Supply Of Arms Research Articles

Soviet military assistance to Turkey in 1920–1922

In the article, the author examines the supply of arms from the Soviet republics to Turkey between 1920 and 1922. He primarily draws on documents from the Russian State Military Archive (RGVA) to elucidate the scope and dynamics of the arms supplies, which were instrumental in enabling Turkey to defend its independence and territorial integrity in the challenging struggle with the Entente states. The available evidence indicates that, with the exception of a brief period in late 1920, Russia consistently supplied arms to the best of its capabilities, even during the cooling of relations in early March 1921. While Soviet-made weapons played a pivotal role in the Turkish Army’s operations against Armenia, they were particularly instrumental in its victory at Sakarya. As the Greco-Turkish War drew to a close, the Soviet contribution to the conflict diminished as French weapons began to arrive. However, Soviet gold also became a means of financing this military aid. By comparing the data from the RGVA documents with the estimates previously published in Russia that referenced Turkish sources, the author concludes that the materials preserved in the Russian archive provide a more accurate assessment of the scale, quality, and dynamics of the supplies provided. The quality of weapons provided was sufficiently high to enable effective resistance to the Greek invasion of Anatolia.

Особенности военно-технического сотрудничества России и Индии: динамика, риски и перспективы партнерства

This article analyzes the specifics of military-technical cooperation between Russia and India, as well as the dynamics, risks and prospects of the partnership in the first quarter of the twenty-first century. In their inter-state relations, the Russian Federation and the Republic of India adhere to the concept of a long-term privileged strategic partnership in the field of security and defense that dates back to the Cold War years. Despite high competition on the military equipment market and a significant increase in military-industrial capabilities in New Delhi, Moscow remains the main supplier of military products to India. The range of Russian military products is quite broad and includes a variety of weapons and equipment to meet the growing needs of India's army and navy. However, there are risks associated with the current dynamics of military-technical cooperation and the increasingly complex geopolitical situation in the region and the world. The article presents the main problems, threats and challenges to bilateral relations in the field of military-technical cooperation, which are associated with India's desire to diversify arms supplies, growth of political and economic risks caused by the sanctions policy against Russia from the collective West, changes in the intensity of geopolitical processes and increased competition from other military suppliers. In addition, prospects for future military-technical cooperation between the two countries are examined, including technological advances, opportunities related to India's Make-in-India program, and potential strategic areas of cooperation between Russian Federation and Republic of India, such as unmanned systems, cybersecurity, and joint research to develop more advanced weapons systems. The bottom line is thatproductive military-technical cooperation between Russia and India can be achieved in the future if a number of measures are taken, mostly related to eliminating risks and creating good conditions for both sides. Such measures could include expanding the boundaries of military-technical cooperation, ensuring mutually beneficial economic conditions, strengthening institutional ties, and bringing together scientific and technical experts in the field.

No dog in this fight: Interrogating Ethiopia’s calculated neutrality towards the Russia-Ukraine war

ABSTRACT Ethiopia has officially adopted a neutral position in the Russia-Ukraine war in line with the principles of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Despite the centrality of sovereignty and territorial integrity in Ethiopia’s foreign policy, the government has avoided publicly castigating Russia for its assault on Ukraine’s sovereignty. This stance constitutes a sovereignty paradox when viewed in light of Ethiopia’s demonstrated commitment to its own sovereignty which has seen it fight three wars against Italy, Somalia and Eritrea, and the country’s advocacy to institutionalize sovereignty norms at the global level. This contribution argues that Addis Ababa’s reliance on Moscow’s arms supplies and its diplomatic cover in the United Nations Security Council in the context of the Tigrayan conflict compromised its ability to defend the principle of sovereignty.

Enhancing neorealism: Lessons from India-Russia defense cooperation for Iran in the aftermath of the 2014 Russo-Ukraine conflict

The enduring conflict in Ukraine has resonated globally, significantly impacting international security and diplomatic dynamics, particularly in the arena of military and defense cooperation. This study meticulously examines the aftermath of the conflict, focusing on its implications for the established defense partnership between Russia and India. By scrutinizing pertinent literature and primary sources, this study investigates the reverberations of the Ukraine conflict on Russia-India defense cooperation since 2014. It evaluates how India’s defense procurement strategies have adapted, discerning a deliberate shift towards diversification of defense suppliers beyond Russia. This study also emphasizes that Iran should heed the lessons emanating from the India-Russia defense cooperation outlook. It advocates for Iran to diversify its arms suppliers, heavily invest in its domestic defense industry, and significantly reduce its dependency on Russian weapons. By drawing parallels with India’s post-conflict defense evolution, Iran can chart a trajectory towards bolstering its own defense capabilities autonomously. This necessitates fostering a broader spectrum of international partnerships while concurrently enhancing its indigenous technological prowess. The investigation offers Iran a blueprint inspired by India’s recalibration of defense cooperation following the 2014 Russo-Ukraine conflict, aiming to guide Iran towards a more resilient and self-reliant defense posture.

