Collective Security System Research Articles

MUTUAL PERCEPTION OF THE GREAT POWERS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE GENESIS OF THE WORLD WAR II (THE CASE OF SOVIET-FRENCH RELATIONS)

Perception in international relations has long been studied in political science, but historians have not paid suffi cient attention to it so far. Meanwhile, looking at known events through its prism allows us to draw new conclusions about their origins. The prehistory of World War II and its key episode — the failure of attempts to deter Hitler’s aggression in Europe through the joint eff orts of France and the Soviet Union — can serve as a fruitful field for testing this approach. For the military and political elites of France, the USSR was dangerous due to its unpredictability, but an internally fragile. This presumption leveled all the successes of the Soviet leadership in modernizing the country and the armed forces in the eyes of the French. The increased military danger in Europe after 1933 prompted Paris merely to offer Moscow the role of an ordinary participant in the system of collective security, which was based on the experience of World War I and designed as a new model for the development of international relations and minimization of conflicts between countries. The Soviet government viewed France as a leading imperialist power that prioritized anti-Soviet goals, but had a situational interest in limiting German expansion. At the same time, Moscow believed that Soviet-French cooperation could be effective only as an equal strategic alliance aimed at deterring a potential aggressor. This approach was rejected by French diplomacy, which followed the policy of appeasement. It was a source of a deep crisis in bilateral relations at the time of the 1938 Munich agreements. The collapse of appeasement in early 1939 led to a sharp turn by the French government to strategic planning for a possible war and created a window of opportunity for an agreement with the USSR. However, the inertia of old prejudices deprived the tripartite Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations in the spring and summer of 1939 of their practical content and opened the way for a Soviet-German agreement

The Ukrainian–Russian Armed Conflict and the Law of Neutrality: Continuity, Discontinuity, or Irrelevance?

This article examines the role of the law of neutrality, namely the international legal regime defining the status of a State not party to an international armed conflict, in the Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict by analyzing the legal justifications offered by States and scholars with reference to the provision of weapons to the belligerents. The findings reveal that different positions could be identified ranging from an approach that reflects continuity regarding the basic premises characterizing this legal regime, to the emergence of a relevant discontinuity regarding its traditional legal contours or, finally, solutions implying its current legal irrelevance, even if on multiple occasions States have refrained from framing their positions in clear legal terms. The diminishing relevance of the law of neutrality may eventually lead to a legal order where third-party involvement in conflicts becomes more common. At the same time, the ongoing crisis of the United Nations’ collective security system and violations of its basic principles might risk making traditional interpretations of the law of neutrality a legal component of the lawfare portfolio available to States violating the prohibition on using force, thus mandating a reassessment in its interpretation.

‘Peace-Loving Countries, Unite!’ British Reception of Soviet Declarations on ‘Collective Security’ at the Turn of 1934

Soviet-German relations were very conducive for both countries after the Rapallo Treaty was concluded in 1922. There were some signs of difficulties during the Great Depression but they did not influence the willingness of Berlin and Moscow to cooperate. After Adolf Hitler came to power, however, the deterioration of bilateral relations of the two countries became apparent. Finally, at the turn of 1934, a wave of official Soviet declarations on starting cooperation with the ‘peace-loving’ capitalist countries against the aggressor within the framework of the collective security system took place. The article’s aim is to explain whether or not the British Cabinet took notice of these speeches and what attention it paid them. It is important to determine how the British diplomats interpreted these declarations and what was the justification for their viewpoints. Previously, London had tried to separate Germany from the USSR. Hence, the question as to the British government’s understanding of the new situation arised as do the potential steps taken on the international scene once German-Soviet cooperation ceased to exist at the end of 1933. The deterioration of Soviet-German relations had the potential to influence British diplomacy, which was devoted to the idea of collective security.

Онлайн-ризики в умовах сучасності: проблеми та шляхи подолання

It was emphasized that ensuring the safety of children is one of the priority tasks of the state. Today, in the conditions of rapid digital development, new challenges and threats to the well-being of children appear, which require the search for effective tools to overcome them and provide a comprehensive approach to ensuring the safety of children in cyberspace. Attention is focused on the fact that a comprehensive approach includes, among other things, the appropriate level of training of specialists of entities whose competence includes prevention and response to threats to the safety of children in cyberspace. Timely detection of threats to the safety of children in cyberspace depends on their professionalism, care, and impartiality. It has been proven that information security is more relevant than ever. Growing cyber attacks on public and private enterprises only increase this trend. A separate category of threats concerns citizens, who are increasingly becoming the object of close attention of criminals, therefore, a relatively new concept of the need for users to independently observe basic safety rules is gradually spreading. This approach makes it possible to significantly strengthen the system of collective security of society and the state as a whole. It is noted that cyber hygiene should be treated in the same way as personal hygiene, and when properly integrated into the organization, become a simple daily procedure that will ensure the state of cyber health of the organization in an optimal state. It became clear that violation of the rules of cyber hygiene can lead to harmful consequences not only for an individual person. Quite often, the victim's employer also suffers from the actions of criminals. Even great powers can suffer enormous damage from a careless attitude towards the security requirements of one person. Violators often use an individual to penetrate critical infrastructure facilities, steal government data, and create conditions for coordinated full-scale attacks.

