the causal sequence of their argument.

Book Review Article: National Income, Intelligence, and Climate

IQ and the Wealth of Nations Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen Praeger, Westport. Connecticut 2002 256 pp., U.S. $64.95, ISBN 0-275-97510-X Richard Lynn and Tatu Vanhanen in their IQ and the Wealth of Nations have exhibited great courage. Anyone who mentions that people or nations may differ in intelligence is denounced. Yet as many readers know, intelligence tests consistently show the races to differ in intelligence, and the evidence points strongly to genetic causes for these differences. Yet, if the races differ in intelligence, and nations differ in racial composition, then the intelligence of nations may differ. Without ever mentioning the term race, it is this possibility that Lynn and Vanhanen explore. They make a good case that not only do nations differ in intelligence, but that these intelligence differences make a major contribution to national income differences. One of the authors, Tatu Vanhanen, is a Finnish political scientist who has written on such subjects as democratization (which is one of the variables used in this study) and on ethnic conflict. The other, Richard Lynn, is a UK psychologist. He is probably the leading expert in international comparisons of intelligence (an earlier survey of national IQs in this journal is Lynn 1991a). Such comparisons are complex because there are a wide variety of tests that have been given at different times, to different groups (children, students, conscripts, etc.) and for different purposes (virtually never was the purpose to make international comparisons). To make these comparisons numerous adjustments must be made. The situation is further complicated because there is evidence that intelligence scores have been increasing over time. This increase is sometimes referred to as the Lynn-Flynn effect in honor of the two authors who have drawn attention to it, one of which is a co-author of this book. Naturally, Lynn has adjusted the scores for the date of the tests. A major contribution of the book is a set of consistent estimates of national IQs. These estimates will probably be used by others to investigate various hypotheses and to expand on Lynn and Vanhanen's work. The book provides an appendix giving the sources for the IQ scores for each nation and the adjustments that have been made Perhaps the first question to be addressed is whether the measurements of intelligence that have been made are sufficiently accurate to build an argument on. This is tested by locating 45 countries in which more than one test has been given. When more than two tests have been given, the two extreme values were used. The correlation of the two tests is .939. This correlation is high enough to establish that the tests are reliable. The first finding of the book is that nations do indeed differ in IQ. The country scores were calculated on a scale in which the IQ of Britain is 100 and the standard deviation 15. There were 81 countries for which national IQ could be calculated (including Hong Kong and Puerto Rico as countries). The US scores 98 on this scale. The authors grouped these by region. The highest scores were not in Europe or the US, but in East Asia. The highest reported was 107 for Hong Kong, followed by 106 for Korea, 105 for Japan, 104 for Taiwan, and 100 for China (mainland). The charge is frequently made that the nationals of the countries for which the test were designed will always do best. Virtually all of the IQ tests were devised in the UK or the US, but yet the highest scores were obtained in East Asia. The natives of the country where the tests were developed do not always do best. Lynn and others who work on differences in intelligence are frequently accused of being racists who believe in white superiority. Yet Lynn's data shows that the most intelligent nations are non-white. Looking at other regions, European countries range from 102 (Germany, Austria, Italy, and the Netherlands) down to 90 for Croatia, 92 for Greece, and 93 for Ireland. …

Quantitative measures of democracy in Africa: An assessment

Given the fact that quantitative measures of democracy in Africa are increasingly used in scholarly research, it is appropriate to ask the question: ‘Are such measures accurately reflecting empirical observations?’ To answer this question, data‐sets compiled by Zahra Arat, Tatu Vanhanen, Mark Gasiorowski, Keith Jaggers and Ted Robert Gurr, and Freedom House/Raymond Gastil are compared with qualitative observations of events affecting liberal democracy in Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda. Two types of problems are found. First, there are many discrepancies between empirical observations and what is shown by the data‐sets. Second, there are inconsistencies in the quantitative measurement of democracy across countries, for example, the same phenomenon does not seem to be measured by the Jaggers and Gurr and the Freedom House/Gastil indices in South Africa and Tanzania. The discrepancies in the quantitative measures suggest that the observations of area specialists of events related to liberal democracy are important not simply to help interpret quantitative measures but to reconstruct them.

Democratization in eastern Europe: domestic and international perspectives

Journal Article Democratization in eastern Europe: domestic and international perspectives Get access Democratization in eastern Europe: domestic and international perspectives. Edited by Geoffrey Pridhamand Tatu Vanhanen. London: Routledge. 1994. 274pp. Index. £40.00; ISBN 0 415 11063 7. Pb.: £12.99; ISBN 0 415 11064 5. Charles King Charles King 1New College, University of Oxford Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 71, Issue 3, July 1995, Page 647, https://doi.org/10.2307/2624919 Published: 01 July 1995

Book Reviews : TATU VANHANEN, Politics of Ethnic Nepotism: India as an Example, Sterling Publishers, New Delhi, 1991

Book Reviews : TATU VANHANEN, Politics of Ethnic Nepotism: India as an Example, Sterling Publishers, New Delhi, 1991

The Process of Democratization: A Comparative Study of 147 States, 1980- 1988.Tatu Vanhanen

<i>The Process of Democratization: A Comparative Study of 147 States, 1980- 1988.</i>Tatu Vanhanen