Export of the South Korea’s defense: problems and prospects

The Republic of Korea aims to become one of the key players in the global arms market by 2027. The military conflict in Ukraine allowed South Korea not only to increase the supply of military products to NATO countries, but also win additional market share in the East Asian, taking advantage of the decline in Russian military exports. At the same time, South Korea is actively signing contracts for the supply of military equipment with the countries of the Middle East. The growth in exports of South Korean military-industrial products is due to the fact that currently the ROK’s weapons have a number of competitive advantages for buyers in Europe and the Asia-Pacific region. First of all, South Korean weapons are compatible with American systems. However, the cost of equipment from the Republic of Korea is sometimes several times lower than military-industrial complex products from the United States or Eurozone countries. However, despite the bright plans in the medium term, the Republic of Korea may face several challenges including inevitable competition with defense industry leaders such as the USA, Russia, Germany, France and the potential worsening of relations with China due to the active increase in arms supplies to India and Vietnam, that could limit the rapid growth of exports of the South Korean military-industrial complex.

Prospects for the supply of weapons from the US, the eu and the United Kingdom to Ukraine

This study examines the prospects of arms supplies from the United States, the EU and the United Kingdom to Ukraine in the context of the ongoing military conflict. The paper analyzes the issue of expanding the nomenclature, up to the provision of American-made jet aircraft complexes, the supplied equipment and the process of transition from stocks of military equipment both produced by NATO and the Soviet model to newly produced samples. The problem of the impact of a special military operation on the defense industry of London, Washington and Brussels is considered separately. There is a tendency to increase the value of shares of defense companies and their profits. The paper concludes that the increase in military production with the further course of the conflict and the supply of weapons will grow both quantitatively and qualitatively. In addition, the existing problems of the defense industry of the United States, Great Britain and the European Union in the current period are revealed - the high cost of products, issues of standardization with Soviet weapons, its complexity in using and training personnel. The main conclusion of the work can be called the statement of a significant time required for the deployment of mass industrial production.

Military Repression and Restraint in Algeria

The Algerian military’s response to the 2019–2020 Hirak protests was relatively peaceful. In contrast to its violent repression of protests in 1988, and subsequent coup and civil war in the 1990s, the military showed considerable restraint toward the Hirak. Leveraging a survey of 2,235 self-reported military personnel, I show that the military’s restraint emanated from protesters’ use of nonviolence and fraternization, as well as from a recognition that the military’s more repressive approach in the 1990s was a mistake. At the same time, a priming experiment suggests that the military’s willingness to repress increases when protesters threaten the military’s corporate interests, and when Russia, Algeria’s primary arms supplier, reiterates its support for the regime. Overall, the results show how protester tactics, international reactions, and political learning can condition the military’s repression or restraint during times of unrest.

Military Assistance to Ukraine: Enquiring the Need for Any Legal Justification under International Law

Abstract Since the invasion of Ukraine by Russia on 24 February 2022, Western states have provided significant military support to the Ukrainian armed forces, through the supply of arms or intelligence. This article enquires whether those states need any legal justification to make such support lawful under international law and, more particularly, under the law on the use of force, the law of neutrality and the regulation of arms transfers. It concludes that such justification might be required in certain circumstances and that the supporting states’ narrative, namely helping Ukraine to exercise its right of self-defence in response to a blatant armed attack, might act as a valid justification, except with respect to certain regulations on arms transfer.