The Discussion of the Tendences and Evolution of the European Security Issues in the British Parliament (1990-2010)

The article is devoted to the discussion of European security issues in the British Parliament in the post-bipolar period. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the British establishment had to revise the foreign policy doctrine of the United Kingdom to adapt it to the demands of the post-bipolar age. During this period, parliamentarians discussed the future role of NATO after the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact. The political establishment has continued to define NATO as the foundation of the Euroatlantic system of collective security. After the direct military threat from the USSR vanished, the British elites had difficulties formulating the strategic goal of the North Atlantic alliance's existence. Another important topic was the creation of the European Union, its future enlargement in Central-Eastern Europe, and the search for the best approach to British European policy under new circumstances. There was an agreement that the idea of the “Europe of Nations” was best suited to British national interests. The British government also deterred attempts by France and Germany to transform the European Union into a federal superstate. The Balkan crisis also became a central topic that caused heated debates in Parliament in an attempt to find a path to a peaceful settlement. In the case of military interventions in local conflicts, the British establishment tried to evade direct intervention in the Balkan crisis but was forced to reconsider its position under growing pressure from allies, who began to experience economic and reputational damage. The humanitarian intervention in Kosovo created a precedent that was used to justify interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. Additionally, the conflicts in Nagorno-Karabakh and Georgia were also discussed.

THE ROLE AND PLACE OF THE NATIONAL SECURITY AND DEFENSE COUNCIL AMONG ENVIRONMENTAL SECURITY ENTITIES

The issue of state regulation of the environmental safety system was considered. It has been established that the potential of the environmental protection system in Ukraine has not been realized. The need to define the main tasks of state regulation in the environmental sphere is substantiated. Priority areas of state support have been formed for the purpose of developing the system for ensuring environmental safety. It was concluded that in ensuring environmental safety in the field of national security and defense, state regulation of the environmental protection industry should ensure the concentration of necessary resources on meeting priority needs, which will allow the adoption and implementation of management decisions on the formation and implementation of national environmental legislation in the system of collective security. The implementation of the state program for the development of environmental intelligence should include the entire set of necessary measures, united by a common goal, related to performers, resources and deadlines, which will enable the implementation of the tasks of creation and functioning within the framework of the concept of ensuring environmental security in Ukraine.

Intelligence as an instrument of state power and its use in international politics

The article makes an attempt to theoretically substantiate why intelligence is an independent instrument of state power, its common and distinctive features with other instruments of power. The paper also provides historical examples of the use of intelligence by various states to influence the behaviour of other states, as well as various approaches used therein.Some features of the use of the intelligence instrument of power by states in the conditions of the existence of bipolar and multipolar political systems are also highlighted in the article. It also draws attention to the incentives for the choice of intelligence as an alternative to other instruments of power in the context of the limiting impact of global collective security systems, in particular the United Nations.

The Conflict in Ukraine and Its Implications for the United Nations System of Collective Security

Abstract The armed conflict following the decision of Russia to launch a “special military operation” in Ukraine has put under severe stress the whole system of collective security of the United Nations. The Security Council was deadlocked from the very beginning of the crisis by the Russian veto, and any operative decision by that organ proved impossible. The General Assembly was convened in emergency special session and, within the first year of the conflict, managed to adopt six resolutions, inter alia determining that the Russian military operation against Ukraine constituted an aggression and declaring the invalidity of the attempts by Russia to alter the status of the Ukrainian territory under military occupation. The International Court of Justice was the only UN principal organ that proved able to issue a binding order on the matter, by indicating provisional measures demanding the immediate cessation of hostilities. The present article considers the impact of the conflict in Ukraine on the functioning of the UN organs involved, the legal implications of the actions attempted by these organs to manage the crisis, as well as the legal hurdles that impaired the effectiveness of such attempts.

