Symbol Of Fertility Research Articles

On the Demotic word “ftft” in Bodl. MS. Egypt. a 3(P), 8, 4

AbstractIn this contribution, a new attempt is made to clarify the meaning of the Demotic word “ftft” in Bodl. MS. Egypt. a 3(P), 8, 4. The best solution can be obtained from the meaning ‘to sprout up’. The explanation can be supported by an equally late parallel. The subject of the action is the growth of branches or blossoms of trees, which can be understood as a symbol of fertility. The motive appears in an Osirian context.

CHILD PORNOGRAPHY IN SLOVAKIA AND PROJECT BRIDGE

Pornography has been a part of human life since the time of the Moravian Venus from the Young Palaeolithic period because it can also be considered a certain type of pornography. She could represent a certain prestige because she is naked and in the equipment of not only a warrior. It is also a symbol of fertility, as evidenced by its full curves as a sign of life and the preservation of the family. The issue of pornography is extensive and there is still no unified and comprehensive definition of it. Therefore, even child pornography is still controversial, and it is so from several points of view. Slovakia in modern development as a relatively young country developed and so did child pornography in Slovakia. The paper analyzes theoretical and statistical information concerning on situation in Slovakia. But authors also use frequently general information from abroad on pornography. Finally, the author's comments need actual possibilities for changes oriented to the European scientific project Bridge.

К вопросу о междисциплинарном изучении традиционного черкесского празднества Созереш

The article discusses issues related to the interdisciplinary study of the traditional Circassian winter holiday Sozeresh. The main historiographical versions and information are given, which describe the plot and compositional features of the rite. Attention is paid to its ideological components, where traditional ideas about the world order, its patterns, and cycles are transmitted through certain sequences of traditional actions and through a system of a number of cultural symbols. The question is raised about the need for further cultural and special ethnographic analysis of the functional aspects of the festival. For the first time, a philosophical and cultural understanding of the Sozeresh holiday is proposed, its vision as one of the most important components of the specific socio-cultural self-organization of traditional Circassian society. The author's vision of the essence of the main artifact of the ritual - the “fetish of Sozeresh” as a symbol of fertility and orderliness of the world is substantiated, and the fact of the gradual re-actualization of the archaic festive culture is shown. It is determined that the mytho-epic image of Sozeresh is inextricably linked with the cyclical pattern characteristic of the archaic worldview.

SYMBOLS OF WOMEN'S EXISTENCE IN SA,O NGGUA ORNAMENTS IN THE WOLOTOPO TRADITIONAL VILLAGE, EAST WOLOTOPO VILLAGE NDONA DISTRICT, ENDE DISTRICT

The problem in this research is what is the meaning of the symbol of women's existence in traditional house ornaments in the Wolotopo traditional village, East Wolotpo Village, Ndona District, Ende Regency. The aim of this research is to find out the meaning of the symbol of women's existence in traditional houses in the Wolotopo traditional community, East Wolotopo Village, Ndona District Ende Regency. The research method used in this research is a qualitative research method, with data collection techniques of observation, interviews and documentation. Meanwhile, the data analysis techniques in this research include data reduction, data presentation and conclusions. The results of the research show that the Wolotopo indigenous people believe that breast ornaments in traditional houses indicate the importance of women's role as a symbol of life and fertility for all humans, which is an ancestral heritage. This symbolizes unity and is a symbol of communication between humans and the highest being. In the life of the Wolotopo traditional community, women have an important role and big responsibilities, which have been inherited by their ancestors and are trusted by the local cultural community, such as women's involvement in traditional household affairs, in various traditional rituals such as working on traditional houses, mosalaki burial rituals and someone's coronation. becoming a traditional figure (wakelaki ritual), opening new land and making statues of gods (Ana deo).

A Deconstructionist Reading of The Waste Land

The Waste Land offers no hope for redemption or salvation. The poem's ending is ambiguous and inconclusive, and it is unclear whether the Fisher King, who is a symbol of fertility and renewal, is able to heal the wasteland. The meaning of the Waste Land is up to the individual reader to decide. The poem's deconstructionist elements allow it to be interpreted in many different ways, and each reader will come away with their own unique understanding of the poem.