ШЛЯХИ ВДОСКОНАЛЕННЯ ЗАПОБІГАННЯ НЕЗАКОННОМУ ПОВОДЖЕННЮ ЗІ ЗБРОЄЮ, БОЙОВИМИ ПРИПАСАМИ АБО ВИБУХОВИМИ РЕЧОВИНАМИ

The article analyzes the current state of illegal handling of weapons, ammunition or explosives in Ukraine and ways to solve this issue. Not one country, being in active wars, conflicts or skirmishes cannot boast of a high level of social, economic and moral condition of the population. With the onset of the local armed conflict in eastern Ukraine, namely in Donetsk and Luhansk regions, increased, social tensions the psychological state of the population deteriorated, and the number of crimes, including the use of weapons, ammunition and explosives. The problem of the spread of crime with the use of weapons, ammunition or explosives requires state regulation and the search for effective ways to solve it. The presence of a scattered legal framework in the form of a large number of instructions, departmental orders and directives leads to contradictions The article presents the expediency of adopting a single legal act on the civil circulation of weapons. This proposal will make it possible to gather in one document the issues of subject composition, permitting nature, procedural system and the order of use of weapons. Ukraine is a state governed by the rule of law, and all relations must be regulated by law, including intercourses related to weapons. The main sources of illicit supply of arms and ammunition in Ukraine remain the resale of internal supplies and a cross-border trade. All things considered, it is proposed to carry out a number of preventive measures in the law enforcement system. Due to the high latency nature of weapons theft, there is an emphasis on cooperation between the police and the military prosecutor’s office and sufficient attention to places where weapons can be stored, as well as to control and close the black ways of hittings weapons from the war zone. The conclusions emphasize the implementation of the proposed effective ways to combat the illicit handling of weapons, ammunition or explosives. Key words: prevention, firearms, ammunition, explosives, armed conflict, civilian circulation.

Near-catastrophic victory: disregarded lessons from the six-day war

ABSTRACT The Israeli’s lightning quick victory of June 1967, in the Six Day War, obscured serious deficiencies in Israel’s military strategy. The Israeli Air Force’s (IAF) dependence on a preemptive strike had cost Israel an essential ally and military arms supplier in France. The false assumption that political support would again be forthcoming for a pre-emptive strike was exposed six years later, in the Yom Kippur War. The U.S. military would take lessons from the Yom Kippur War on the lethality of modern battle but observations of the changing character of modern warfare were available in the Six-Day War.

The Problem of the “Shiʻa Crescent” in the Middle East: A Quantitative Analysis

The relevance of this research is due to the unabated interest of the international community in the struggle for regional leadership between Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), which has unfolded in the Middle East for a number of years. The growing concerns of the KSA and its geopolitical allies, the United States and the small Arabian monarchies, related to the increasing influence of Iran on the military-political situation in Syria and Iraq, have raised in international discourse the question of the reality or impossibility of creating the so-called “Shiʻa crescent” under the auspices of Tehran. The idea is to unite the states of the Middle East, in which Shiʻa Muslims constitute the vast majority or a significant minority of the population, which would ensure Iran’s decisive victory in the race for dominance in the region. However, until now, the question of a quantitative assessment of the real resources of the states included in the “Shiʻa crescent” has so far remained out of researchers’ sight. In this regard, the aim of this article is to prove the absence of economic and military-political prerequisites for the formation of the “Shiʻa crescent” by using the method of quantitative indicators from databases, rankings and indices and a network analysis of conventional arms supplies within the “Sunni” and “Shiʻa” blocs. The databases of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Doing Business, Human Capital, Global Firepower, Global Terrorism, and Global Peace rankings, as well as World Bank statistical reports served as an empirical basis for the research. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was constructive realism, which takes into account both quantitative indicators and the ideological and value attitudes of the state in the analysis of international relations. The study showed that the “Shiʻa crescent” is a purely propaganda construct, and cannot become a real interstate association.

China’s Military and Military-Technical Cooperation with Central Asian Countries in the XXI Century

The article analyzes the cooperation between China and Central Asian countries in the military and military-technical spheres which is developing dynamically lately and is of priority importance for China’s foreign policy. The growth of China’s national power and its correlation with foreign policy attitudes are revealed. In foreign policy China adheres to the policy of activating military diplomacy as an integral element of state policy. Traditionally, China is considered a key economic and investment partner of the Central Asian countries but against the background of global transformation processes it is also actively trying to position itself as a guarantor of regional security. The reasons for China’s interest in intensifying military cooperation with all countries of the region in bilateral and multilateral formats are revealed. China is striving to contribute to strengthening the defense capabilities of the countries of the region. In order to stop regional challenges and threats China is increasing arms supplies to the countries of the region, conducting joint military exercises and training military personnel from the countries of the region in its educational institutions. The article focuses on such multilateral mechanisms of China’s cooperation with Central Asian countries as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the “Quadrilateral Mechanism for Cooperation and Coordination” (QMCC). It is predicted that in the conditions of the formation of a new world order as well as the interest of the countries of the region themselves military cooperation between China and the countries of Central Asia will only increase.