Національна стійкість України в умовах воєнного стану

On February 24, 2022, russia unleashed the first continental war in Europe in the 21st century, undermining the system of collective world security established after World War II. The aggravation of hostilities and the scale of the destruction of Ukrainian cities and critical infrastructure objects actualize the issue of national resilience research. The aim of the article is to substantiate the national resilience of Ukraine as a necessary condition for countering russian aggression, as well as to identify directions for its support. General scientific and special methods have been used: theoretical generalization, system analysis, systematization, statistical, grouping, and scientific abstraction. Ensuring national resi­lien­ce for Ukraine can be considered as a new stage of state building and restoration of sovereignty. National resilience determines the reaction of the state and society to internal and external challenges and threats. However, in the conditions of war, an important component in the development of national resilience is the international support of partner countries, which can satisfy the key needs of our state with their resources and diplomatic efforts. Such support includes the provision of humanitarian and military aid, financial assistance, and participation in international diplomatic efforts to negotiate a ceasefire and restore peace. The russian-Ukrainian war caused a series of global challenges that destabilized the international security environment. Key among them are: food, energy, humanitarian, security and environmental global challenges. Restoring global stability and countering new challenges is a common goal for all stakeholders. Using the Peace Fund’s approach to assessing the level of national resilience, the spheres of Ukraine’s national resilience were analyzed and its vulnerabilities were identified. The process of ensuring national resilience is multi-vector and requires careful planning and financing in all directions.

The principle of international cooperation in modern international relations

The article examines the mechanism of action and implementation of the principle of international cooperation in modern international relations against the background of the European integration of Ukraine and the strengthening of the sphere of security and defense. The content and legal and organizational foundations of the principle of international cooperation are analyzed. Trends in the implementation of the principle of international cooperation against the background of the European integration of Ukraine and the strengthening of the sphere of security and defense have been studied. The opinion is argued that international organizations, due to their nature and external factors, do not always act as effective moderators of international cooperation. Aggression against Ukraine exposed a number of fundamental problems related, in particular, to the responsible attitude to the observance of the principles of international law and the consequences for their violators. The essence of the principle of international cooperation has changed, when preference is given not to universal elements of the system of collective security, but to direct contacts with the member states of the UN, EU, NATO, and other alliances, which allows to effectively solve urgent issues in the field of security and defense. It is proven that one of the trends in the implementation of the principle of international cooperation is the strengthening of the institution of responsibility and the binding factor against the background of efforts to establish the right of the strong in international practice by some member states of the UN. Aggressive actions of Russia, the discrediting of the norms of international law, the commission of international crimes on the territory of Ukraine and other factors encourage us to once again turn to the problem of the introduction of binding (sanction) components in interstate relations. On the agenda of the international community are issues of reorganization of the system of collective security, strengthening of the institution of responsibility, creation of effective mechanisms for limiting countries that violate the principles of international law. Without the application of the principle of international cooperation, including at the regional and local level, it will be extremely problematic to solve these extremely complex issues.

Problems of Ensuring Collective Security of the Post-Soviet Space in the Context of International Escalation

The relevance of this study lies in the need to study the potential effectiveness of the Collective Security Treaty Organization in the conditions of the world order in the XXI century. The formation of the collective security system of the post-Soviet space was accompanied by a number of crisis processes determined by the post-bipolar era. Based on the results of the review of the activities of the CSTO institutions, the reasons for the insufficient effectiveness of the collective security system in the situation of modern international escalation are determined and further reformatting of the scope of competence and structure of the organization is predicted.

Retrospective analogies and current events in Ukraine as the origins of law-making