MAKNA SIMBOLIS ORNAMEN PINTU BLEDEG MASJID AGUNG DEMAK

The current study aims to describe the symbolical meaning in the ornaments of “Bledeg” Doorof Demak Great Mosque viewed from three aspects, namely contour, content, and context. Theresults of the study demonstrate that analysed from the aspect of contour, ornaments of“Bledeg” Door consist of several parts, namely the crown, dragon head, and vase. There areseveral motifs originating from Majapahit, namely the “tumpal” motif and the use of SuryaMajapahit symbol stylized as dragon's eyes. The colors used are red, green, and white. Interms of content, the tumpal motif is a symbol of relationship of human beings with God, thecrown motif is a symbol of virtue, the dragon head motif is a symbol of strength in spreadinggoodness, the vase motif is a symbol of religion, and the floral plant motif is a symbol offertility, while the red, blue, and white colors symbolize safety. Viewed from the context, themyth of Ki Ageng Selo when catching lightning comes to light which is visualized into asymbolic ornament. The ornaments of “Bledeg” Door of Demak Great Mosque symbolizes therelationship between human beings and God signifying their privilege to spread God'steachings.

국립중앙박물관 소장 청자 투각칠보문뚜껑 향로를 받치는 토끼 조형의 맥락과 함의

This study discusses the symbolism of the rabbit statue on the base of a celadon incense burner with an openwork auspicious-character design lid in the National Museum of Korea. Chapter II analyzes the overall design of the incense burner, pointing out that although the rabbit statue is small in size, it is a three-dimensional figure with detailed carving of each part of the body and inlaid techniques used to express the eyes, making it an important component that embodies artistry beyond a simple base. Chapter III explores the spectrum of perceptions of the rabbit by examining rabbit sculptures from before the Goryeo period. As a symbol of fertility and longevity, thought to be a guide to the quick passage of the souls of the dead to the afterlife, rabbits were attached to funerary urns in the Silla period. They were depicted as moon symbols in Goguryeo tomb paintings and Unified Silla roof-end tiles. In Unified Silla, rabbits were also carved into royal tombs as members of the Twelve Great Deities to show the despotic kingship of the kings guarding the tomb, or were majestically displayed in stupas to represent the authority of Bhaisajyaguru. In Chapter IV, the meaning of the three rabbits supporting the incense burner was derived from three aspects. First, the intention of the rabbit's representation on the incense was inferred from the similarities between the rabbit's self-sacrifice and the offering of incense in The Jataka Tales of the Rabbit's Original Life (Sasa Jataka), which is to burn oneself and offer it to the gods. Since the rabbit was Buddha in the previous life, the life in which he practiced the great act of selflessness, it is believed that the rabbit was chosen to stand alone on the base of the incense burner, even though it does not symbolize absolute physical power. Through this carving of the rabbit, it can be seen that the 12th-century Goryeo people understood the offering of incense and the act of self-sacrifice in the same context. Second, the appearance of rabbits in historical texts and geographical journals from the Three Kingdoms and Goryeo periods was examined. In doing so, the chapter describes who recognized rabbits as auspicious animals in addition to being a symbol in Buddhism. Third, it discusses the internationalization of Goryeo culture, which is reflected in the sculpture of the atlas that supports the top. It is interpreted that the incense burner represents the cosmopolitanism of Goryeo culture because the rabbit statue on the incense burner was arranged in a form similar to the atlas statues popular in ancient Greece, Persia, and India and spread along the Silk Road.

Beyond Amarna: exorcists without borders in the Levant

The Levant and the Eastern Mediterranean formed a special sphere of activity for diverse specialists who navigated from one side to the other through extensive networks of interconnections in the Late Bronze Age. During the Amarna Period (fourteenth century BCE), Akkadian and Hittite texts attest a lethal epidemic that originated in Egypt and later spread to Canaan, Syria, Alashiya (Cyprus), and the land of Hatti. References to pestilence, plague, epidemic, and death, as well as metaphoric expressions alluding to the crisis, such as the ‘hand of Nergal,’ are widespread in diplomatic correspondence, prayers, magic spells, and medical texts as well. Specialists (such as physicians, exorcists, and omen experts) traveled between courts to perform acts of healing and to practice divination. Also, statues of gods and goddesses were commonly sent between courts of Great Kings as symbols of fertility, healing, and alliances. This essay analyzes the role of exorcists traveling between courts in the framework of the cross-cultural discourse of alterity in the Amarna Age.

