Successful Democratic Consolidation Research Articles

Holzer, Jan and Mareš, Miroslav (eds) Challenges to Democracies in East Central Europe (review)

REVIEWS 587 to subversive cultural memory evident in Andrus Kivirähk’s work, with Wulf’s life-story interviews that give us insights into these historians’ minds. Those readers who are curious about the contentious memory politics of contemporary Estonia should not miss this book. UCL SSEES and Johan Skytte Institute of Paris Pin-Yu Chen Political Science, University of Tartu Holzer, Jan and Mareš, Miroslav (eds). Challenges to Democracies in East Central Europe. Routledge Advances in European Politics, 127. Routledge, Abingdon and New York, 2016. x + 145 pp. Tables. Notes. Bibliographies. Index. £90.00. It has become commonplace to observe that democracy in East Central Europe (ECE) is not in rude health. However, despite a plethora of media and think tank commentary on ‘democratic backsliding’ and ‘illiberal democracy’ in the region and a concomitant renewal of academic interest in ‘de-democratization’, ‘de-consolidation’ and ‘democratic regression’, there is little agreement on the nature of ECE democratic malaise — and still less on its causes. This new edited collection by a team of researchers based at Masaryk University in the Czech Republic seeks to address some of these issues. Its key theme, outlined in the editors’ introductory essay, is that the debate on threats to democracy in ECE needs to shift focus from political and constitutional systems to more socially rooted phenomena such as corruption, organized crime, extremism and political populism. While the weakness and subversion of formal institutions are the most obvious ‘backsliding’ symptoms, we need look beyond them to understand how and why this is so. Moreover, as Pavel Dufek and Jan Holzer note in their opening chapter, it is unclear whether ECE is undergoing ‘deconsolidation’ or whether the region’s apparently successful democratic consolidation was always illusory. Tellingly, they argue, ECE publics’ perceptions of democracy — and assessments of its prospects among intellectuals and academics from the region — were always more pessimistic than those of West European and North American academia. The collection then explores these issues through a series of thematic chapters surveying research on populism, extremism, organized crime, corruption, and — perhaps slightly incongruously — the influence of external actors on ECE. The geographical focus is on the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia. Populist parties, taking a variety of forms, have had an important electoral impact in ECE. However, Vlastimil Havlík argues, even when ideologically SEER, 95, 3, JULY 2017 588 radical, they have posed only an indirect threat, tending to undermine the quality of democratic representation, rather than the democratic regime itself. Surges in support for populist parties can lead to de-stabilizing cycles of protest voting, especially where the initial rise of populist outsiders pushes established parties towards ‘enforced convergence’. Extremist groups (predominantly of the neo-Nazi right) which overtly and aggressively oppose the basic democratic values of pluralism and human rights, by contrast, are self-evidently a threat. However, Petra Vejvodová argues, their existence on some scale is inevitable in any democracy. The key issue, she suggests, is whether (as in most ECE states) they should be subject to a constitutional doctrine of ‘militant democracy’ allowing the early proscription of extremist organizations and the legal sanctioning of hate speech. In practice, she argues — particularly given the infiltration of extreme views into the supposed mainstream — the development of a civic-minded, critical citizenry would be a surer bulwark for democracy. Organized crime groups have established a solid presence in ECE, benefiting both from the region’s geographical location — which makes it a convenient transit route and entrepôt for global criminal networks — and the opportunities opened up by the post-Communist market economy. However, the political impact of organized crime in ECE, Petr Kupka, Miroslav Mareš and Michal Mochťak conclude, has so far been limited and latent. Organized criminal groups maintain a parasitic relationship with normal business and social activities, but have been unable to effect far-reaching state capture. Their greatest threat thus lies in their potential to feed ‘normal’ corrupt relationships between business and politics. Such relationships, as Aneta Pinková notes in her chapter on corruption, although difficult to measure empirically, seem persistent across the region. As they are most concentrated in areas such as public procurement, they are also highly...

Contradictory tendencies in the political culture of Croatian youth: unexpected anomalies or an expected answer to the social crisis?

ABSTRACTA successful democratic consolidation of post-socialist societies depends, among other things, on their citizens’ political culture, younger generations included. Moreover, youth civic engagement today and in the future is a guarantee of the continuity and development of democracy, which means that scientists need to gain insight into young people’s political culture. In this paper we look at political values, institutional trust and participation as relevant components of the civic political culture. The analysis is based on quantitative data collected in the empirical studies of Croatian youth, carried out between 1999 and 2013. Based on longitudinal study results, a downward trend is identified regarding selected political culture indicators: acceptance of liberal-democratic values, trust in social and political institutions, interest in politics and party preference. However, there is a simultaneous increase in participation in various types of organizations, especially political parties. The interpretation of established tendencies is placed in a broader context of an inherited democratic deficit, economic recession and social crisis. Current trends are both indicators and consequences of young people’s inadequate political socialization as well as weaknesses of political institutions and various actors during the transition and consolidation period.

