Sunni-Shia Research Articles

Model Pendekatan Kepentingan Sebagai Resolusi Konflik Sunni Syiah di Kota Bangil Pada Tahun 2011

This study is intended to describe the pattern of resolving sectarian conflicts of Sunni and Shia groups in Bangil. One of these knowledge is the spread of Shia teachings throughout the world, including Indonesia. In Indonesia, 2012 saw for the first time open conflict between Sunni Shia in Sampang, Madura that left two people dead, and five others seriously injured. Interestingly, one year earlier there was also a Sunni Shia conflict in Bangil in 2011 which caused six minor injuries and one serious injury and other material losses. However, the conflict in Bangil was quickly suppressed by the authorities with the support of local communities so as not to cause a bigger conflict. The de-escalation of the conflict is believed to be the result of meeting the interests of the parties concerned in order to maintain security in Bangil. Therefore, in this study, the author has an interest in analyzing in more detail what kind of interest approach model so that the Sunni and Shia conflict in Bangil Pasuruan City can be suppressed so as not to cause wider horizontal conflicts as happened in the Sunni Shia conflict in Sampang in 2011.

The Sunni–Shia divide: Evidence from international trade

We show a decrease in trade between mainly Sunni and mainly Shia countries after the 1979 Iranian revolution. This outcome is driven by the religious preferences of the political rulers rather than those prevalent in the population.

Sunni–Shia identities among young Norwegian Muslims: the remaking of Islamic boundaries

ABSTRACT The potential spillover of Sunni–Shia conflicts from the Middle East to Muslim minorities in the West is an understandable concern. However, in line with Fredrik Barth’s idea that ‘boundary maintenance’ defines groups, we demonstrate that young Norwegian Muslims redraw Islamic boundaries and challenge traditional Muslim identities, notably along and across Sunni–Shia lines. In Norway, where Muslims from various backgrounds mix and interact, young Muslims both deconstruct and reconstruct Sunni–Shia boundaries. Our data show that these boundaries provide important identity markers. Most young Norwegian Muslims participating in our study downplay Sunni–Shia differences, preferring to emphasise inclusive Muslim identities. However, a minority among them highlight such differences to reaffirm their identities as ‘true believers’ in opposition to other Muslims.

Recent Upsurge in Sectarianism in Pakistan : Understanding the Sunni-Shia Divide as a Case-study of Inter-Group Rivalry and the Role of Ultra-Right Parties

Recent Upsurge in Sectarianism in Pakistan : Understanding the Sunni-Shia Divide as a Case-study of Inter-Group Rivalry and the Role of Ultra-Right Parties

The Ashura Assemblage: Karbala’s Religious Urban Fabric and Reproduction of Collective Shiʿi Identity

Assemblage theory complicates an already extensive literature on religious urbanity, cultural heritage, the social construction of space and the power of place. Nevertheless, the concept can be applied to social and religious history in locations such as West Asia. As this paper argues, avoiding dichotomous and politicised treatments of Karbala in dynamics of the Sunni–Shia divide and debates concerning the so-called “Karbala Paradigm”, the “Ashura Assemblage” demonstrates how space contributes to the reproduction of collective Shiʿi identity in Karbala. It outlines aspects of territoriality and sacralised Shiʿi rituals, tracing constantly recurring connections between various sacred spots, spaces and places of ritual. This study then illustrates how collective Shiʿi identity is mnemonically connected to Ashura-oriented spaces. This study utilises representational tools such as maps and diagrams to depict Karbala’s religious urban landscape. Ethnographic fieldwork and an array of primary and secondary source research uncover granularities in the Ashura Assemblage, suggesting a more prominent role for interpretive approaches to atomistic assemblages of urban religious spaces.

Framing a Mosque Project as a Sunni–Shia Conflict

Abstract In January 2015, the City of Helsinki received a proposal for the construction of ‘a grand mosque’. In December 2017, the Urban Environment committee rejected the proposal. In the interim, the proposed mosque was the subject of intense public debate. A key point of dispute was whether the mosque would increase tensions between Sunni and Shia Muslims in Finland. This article explores the ways in which the mosque project became framed as a Sunni–Shia conflict. Special focus is put on a newspaper article published in the Helsingin Sanomat in July 2015 and the framing devices used therein.