In connection with the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, an urgent problem is the search for the necessary changes in the legal sphere to ensure international peace and security both in international institutions and in the national legislation of individual states. This primarily concerns Ukraine as a state suffering from aggression. Therefore, it is appropriate to refer to historical analogies regarding the creation of organizations that were intended to oppose the outbreak of full-scale wars. The purpose of the work is to research on the example of historical analogies the factors of the activities of international organizations of collective security, first of all the League of Nations and the United Nations, which did not allow to prevent large-scale military conflicts – the Second World War and the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, as well as ascertaining and proving the need for appropriate reform in the legal sphere in the direction of collective security, which requires persistent multifaceted law-making activity, including in Ukraine, which suffers from aggression. The following historical analogies are considered, related to the events that were the origins of significant changes in the legal sphere: the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which ended the Thirty Years’ War in Europe; the League of Nations is the first international organization created with the aim of achieving peace and security among nations, the impetus for its establishment was the consequences of the First World War; the UN is the legal successor of the League of Nations, formed in 1945 after the Second World War, which took into account the gains and miscalculations of the League of Nations. The founders of the UN are 51 states, including Ukraine. The example of historical analogies showed that international organizations of collective security, primarily the League of Nations and the UN, were unable to fulfill their main task – to prevent large-scale military conflicts – the Second World War and the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. The weakness of the League of Nations as a peacekeeping tool was determined to some extent by its Organization’s Charter, the need for the consent of all members of the organization to take measures against the aggressor. It is noted that the UN, although it took into account the achievements and miscalculations of its predecessor – the League of Nations, was unable to ensure international peace to the required extent. This was manifested, in particular, in the activities of the UN Security Council as a body that bears the main responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. The weakness of the Security Council is that each of its permanent members has the right of veto. This was especially shamefully manifested during Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. Issues of aggression, acts of genocide, and war crimes are constantly brought up for discussion by the Security Council, but this body cannot make a single decision due to the imposition of a veto by the aggressor country – Russia. It was concluded that after the victory of Ukraine, we can expect a significant improvement in the legal sphere in the direction of changes in the activity, representation and decision-making rules of the reformed collective security organizations. It was emphasized that, despite the state of war, Ukraine should pay attention to the law-making work to create conditions to prevent existing terrible events in the future. Key words: Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, League of Nations, United Nations, reforming the collective security system, law-making activity.

The paradox of critical security and the African solutions to African problems

AbstractIn this article, I attempt to theorise the nature of the African multilateral security system. In doing so, I interrogate the question: how does the emancipatory logic of critical security relate to the post-colonial ideal of self-determination within the context of the African multilateral security system? The question is worthy of an attempt, for it brings the post-colonial concerns of African security into the discussion of critical security. For the empirical exposition, I draw on the idea of African solutions to African problems (Afsol to Afprob) as the hallmark of Africa’s collective security system to argue that at the ideational level, the emancipatory logic converges with self-determination. However, I observe that, at the level of operationalisation, the emancipatory logic of critical security diverges from the post-colonial ideal of self-determination. This is owing to the privileges of power reflected in the representational and financial capacity of the actors involved. This facilitates the reproduction of the Eurocentric dependency which Afsol to Afprob sought to supplant. The outcome is a paradox of critical security in post-colonial contexts exemplified in the disaggregation of emancipation into three emancipatory logics: the urgent, preferred, and desired.

THE ROLE OF THE CSTO, SCO AND OSCE IN ENSURING SECURITY IN THE CASPIAN SEA

The article discusses the issues of ensuring security in the Caspian Sea within the framework of the activities of such institutions as the CSTO, SCO, OSCE. The collective security system created within the framework of the treaty was supposed to play a stabilizing role not only regionally, but also internationally. The article reveals the history of the formation of an effective regional security structure aimed at countering modern challenges. The author comes to the conclusion that the role of Kazakhstan as an active participant in the main regional organizations is important for effective counteraction to the remaining threats.

PRACTICAL BASIS OF THE ORGANIZATIONAL AND LEGAL CONTEXTS OF ENSURING COOPERATIVE SECURITY: CURRENT REALITIES AND MAIN THREATS

The conceptual and categorical apparatus of “cooperative security” is investigated and three main approaches to the interpretation of the security concept components are substantiated. As the result of scientific research, the main goals of cooperative security are identified. The general characteristics of the concept of cooperative security in the context of practice-oriented application of “security triangle” are justified. On this basis, the actualization of the application of appropriate vectors is established in order to eliminate the requirements of the states being at risk of taking appropriate countermeasures. It is established that the concept of cooperative security is based on the principles of strengthening security by means of cooperation, and the main element is the system of collective security with more developed political and legal mechanisms. It is proved that under modern conditions there is the need for constant search of optimal models or concepts of international security. It should be noted that there is no ideal solution, since security requires requires reconciling the expectations of individual states with different statuses and interests.

INTERNATIONAL PATRONAGE DURING CONFLICTS AND WAR

The article examines the latest challenges to the system of collective security associated with political instability and economic turbulence. Their key prerequisites, factors and features of a global nature are determined. The origins of international conflicts are shown, with an emphasis on armed conflicts that turn into wars according to the logic of their progression and the practice of response. Examples of the international reaction to the actions of the aggressor in the form of political and economic, sectoral and individual sanctions and multi-channel internationally consolidated and bilateral aid to the country suffering from the war are given. The role of international patronage in the system of measures and tools to help countries that have become objects of military aggression is shown. The essential features of international patronage are defined as the establishment of a voluntarily initiated regime of care for objects in force majeure circumstances to eliminate or neutralize internal and external threats to their existence and development. Its types (political, economic, financial, social), types (internal, external), objects (state, regions, cities, sectors, enterprises, infrastructure, projects), subjects (foreign countries, international organizations, corporations, public organizations, political parties, individuals) and forms (direct aid, grants, consulting, mass media support, lobbying, monitoring) are distinguished and identified. Using the example of Ukraine, projects of international political, economic and military patronage over cities and regions that have undergone significant destruction are illustrated.