Plants as Symbols of Power in the Achaemenid Iconography of Ancient Persian Monuments

The art of the Achaemenid Empire flourished in Ancient Persia from the 6th to 4th centuries BCE, and featured stone-carved monumental structures adorned with recurring zoological and floral patterns. Such representations clearly had a symbolic meaning intimately connected to religious expression and the will of deities. Considering the lack of any comprehensive analysis of botanical features, we investigate the recurring plant patterns and the variety of plants depicted. An analysis of the documentation referring mainly to monuments in the two main capitals of Darius I, Persepolis and Susa, showed the presence of certain repetitive elements, such as the so-called rosettes (composed variously of Asteraceae capitula and Nymphaea flowers), palms (Phoenix dactylifera, the tree of life), pines, flowers or bunches and metamorphic elements. Some plants are described in this paper for the first time in the context of Persian iconography, such as Mandragora officinalis in offering scenes as a symbol of fertility and protection against evil spirits, Pinus brutia var. eldarica as a symbol of immortality and elevation to the gods, and the capitula of Matricaria/Leucanthemum as solar symbols. Further interesting elements include cf. Myrtus communis in some crowns and probably cf. Ephedra sp. in offering scenes. Achaemenid art was deeply influenced by the Zoroastrian religion of ancient Persia with its great attention to nature as well as by the nearby civilizations of the Mesopotamian area and Egypt. Most elements were also associated with psychotropic or medicinal attributes, which contributed to their position as symbols of power.

The flax in the “Flora’s image” in the Ariadne House (Pompeian area, Italy) as a symbol of feminine in a wedding sacred to the afterlife

In ancient time, life elements, like plants and animals, and unanimated forces of nature were usually associated with specific meanings related to deities and sacred rituals. In Roman archeology, the strong symbolic value of plants represented in wall paintings and artifacts was proved by several contributions, but this topic is often neglected. In this paper, for the first time, an interpretation is proposed for the plant represented in one of the most iconic paintings in Pompeii, the so-called “Flora” in Ariadne’s house. Here, the analyzed plant is picked by a girl turned away and holding a floral cornucopia, and it plays a relevant role in the scene. Through the analysis of its morphological elements, and comparing them with other ancient representations, we suggest its identification as flax (Linum usitatissimum L.). Flax was an economically and culturally very important plant, widely represented in objects and paintings in the Mesopotamian and Egyptian area. We also suggest that the meaning behind the choice of depict flax was also related to its classical attribution as a symbol of fertility and afterlife as well as linked to the “feminine” sphere. This interpretation, together with other elements of the images, strengthens the already proposed interpretation of the yellow-dressed girl a wife, which is let to go this life for an afterlife, in the figure of Persephone.Graphical abstract

Makna Sajian Makanan Pada Tradisi Pasaji Ponan Menggunakan Teori Interaksi Simbolik

The Samawa tribe is one of the tribes in Indonesia. Each tribe has its own traditions that are different from the others. One of the traditions in Sumbawa is , namely the Pasaji Ponan Culture, has a unique characteristic, namely the snacks that are given in charity at the celebration must be boiled. Meaning that the snacks served cannot be fried. So, the focus of this research is to find out “The Meaning Of Serving Food In The Pasaji Tradition Using Symbolic Interaction Theory”. The mehod used is interpretive qualitative method with the symbolic interaction approach of George Herbert Blumer,s idea. As for informants who selected consisted of 4 (four) types of character characteristics, namely religious leaders, community leaders, traditional leaders and heads of traditional institutions as well as 1 (one) supporting informant from women who were obtained through the purposive sampling technique. There are 2 (two) types of data used, namely primary data and secondary data. Primary data was obtained through in depth interviews technique, while secondary data was obtained through books, journals and other relevant sources. Data were analyzed using the interactive Miles and Huberman method. The results show that the meaning of the snacks presented has a meaning. analyzed using the interactive Miles and Huberman method. The results showed that the meaning of the snacks presented had philosophical meanings including: 1). Serving food as a symbol of plant fertility, 2). Serving food as a medium to strengthen kinship ties, 3). Serving food as a form of prayer. As for the presentation process, namely the snacks are arranged neatly into a tray (stable) and then closed using a serving lid. The snacks consist of 6 (six) types of snacks, namely buras,petikal, lepat,topat,dange, onde-onde and banana with added water drink.