‘Wars of Others’: National Cleavages and Attitudes towards External Conflicts

ABSTRACT Why do individuals sympathize with others’ wars, an antecedent of the decision to become a foreign fighter? By collecting original public opinion data from Lebanon, in 2015, and Turkey in 2017, about the actors of conflict in Syria, we test the argument that an ethno-religious cleavage at home shapes the proclivity of individuals to support others’ wars. Individuals may perceive a war abroad as endangering political and social balance of power at home – and hence own survival. Therefore, when transnational identities map onto a national cleavage, as in the Sunni–Shia cleavage in Lebanon, and Turk – Kurd cleavage in Turkey, individuals are more disposed to show sympathy for others’ wars both to help their kin and to protect the balance of power at home. Our findings imply that efforts to end the trend toward citizens becoming foreign fighters must start at home by mending the relations between ethnic and religious groups.

In Defense of Intra-Sectarian Divide: Street Mobilization, Coalition Formation, and Rapid Realignments of Sectarian Boundaries in Lebanon

AbstractThis article examines the rapid transformations in the salience of sectarian boundaries despite seemingly deeply entrenched polarization. Lebanon provides an interesting case study where sectarian dichotomies moved relatively quickly from a predominantly “Christian–Muslim” divide to a more recent “Sunni–Shia” split within the context of tumultuous street mobilizations. While this sectarian dichotomy is resonant with the regional intra-Muslim divide, its local dynamics and mechanisms remain unknown. Based on recent literature pointing to street mobilization as an important channel for ethnic politics, this article focuses on co-mobilization—or coalition formation in protests—as a mechanism of sectarianization. It builds on an original and exclusive protest event catalogue (2000–2010), network analysis, and in-depth interview to ask: how does the salience of sectarian dichotomies shift in tandem with transformations in street politics? Through an analysis of momentous street mobilizations and coalition formations, the article traces how sectarian and political fault-lines are (re-)drawn and crystalized. The findings suggest that sectarian polarization emerges when political parties (re-)alignments overlap with the boundaries of sectarian cleavages, thus allowing interchangeability between political and sectarian categories. Contrary to common belief, this finding indicates that intra-sectarian political unity—rather than inter-sectarian divisions—shapes the processes of sectarianization and polarization.

Religious Sectarianism Destroying the Peaceful Image of Islamic Country: A Case Study of Pakistan

Religious harmony consider good for the development of any sovereign country, in which different schools of thoughts/sects play a vital role in society. Some namely scholars in different religious sects of Islam such as Sunni (Wahhabi, Deobandi, Ahl-e-Hadith and Baralvi) Shia are involving in supporting of sectarianism violence and destroying peaceful image of the country from last three decades. Some religious scholars of these sects use their preachers for own interests and confined the message of Islam for specific purpose. Meanwhile, the religion Islam has vast range and emphasizes on religious harmony as per mentioned in different verses of the Holy Quran. It is also guiding the people how religious harmony can make possible humanity and its effects not only for the people of Muslim Ummah but also emphasizes on the protection of the rights of other religions in the world. The leaders of different political parties of Pakistan supported these religious sects for increase their political benefits and public support. The foreign support to their followers sect for own interests and made another hindrance for the development of the country. Sometimes, this support leads to sectarianism conflict. Sectarianism conflict is a big hindrance for the development of religious affairs and economy of the country. Objectives: To highlight the role of religious sects and effects on the natives of the country. How sectarianisms destroyed the peaceful image of Pakistan in the world under the shadows of Islam. Methods: This cross sectional study of Three month duration which conduct from the present and pass out students of modern educational institutions and religious Madrassa from Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhawa, Sindh, Baluchistan and Azad Jammu & Kashmir. For better results of the study, 400 respondents (male and female) selected and analyzed data. Conclusion: As per survey results and primary findings, sectarianism is a bad curse which destroyed the gross-roots of the natives of country religiously, economically and politically for last many years.

KONFLIK SUNNI-SYIAH DI TIMUR TENGAH PERSPEKTIF GEOPOLITIK DAN DAMPAKNYA TERHADAP HUBUNGAN SUNNI-SYIAH DI INDONESIA

<p>Since the Iranian Islamic Revolution in 1979, Sunni sentiments with Shia have been redistributed everywhere. Even though the Sunni-Shia sentiment is not the main source of conflict but political geography, which is related to borders and natural resources. Because, the Middle East is located in a strategic area so that it becomes a very important region in the global political map. Conflicts that are inseparable from Sunni-Shia sentiments in the Middle East include: Shiite Sunni conflict in the Gulf War, attacks on the commemoration of Ashura (Karbala Massacre), Shiite Sunni conflicts in Syria and Lebanon, and Shia Sunni conflicts in the Yemeni Civil War. This conflict has a huge impact on Shia Sunni relations in Indonesia. The impact of the conflict was the occurrence of Sunni Shia conflict in Indonesia, which included: the attack on the Shia Islamic Boarding School, the dissolution of the commemoration of the Ashura tradition, the dissolution of the anniversary of Fatimah Az-Zahra, the ban on the Rausyan Fikr Foundation in Yogyakarta, and the attack on the Shia community in Madura. This paper attempts to examine the impact of the Shia Sunni conflict from a Geopolitical perspective and the impact of the conflict on Sunni- Shia relations in Indonesia.</p>