Extraterritorial sanctions in response to global security challenges: countermeasures as gap-fillers in the United Nations collective security system

This article challenges the common understanding according to which unilateral and extraterritorial sanctions are a threat to the international legal order. It shows that sanctions of this kind may have a role to play as responses to challenges to global security, particularly when the centralised action by the United Nations (UN) encounters limitations. The article considers two examples of extraterritorial sanctions that may be lawful in this sense: those expanding on the territorial scope of restrictive measures decided by the UN Security Council, and those mapping on certain measures recommended by the UN General Assembly. In these circumstances, countermeasures may provide the legal basis to support otherwise unlawful unilateral and even extraterritorial measures, provided that certain conditions are met. The article shows that such measures act as gap-fillers to ensure the widest possible compliance with communitarian norms and may ultimately strengthen the international rule of law.

THE RESULTS OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TRIPOLAR SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE WORLD

During the 20 months since the beginning of the Second World War, German troops occupied all the small states of North-Western Europe, captured the Balkans, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, Norway, Bulgaria, Albania, Yugoslavia, and took Hungary, Romania and Finland under their sphere of influence. , forced France to surrender. Economic, territorial, human, etc. of all these countries. resources were in the hands of the German military machine. In 1941, the USSR and England were already waiting for German attacks. Although the United States was protected by oceans and distance from the German threat, it was nevertheless deeply alarmed by Hitler's short-term success. All the progressive humanity, the peoples of the world facing the threat of Hitlerism, stood together to get rid of this scourge of the 20th century. The determination to fight against fascism soon overcame all class and ideological barriers and led to the creation of an anti-fascist coalition and the organization of a joint struggle against the German-Italian-Japanese occupation. Although the main goal during the war was to liberate Europe and the world from the German invaders and their allies, the post-war interstate relations and relations, the restoration of norms of civil coexistence and the creation of a collective security system became the main topic of discussion in the international community. Of course, everything depended on the position of the USSR, England and the United States, which were at the forefront of the fight against Germany, and the relations between them. Keywords: World Second War, Tripolar International Relations, Coalision blocks.

THE PERSPECTIVES OF MILITARY INTEGRATION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

The purpose of the research. The article considers the perspectives of the military integration of the European Union countries in the spheres of security and defense. The author defines the purposes and prerequisites of the integration in these spheres. The strategic documents of the EU such as the Security Strategy of 2003, the Global Strategy of 2016 and the Strategic Compass of 2022 are examined in this article. The article reveals the main features of the EU strategic autonomy and examines the parameters of the EU strategic culture in the field of security and defense. The author assesses the initiatives of the European Union in the field of further strengthening of the security and autonomy. The transformation of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) has been studied by the author. The Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) project was considered in detail as well as the contribution of the EU countries to this project. Conclusions. As a result of the study, the author concludes that European integration is in the process of qualitative changes that affect the formation of the system of collective security and defense. The EU is increasingly acting as a strength pole, and there is a strategic shift from traditional “soft power” to “hard power”. Under the pressure of external factors and due to the efforts of the major powers of the region, it is possible to achieve the goal of strategic autonomy in the field of security and defense. The EU is becoming a serious actor not only of the regional but also the global security.

Beatrice de Graaf. Fighting Terror after Napoleon: How Europe Became Secure after 1815.

The writing of international history has become noticeably vibrant over the last decade, and this latest contribution by Beatrice de Graaf on the theme of postwar security in Europe is a masterful example of new international history at its best. Historical explorations of collective postwar security in Europe have generally focused on the Allied Control Council in Berlin after 1945. In addition, recent works have turned to the post-1918 period, recasting anew the committees charged with implementing the peace treaties after the First World War and the resulting conditions imposed on Europe’s vanquished empires. While we have learned a great deal about postwar security from such studies, none are able explain when and where the modern impulse for collective security originated, and what its earliest iterations can tell us about the history of security, international relations, and international law more generally. Fighting Terror after Napoleon: How Europe Became Secure after 1815 meets and exceeds these challenges. It pulls us back into the nineteenth century to explore the first experiment to establish a collective security system in the aftermath of war. As de Graaf shows, collective and institutionalized security management after the Napoleonic Wars not only foreshadowed the twentieth-century iterations we are more familiar with; it shaped the European system of mutual security as we know it today.