‘Better the devil you know’: feminine sexuality and patriarchal liberation in The Witch

ABSTRACT At the end of 2015‘s The Witch, isolated and beaten protagonist, Thomasin, ultimately rejects her puritanical upbringing to become a witch, accepting the invitation of the Devil (in the guise of the family’s goat Black Philip). This essay will discuss Thomasin’s sexual deliverance in terms of her turning away from the authoritarian ‘Law of the Father’ towards female liberation that comes in the form of the Witch. Thomasin transitions from girl to woman, but does not want to do so in the restrictive Puritan fashion where patriarchy and oppression rules. She becomes a woman by embracing her sexuality in the figure of the witch and Black Philip as the figure of lust helping her become free. Western folklore posits the goat as a symbol of fertility, independence, and lust; Black Philip is a figure who represents a connection to wild desires. Therefore, Black Philip becomes not only a physical representation of the devil, but also a symbolic representation of Thomasin’s sexual desire. Drawing on theories of the monstrous-feminine (Creed, Kristeva, Arnold), the symbolism of folklore and Freud’s Electra complex, this work argues that, despite its message of feminine empowerment, The Witch cannot fully reject or escape patriarchal discourse.

THE TURKIC “CUCKOO” IN OLONKHO: TRANSFORMATIONS AND RUDIMENTS

The article is devoted to the image of cuckoo in the Yakut Olonkho in comparison with the materials of the Altai, Khakas, Shorian and Tuvan epics. In total, 58 Yakut epic texts, including early records of the Olonkho of the 19th — early 20th centuries were analyzed. It is established that while in Turkic folklore the semantics of the image of the cuckoo was ambivalent on the whole, the epic mostly reflects a favourable or neutral attitude to this bird. In positive connotations, the “cuckoo” is more represented as a harbinger of well-being and prosperity. It was also revealed that the comparison “cuckoo the size of a horse’s head” previously functioned in all five examined epics; the Altai, Khakas, Shorian and Tuvan epics represented the “golden cuckoo” and the Yakut Olonkho — the “sonorously talking cuckoo”. Hence, the Yakut epic Olonkho could separate from the general, pro-Turkic epic before the development of the “gold cult,” and the earliest variant of the image of the Turkic cuckoo was preserved in it. Five main stable formulas containing the image of the cuckoo have been found in the Yakut epic tradition. All of them have positive connotations: the cuckoo appears as a symbol of eternal summer and prosperity; as a symbol of fertility; as a soothsayer preventing misfortune. The structural variants under the general concept of “the cuckoo-udaganka” represent this bird as a translator between the world of people and the supreme protective deity of the Yakuts, Yuryung Aar Toyon, thus the image of the cuckoo is closely associated with the image of a white sounorous-voiced udaganka. Also distinguished is a group of semantically heterogeneous constructions of the later period (post-1932), most of them with negative connotations, influenced by shamanism, folk omens and beliefs. Thus, the key role in the formation of the Yakut version of the cuckoo image was played by the Udagan culture, and at a later stage certain transformations were introduced by shamanism.

