From Black Revolution to Radical Humanism: Malcolm X between Biography and International History Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention Manning Marable New York: Viking, 2011. 594 pp.Ever since his violent death at age thirty-nine, on February 21, 1965, African American activist Malcolm X has become more of a cultural icon than a properly understood historical figure, a sort of blank screen onto which a seemingly endless variety of people and groups have projected their fantasies, ideas, and visions. This, in a way, is a strange fate for someone so profoundly political.1 In popular culture, in varying national arenas, he has become a totemic posthumous presence. Around world he is nearly as likely as Che Guevara to be found on t-shirts worn by idealistic young people who actually know little if anything about him. In United States, identification of individual African with him transcends political orientation: he has been claimed as a model, for example, by Clarence Thomas, rightwing Supreme Court justice, as well as by Chuck D, leader of militant hip-hop group Public Enemy.2 He has even been adopted by parts of American mainstream: there are streets named after him, The Autobiography ofMakolm X is widely assigned in schools and colleges, and U.S. Postal Service formalized his national status by putting his image on a stamp in 1999.But it is really at international level that Malcolm's life after death has had particular resonance; recent anecdotal (and sometimes disturbing) evidence abounds. After election of Barack Obama to U.S. presidency in November 2008, alQaeda released a video featuring its then-deputy (now leader), Egyptian physician Ayman al-Zawahiri, who described president-elect Obama as a race traitor and hypocrite when compared to Malcolm X. This was not new rhetoric from alZawahiri, who had frequently held up Malcolm X (to whom he always referred by Malcolm's Arabic name, El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz) as a paragon of honorable black Americans while attacking Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice, during years of George W. Bush administration, as house negroes (harking back to Malcolm X's favorite pejorative description of moderate black American leaders who enjoyed support of white liberals).Toward end of his biography of Malcolm X, Manning Marable is quick to distance his subject from al-Qaeda's views of world, arguing that Malcolm would have certainly found attacks of September n, 2001, abhorrent - the negation of Islam's core tenets, as Marable puts it (487). This is a highly debatable point to which I will return. Nevertheless, al-Qaeda's embrace of Malcolm X (genuine or not) and al-Zawahiri's use of one of Malcolm's most famous speeches are revealing of a fascinating but thus far misunderstood historical development: transformation of a uniquely American public figure, seemingly product of specifically black American socio-historical circumstances, into a worldwide cultural, political, and religious symbol. In a way, al-Zawahiri's comments were already forecast more than twenty years earlier, when postrevolutionary Iranian government released a postage stamp featuring an image of Malcolm X to promote Universal Day of Struggle against Race Discrimination. These sorts of linkages between Malcolm X's politics and radical Islam were perhaps most notoriously put into action by John Walker Lindh, young white Californian from upper-class Marin County who was inspired, after reading Autobiography, to leave comfortable suburban America behind him and join Taliban forces in mountains of Afghanistan, where in 2002 he was captured by American troops.These few examples are suggestive of ways in which a full examination of Malcolm X's political and spiritual legacies can serve as a gateway for scholars seeking to understand dynamics of international history in last several decades, and particularly place of United States (and most specifically, black Americans) in a global context. …