The Dynamics of Sunni‐Shia Relationships: Doctrine,Transnationalism Intellectuals and the Media. Edited by BrigitteMaréchal and SamiZemni. Pp. vi, 355, London, Hurst, 2013, £39.99.

The Dynamics of Sunni‐Shia Relationships: Doctrine,Transnationalism Intellectuals and the Media. Edited by BrigitteMaréchal and SamiZemni. Pp. vi, 355, London, Hurst, 2013, £39.99.

Lebanon’s interlocking challenges

Lebanon currently faces major interlocking challenges that threaten its stability. These include potential hostilities between Israel and Hizbullah (as Iran's proxy); Sunni–Shia strategic rivalry in the region; and the erosion of Lebanon's economy by the Syrian civil war.

Role of Sufism in Spreading Shiism at Kermanshah

Abstract Researchers, whether Muslim or not, refer to Sufism as limbo between Sunni and Shia beliefs with an emphasis on its weak Sunni and strong Shia ties. History and expand of Shia in Kermanshah support this statement also. Kermanshah is one of the regions that provided a proper social environment for Shia to strengthen its presence due to Sufi movements and dignitaries. Meanwhile, in addition to strengthen convergence areas of Shi'ism and Sufism, some events such as the Mongol onslaught and efforts of strong figures in Sufism exacerbated conditions to spread Shiism in the region. The present research aims to examine the role of Sufism in spreading Shiism in Kermanshah, in addition to investigate areas of the convergence.

The problem with everybody’s favourite solution in Syria

As the United States, Canada, and other Western and world allies attempt to devise workable policies vis-à-vis the Syrian crisis, a common thread links many if not most putative policy “solutions”: the need to engage local coalitions of regional actors to provide the military muscle to defeat the Islamic State, thereby setting the stage for a workable political solution to restore stability to the country as a whole. Given the experiences of Iraq and Afghanistan, neither the US nor its allies are particularly keen on deep involvement in Syria. Unfortunately, cultivating and encouraging increased involvement from regional actors (including Sunni Arab nations with, ostensibly, a “vested interest” in defeating the Islamic State) risks promoting long-term instability and conflict as regional political rivals—in particular Iran and Saudi Arabia—exploit and exacerbate the conflict for their own purposes. In a worst-case scenario, this could even contribute to a broader regional war along sectarian (Sunni–Shia) lines.

Syryjski konflikt i jego wpływ na sytuację w Europie

The Arab Spring, which turned into a revolution, or rather a civil war in Syria caused a tragic, yet interesting configuration of the international political arena. This seemingly small, insignificant country in the Middle East pulled the most important powers of the world in to its interiour conflicts. Syria has become the key to the Middle East. It is a very colorful country in every way: ethnic, religious, cultural, landscape… and the country in which the Middle East countries and world powers and international terrorist organizations want to pursue their interests. They are so contradictory interests that led to an absurd war in which everyone is fighting against everyone. There has therefore been a confrontation on several levels, such as political: between the United States and Russia; religious: Christians–Muslims, as well as within Islam: Sunni–Shia, or Saudis and the Persians; business: where, for example, the role of the corridor between the Mediterranean Sea and Iraq it is taken by Turkey, it is a confrontation between the Ottomans and the Persians. Due to this almost 3 million external emigration takes place – not to mention the more than 10 million internal migration – and simutlaniously the influx of refugees not only to neighboring countries but also to Europe, mainly Western Europe. On the political scene the new players are reinforcing themseves namely, the Kurds. A new division of the Middle East is being created of which, the future is difficult to predict.