The Cuckoo Image in the Buryats Traditional Concepts and Rituals

Purpose. The study is devoted to identifying the image of the cuckoo in the Buryats mythological ideas and traditional rituals.Results. In the first part of the work, a general description of the cuckoo image is given based on the vocabulary and small genres of the buryat folklore. It was found that the Buryats particularly noted the voice and physical dexterity of this bird from its other biological features. It was also associated with such a negative trait of a person as idle talk.The second part of the study examines the Buryats mythological ideas about the cuckoo. It was found out that the cuckoo appears in the Buryat epic as a sacred bird, a conductor of the celestials will. It has a feminine origin: women are believed to turn into this bird after death as a punishment for easy virtue and committing suicide. The cuckoo image is also associated with the motif of werewolf, ideas about the evergreen needles acquisition by larch trees and the milk wine invention. In the Buryat epic, this bird often acts as a bearer of knowledge about the past and a wealth giver. The dual nature of the magical effect of the cuckoo’s voice was revealed: on the one hand, it can be beneficial for man and nature, on the other hand, it can destroy a person. The negative features of the cuckoo image are associated with the symbolism of death, which is reflected in folk signs, in particular in the superstition about the cuckoo ability to predict a person’s life expectancy.The third part of the article highlights the cuckoo image in the Buryats shamanic ritual. It has been established that it was localized in the shamanic rite of the Aghin Buryats, probably being a relic of totemism.Conclusion. The study shows that the cuckoo image in the mythological ideas of the Buryats is very ambiguous. This bird was revered as a sacred feathered. It personified the feminine principle. The cuckoo was characterized by solar and celestial symbolism, in addition it acted as a fertility symbol, which was manifested in the correlation of the image with nature rhythms and renewal. This bird was associated with sacred trees (the shamanic Mother Tree and the World Tree). At the same time, the image of the cuckoo also had negative characteristics, primarily because it was closely associated with ideas about death.The study shows that some traditional ideas of the Buryats about this bird find parallels with the mythological concepts of other peoples of Eurasia, which is explained by their universality or typological identity and, probably, intercultural contacts that took place in the past.

Mizojinic Elements and Genderist Discourses in the Mathnawi Named Salaman u Absâl

Women, who are seen as one of the two basic assets that have high qualities such as fertility and protection, and that constitute the equivalence of existence, have encountered sexist hate speech over time. In this discourse, women were seen as worthless, ominous and the source of evil, as a concubine who could not produce, in need of a man, oppressed in the face of power and serving her man. It is thought that the origin of this concept, which is expressed as misogyny, is monotheist religions, their sacred texts and the influence of religion, social change, economic power in human life in medieval Europe, and in this context, the change in the role of the female figure in social life. In Turkish literary discourses, it is seen that the alpine-valiant woman type dominates both oral and literary culture during the period when the horse-nomadic dominates. Woman; she has been mentioned with positive concepts such as warrior, blessed, wise, supreme individual whose word is listened to, mother, symbol of fertility. With the transition to settled life, there have been some changes in the social status of women. The woman has turned into a being who takes care of the house and children, fulfills all the necessities of the house and serves the patriarchy. With the meeting of the Turks with Islam, women were largely isolated from the outdoors, and the social development of women was almost stopped. Since the 19th century, with the influence of Western culture, the society has chosen to give a new value to women, to re-recognise them, to conceptualize them and to give a new social status to the woman individual. In this study, in the context of Lâmi'î Çelebi's Salamân u Absâl Mathnawi, misogynistic discourses, religious and mythological sources of these discourses, metaphors in which women are compared, have been tried to reflect the perspective of women in the period when the work was written.

ПРОФАННАЯ И САКРАЛЬНАЯ ФУНКЦИЯ БАРАНА В ТРАДИЦИОННОЙ ОБРЯДНОСТИ ХАКАСОВ, СВЯЗАННОЙ С МИРОМ ДЕТСТВА (КОНЕЦ XIX - СЕРЕДИНА XX ВЕКА)

The article analyzed the functions of a ram in the ritual practice of Khakas associated with the world of childhood. It is determined that the animal in question had great economic value and extreme demand in many areas of human life. It was revealed that the sacred function of the animal was expressed in endowing it with protective properties. The image of the ram and individual parts of his body acted as a popular charm and symbol of fertility. All this contributed to giving the ram a high semiotic status. In this regard, he was widely involved in rituals related to the child cycle - birth, name, etc.

Lichidul sacru – apa vie

Water is the origin of life, a means of purification and the element of regeneration. It is the symbol of fertility, wisdom, divine grace. As the origin and vehicle of any form of life, it represents the vital breath and can become the support of any energy. It can be endowed with antithetical properties, it can be purifying, or poisonous. Water can be structured according to the actions performed on it (prayer, magic formula), or the interference with the surrounding energies (objects, animals, plants). Ritual washings have a special place in all rites of pas‑ sage, or initiation. The water used in these ceremonies is “living water”, endowed with magical powers. Immersion in the ritual water represents a symbolic death and at the same time a return to the beginning, to the origins, a new birth in a cleansed body. Romanian fairy tales and legends remind of various creatures, which bring “living water” to the hero who is in trouble. Also, bathing in living water rejuvenates the elderly and energizes the young.