The Weapons of Revolution: Global Merchants and the Arms Trade in South America (1808-1824)

This article investigates the role that the arms trade connected to Hispanic American Independence Wars played in the transformations at the origins of 19th century globalization. It looks specifically at how arms supplies to governments encouraged the early post-mercantilist development of South American commerce, and some of the domino effects of such development. This turning point in economic history is analyzed through the biographical trajectories of merchants who were well positioned between geopolitics and trade, and who had “imperial” functions without being formally involved in imperialist projects. Business and political correspondence, notarial documents, and customs registers from archives in Europe and the Americas reveal the workings of networks and business affairs of global merchants whose companies were major arms importers in Buenos Aires during the years leading to Chile’s liberation. The threads of John McNeile’s (an important but neglected figure) and David DeForest’s networks hook onto the principal economic and political laboratories of the countries from whence most arms were imported: Great Britain and the United States. They reached Chile and Peru from Buenos Aires and remained crucial to the liberation campaigns, encouraging further commercial expansion along the American Pacific coast and toward Asia, and pioneering financial adventures. Relations between commercial houses active in Hispanic America and Asia reveal British and US transpacific networks and ties between Hispanic American and Asian commerce and economies. The article thus shows how, by bringing together fragmented and scattered sources from both sides of the Atlantic, the significance of the arms trade in South America as a driving force of globalization emerges.

ИНДИЯ — ИЗРАИЛЬ: ОТ ДИАЛОГА К СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВУ И ПАРТНЕРСТВУ

The character, peculiarities and stages of India-Israel dialogue from the recognition of the Jewish state by India and the exchange of ambassadors to the forming of the strategic partnership are analyzed in the following article. Military and technological cooperation between India and Israel, its aims and prospects are the center of the author’s attention. Currently, Israel is the third partner in Indian military import, following Russia and the USA, and the country is implementing more than 30 programs in the supply of arms and military equipment. Besides the military and technological spheres, India and Israel successfully cooperate in agriculture, biotechnologies, space exploration, atomic energy, environmental protection, science, education, medicine, tourism. In 2023, the volume of bilateral trade has amounted to 10 billion dollars, and defense trade is not included in it. India is the second trading partner of Israel in Asia, following China, and Israel is the seventh Indian trading partner in Asia. Besides the bilateral dialogue, India and Israel interact with the USA and the OAE within the I2U2 alliance. The forming geopolitical alliance is able to become the power unit, which the USA seek to impose the anti-Chinese and the anti-Russian character.

Secret Soviet-Congolese Talks on Providing Military Aid for the A. Gizenga’s Government, March 1961

This article is the first publication of three documents obtained by the author in the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation. They contain important information on the Soviet role in the Congo crisis in the 1960-s and particularly its policy toward the pro-Lumumba government in Oriental Province (December 1960 — August 1961) headed by Antoine Gizenga. These are records of talks between a minister in the Gizenga’s government Pierre Mulele and high-ranking Soviet politicians, diplomats and military officers in Moscow on March 8 and 9, 1961. Mulele negotiated for Soviet arms supplies to the blockaded Orientale Province. The Soviets refused to provide military aid. The documents show that the top priority of Soviet policy in the Congo after Lumumba’s ouster and assassination was to de-escalate the crisis to prevent a direct military clash with the West.

Relations between Russia and the DPRK in 2023

2023 witnessed a marked surge in contacts between Russia and the DPRK. Active mutual visits were the main event and the main surprise. In summer Russian defense minister Sergey Shoigu visited Pyongyang, in September North Korean leader Kim Jong-un came to Vladivostok to meet President Vladimir Putin, and in October Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov went to the DPRK. After the COVID-induced break, the two countries’ representatives met face to face to seek ways to develop bilateral relations in a new political reality. Moscow and Pyongyang are concerned about the US — South Korea — Japan trilateral alliance emerging in North East Asia. Besides, practical cooperation should reach a level worthy of neighbors who have converging foreign policy views. Also, the two parties are discussing how to organize their political cooperation in the future. Now, in a changed world, Russia promises to block all new sanctions against the DPRK in the UN Security Council, but it does not mean Moscow will neglect its duties as a permanent member or ignore sanctions that are already in effect. The quest for available profitable cooperation formats may prove arduous, and possible options might include projects in the areas of logistics, tourism, etc. Still, it is highly unlikely that Russia receives or seeks arms supplies from the DPRK, like the West claims. As the global confrontation intensifies, North Korea keeps close to traditionally like-minded actors, but Pyongyang may yet diversify their diplomatic options should the opportunity present itself. In the meantime, Russia should use this chance to flesh out our relations with the close neighbor.