Hezbollah and the Arab Spring

The Lebanese resistance movement and political party, Hezbollah, benefited from the Arab Spring to spread its hegemony over Lebanon through democratic means. In January 2011, the party and its allies forged a majority in the parliament and formed a cabinet. The cabinet collapsed two months before Hezbollah’s overt acknowledgement of involvement in the Syrian quagmire. Since March 22, 2013, a power vacuum has been reigning in Lebanon: there is no cabinet; no functioning parliament; and no properly running institutions. This situation increased sectarian tensions, especially the Sunni–Shia divide or discord ( fitna). In spite of the relative stability of Lebanon, like the Arab uprisings, the country lacks a clear ideological vision, unified leadership, and has serious problems with institutionalization and constitutionalism.

The ‘terrorism’ frame in ‘neo-Orientalism’: Western news and the Sunni–Shia Muslim sectarian relations after 9/11

Abstract Sunni–Shia relations have become a topic of significant media attention; this attention is largely due to the tendency of these groups to engage in sectarian strife as well as the Islamic Shia sect’s influential rise in world politics. The inter-Islamic sectarian relations are part of extensive reporting on upheaval events currently taking place in the Greater Middle East in the post 9/11 decade. This study analyses ten years of news coverage of the Sunni–Shia relations in the Canadian Globe and Mail and the US-based Washington Post. Results indicate that rather than contextualizing sectarian tensions between Sunni and Shia Islam, this media coverage overwhelmingly frames the tensions from the ‘war on terrorism’ perspective. This article argues that ‘neo-Orientalist’ discourses and propagandist perspectives have become routinized and more prevalent in the manner in which Western media represents Islam, privileging dominant discourses and ‘war on terrorism’ frames.

Sectarianism as Counter‐Revolution: Saudi Responses to the Arab Spring

Saudi Arabia is a wealthy oil producing country with a small population not exceeding twenty-five million, one third of which are foreigners. The authoritarian Al-Saud ruling family has controlled the country since 1932 (Al-Rasheed 2010). Historically, the Saudi rentier state used economic largesse in return for loyalty to the regime (Gause 1994; Luciani and Beblawi 1987). Yet the literature on the rentier state does not highlight other strategies that are often deployed to gain loyalty and force the population into submission. Sectarianism as a regime strategy is often ignored in the literature on the rentier state especially in countries where there is religious diversity. In response to the Arab Spring, sectarianism became a Saudi pre-emptive counter-revolutionary strategy that exaggerates religious difference and hatred and prevents the development of national non-sectarian politics. Through religious discourse and practices, sectarianism in the Saudi context involves not only politicising religious differences, but also creating a rift between the majority Sunnis and the Shia minority. At the political level, the rift means that Sunnis and Shia are unable to create joint platforms for political mobilisation. Neither essentialist arguments about the resilience of sects nor historical references to seventh-century Sunni–Shia battles over the Caliphate (Nasr 2007) can explain the persistence of antagonism and lack of common political platforms among Sunnis and Shia in a country like Saudi Arabia. Sectarian conflict between Sunnis and Shia can never be understood without taking into account the role played by an agency much more powerful than the sects themselves, namely the authoritarian regime. In addition to massive oil rents, the Saudi regime has at its disposal a potent religious ideology, commonly known as Wahhabism, that is renowned for its historical rejection of the Shia as a legitimate Islamic community (Steinberg 2001).

Eternalizing a Nation: ArmenianHishatakarans in the Seventeenth Century

In 1514, the first battle between the Ottomans and the newly founded Safavid dynasty took place. The Battle of Chaldiran, as it came to be known, marked the beginning of a century-long struggle between the Sunni Ottomans and Shia Safavids that would draw to a close in 1639 with the Treaty of Zuhab. The human toll of this ongoing warfare over the Caucasus and Mesopotamia would be exacted not just from the soldiers of each empire, but also from the different ethnic groups that inhabited these regions. Some caught in the midst of these conflicts had their towns and homes razed by these troops. Others were forced to relocate and resettle. The Armenians were one such group, trapped between these Muslim forces, whose material and non-material well-being was under threat. Armenians had been coping with foreign incursions for centuries. Historical Armenia had been invaded and often laid to waste by the Arabs in the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries, the Byzantines in the eleventh, and the Mongols and Seljuks from the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries. In fact, an Armenian kingdom in ancestral Armenia had not existed since the eleventh century, leaving the people of Greater (or historical) Armenia without any native sovereignty and as a politically fragmented entity. In the sixteenth century, historical Armenia had once again come to lie at the center of unremitting wars, this time fought between the Safavids and the Ottomans.

The heirs of Muhammad: Islam's first century and the origins of the Sunni-Shia split

The heirs of Muhammad: Islam's first century and the origins of the Sunni-Shia split