The Mute: Ritual and Transgressive Meanings of the Masked Character in the Romanian Căluş Ritual

The article focuses on the importance and meanings of the masked character of the Mute (Mutul), part of the Căluş ritual performed at the Whitsuntide feast in several regions of Romania and observed in two villages in Argeş County (Stolnici and Bârla). The Căluşari (the members of the Căluş group) perform specific dances meant, first of all, to cure the ritual illness inflicted by Iele (mythological feminine creatures) and also intended to provide for the good health and prosperity of the households where they are being performed. One of the performers is the Mute, archetypally similar to the Jester/Joker, who is impersonated by a man dressed as a woman but endowed with the fertility symbol of a wooden phallus. His presence and actions are all about transgression – he can mock the Căluşari or the community members assisting in the ritual, breaking all conventional behaviour rules. He plays, as well, an important part in the short episodes meant to make the audience laugh. We inquire into how his performance and actions can be perceived in relation to the social limits they break. At the same time, the article discusses what happens to the masked character in the staging context of the ritual, since from the beginning of the twentieth century, especially during the communist period, it reached larger audiences during local (and international) festivals. As of 2008, the ritual has been recognised internationally as an identity emblem, part of the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage.

Apiculture in Hittite cuneiform texts

The Hittite cuneiform texts dated to the 2nd millennium BCE contain some of the earliest information about the production of honey as an economic product and its consumption in daily life, as well as the theological perception of honey bees. Thanks to the information obtained from the texts, the material and spiritual role of apiculture have been tried to be revealed in this paper. According to laws, honey is a commercial product and is traded at a value. In addition, apiculture is a profession made with expert knowledge and the right of ownership of the honey bee colony and hive associated with this profession is legally protected. In the texts giving information about culinary knowledge, honey is added to bread as a sweetening product and used in the production of various sauces and some beverages. The aromatic properties of honey are also known. In this context, it is included in the mixtures used for incense in rituals. Also in rituals, some of its qualities were used in analogical spells. In mythological/religious texts, the honey bee is a creature that brings abundance and fertility in spring. In this context, it plays an important role in myths of finding the Disappearing Gods, the symbol of fertility. At the same time, it represents fertility, peace, and reconciliation as a creature associated with the Sun Goddess of the Earth, another symbol of fertility.

POETHOLOGY OF "HOLY WATER" MOTIVES IN LEGENDS

In this article, the motif of sacred water sources, widespread in folklore, is taken as the main object, and first of all, the events related to water from the cosmogonic myths are considered. At the same time, the significance of water in Islam was compared with the characteristics of the Buddha and Christian knowledge. In the Ancient worldview, creation was associated with various objects related to water. Water is the most common natural creature in mythology. The world ocean, bottomless and infinitely deep water is a phenomenon that existed before the appearance of the first being. Natural spontaneity stands at the origins of all creation, as well as one boundary in the transition from chaos to the cosmos. In mythical knowledge, the concepts of the sea, ocean, river, lake, stream, and sources are very important. One of the important features of the veneration of water as a sacred object is the motives associated with springs or sacred wells. In the knowledge of the peoples of Turkic origin, water is a symbol of creative origin, reproduction, abundance and fertility, destruction and rebirth, virtue, and Kie. The article compared the rituals common to the Turkic peoples related to water: the consecration of water, the opening of spring, the expansion of the streambed, and the invitation of rain. The sources of myths about the origin of water in the knowledge of the ancient Turks are analyzed, and the mythical motifs associated with water are systematized. Samples of folklore about the origin of a stream, river, lake, or sea were considered. The role of prophets and saints in the origin of rivers and springs was highlighted by examples in religious rituals. Three types of holy water mentioned in the Quran are analyzed, and their special function for the human race. The concepts of "holy water", "Holy spring", "living water", and "water of life" were taken into account, and examples were given. "The sacred places of the water and the legends concerning people with special sacred, mysterious power, prophets were compared. Examples from the lyrics of songs common to the Turkic peoples are studied, and appropriate conclusions are drawn.