MILITARY-TECHNICAL COOPERATION AS A TOOL OF CHINA'S FOREIGN POLICY

Background. From the moment of its proclamation, the People's Republic of China sought to modernize the armed forces – the People's Liberation Army. The lack of a military-industrial complex was a significant problem, which the Chinese communist leadership has been trying to solve through active military-technical cooperation with international actors. Indeed, the active procurement of weapons allowed the PRC to reach parity or even surpass the US in a number of aspects. Meanwhile, the MTC has turned into not only a mechanism for strengthening national security, but also a tool of foreign policy. Methods. The following methods were used: analytical, historical, statistical, generalization. In the course of the research, the author relied on the principle of objectivism. Results. Solving the problem of the weakness of the technical and technological level of the PLA, China used the geopolitical conjuncture to obtain arms supplies. A key role was played by cooperation first with the USSR, and then with the russian federation. This partnership was associated with the introduction of an embargo by Western countries due to the events in Tiananmen Square. An important factor was also the supply of military equipment from Ukraine. At the same time, in the conditions of a full-scale russian-Ukrainian war, Beijing became an exporter of dual purpose products to russia. Overall, using the factors of unauthorized copying, low price policies and arms sales to sanctioned regimes, Beijing has become one of the world's top five arms exporters. China mainly exports weapons to Asian countries, and has also significantly strengthened its position in the African market. However, quality and service issues are causing more and more questions from buyers. Conclusions. Among the consequences of China's MTC: 1. creation of its own autonomous military industry; 2. obtaining an additional source for financing the modernization of the PLA; 3. significant strengthening of military capabilities in the context of global rivalry with the USA; 4. increased aggressiveness in foreign policy and worsening of relations with neighboring countries and the USA; 5. course on militarization of neighboring Asian countries and strengthening of their cooperation with the USA; 6. creating additional opportunities for strengthening authoritarian regimes through military and technical support and even promoting its aggressiveness towards other countries; 7. fueling bloody wars by non-democratic regimes; 8. obtaining greater access to the minerals of the countries of the Global South and increasing the level of dependence on cooperation with Beijing; 9. strengthening of new arms exporters (such as Pakistan) and weakening of others (russia, USA, Germany).

Top Gun: The Orbán Government’s Position on the War in Ukraine

Top Gun: The Orbán Government’s Position on the War in Ukraine

The Primacy of Politics? Arms Imports and Political Relations of the Visegrád Countries 1999–2020

International commerce can be determined by the political climate between the exporter and the importer. Arms transfers are a much complex process, where beyond economic factors, alliance ties, security perception and defence planning are also considered. Still, they might not be independent of political relations. This paper aims to capture the arms supplier–recipient relations between the Visegrád countries and Russia, the United States and Germany from 1999 to 2020. More specifically, how do the two factors affect each other: are good political relations necessary for arms deals? Or do arms deals facilitate a friendly political climate? Our conclusion is as follows. On the one hand, a cooperative political climate increases the probability of arms deals, but they are not a necessity, as mutual benefits and security perceptions can override the current political climate. On the other hand, however, arms transfers can deepen cooperation or alleviate the existing differences between the parties.

The Primacy of Politics? Arms Imports and Political Relations of the Visegrád Countries 1999–2020

International commerce can be determined by the political climate between the exporter and the importer. Arms transfers are a much complex process, where beyond economic factors, alliance ties, security perception and defence planning are also considered. Still, they might not be independent of political relations. This paper aims to capture the arms supplier–recipient relations between the Visegrád countries and Russia, the United States and Germany from 1999 to 2020. More specifically, how do the two factors affect each other: are good political relations necessary for arms deals? Or do arms deals facilitate a friendly political climate? Our conclusion is as follows. On the one hand, a cooperative political climate increases the probability of arms deals, but they are not a necessity, as mutual benefits and security perceptions can override the current political climate. On the other hand, however, arms transfers can deepen cooperation or alleviate the existing differences between the parties.