87년 헌법의 개헌 과정과 시대적 함의

This paper examines the characteristics and meaning of the 1987 revised Constitution. In particular, it highlights the political position among the three contemporary political leaders, Roh Tae Woo(1932~ ), Kim Young Sam(1927~2015), and Kim Dae Jung(1924~2009). As the principal of the ‘direct presidential election system’ had already been set, the three leaders could easily agree with the revision of the Constitution. Therefore, there was little dispute that remaining articles of the 1962-Constitution should remain in the new version. The 1962-Constitution was a creation of the 1961 military coup led by General Park Chung Hee(1917~1979). Although the political processes were not completely democfratic, electoral competition was periodically made and some elections were fairly competitive during the Park regime, called the Third Republic. In this sense, the constitution revised in 1987 focused mainly on establishing procedural democracy. After three decades of successful democratic consolidation, another constitutional reform for entrenching Korea’s democracy is needed.

Democracy Deadlocked in Bangladesh

The prospects for successful democratic consolidation in Bangladesh will depend on the political elites' ability to abandon their zero-sum rivalry and demonstrate commitment to democratic norms in their attitudes and behavior.

Проблемы латиноамериканской демократии в интерпретации исследователей

The article deals with problems of the modern Latin American democracy in the context of various research methods, factors of stability and proneness to conflict, as well as new challenges for democracy set by the developing modern society. The author analyzes the leading experts' opinions in the field – mainly Spanish and Latin American researchers involved in modern social and political problems. Much attention is given to: political development issues in the region; transformation of the political parties' and civil society's role in response to consolidation of Latin American democracies; the youth activity as a new political phenomena; the increase of social protests, and the phenomenon of exaggerated social expectations. The important role of the social policy in stabilization of the political situation in the region, as well as in a successful democratic consolidation process is noted. Almost all countries of the region used the period of economic prosperity and growth (2003–2013) to develop and implement a targeted social policy aimed at the social sphere development, employment growth, and the improvement of education and public health systems. But the majority of successful social projects were devoted mainly to solving the most daunting and morbid problem of the Latin American society – poverty, which has been significantly lowered. Thus, the state targeted social policy played a significant role in shaping a positive attitude towards democracy. However, even over a ten-year period of economic growth, a state was unable to solve all problems accumulated. These challenges have been left unattended. It poses a serious threat to political stability. It is noted that the assessment of the democratic development prospects in the leading countries is closely related to social pessimism, which has been spreading among different classes of the Latin American society in recent years, and is associated not only with the worsening economic situation, but also with the growing disappointment in possibilities of democracy itself. Ineffective public administration, bureaucratization of state agencies and corruption cause irritation and discontent among the population. At the same time, along with criticism and emphasis on the subject of “disappointment” in politics, the commanding view among researchers is that the liberal democracy must be defended despite all its drawbacks and weaknesses, as the challenges for democracy set by the modern developing society, however serious they may be, are merely the tests of its prospects and possibilities, and not the evidence of its inconsistency.

Timing, Sequencing, and Transitional Justice Impact: A Qualitative Comparative Analysis of Latin America

Transitional justice (TJ) scholars are increasingly concerned with measuring the impact of transitional justice initiatives. Scholars often assume that TJ mechanisms must be properly designed and ordered to achieve lasting effect, but the impact of TJ timing and sequencing has attracted relatively little theoretical or empirical attention. Focusing on Latin America, this article explores variation within the region as to when TJ occurs and the order in which mechanisms are implemented. We utilize qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to assess the impact of TJ timing and sequencing on democratic development. We find little evidence for path dependency owing to the chronological order of mechanisms. We do find, however, that amnesties and trials approach a sufficient condition for democratic consolidation in Latin America; trials, however, come closest to being a necessary condition for successful democratic consolidation.

Inequality, the welfare system and satisfaction with democracy in South Korea

In an emerging democracy one of the most important components of democratic consolidation is the public’s attitude toward democracy. In this regard, emerging democracies in the East Asian region pose an interesting puzzle, because satisfaction with democracy is higher in authoritarian countries than in democratic countries. Scholars have praised Korean democracy as a miraculous case due to its successful democratic consolidation. Paradoxically, Korean democracy has shown weakness in dealing with rapidly increasing inequality after the International Monetary Fund economic crisis of 1997 and Korean citizens’ satisfaction with democracy has eroded. How does one explain these perplexing results? The empirical findings of this study indicate that citizens’ concerns about rapidly increasing inequality and dissatisfaction with the welfare regime were significantly related to their level of satisfaction with democracy. These results suggest that new democracies faced with similar economic challenges need to respond more competently to citizens’ demands for effective policy performance in order to achieve unwavering support for democracy.

Legitimate Force in a Particularistic Democracy: Street Police and Outlaw Legislators in the Republic of China on Taiwan

This article explores a “particularistic” concept of legitimacy important to Taiwanese democracy. This form of legitimacy, I suggest, has been instrumental for Taiwan's successful democratic consolidation in the absence of the rule of law. As evidence, I combine ethnographic observation of neighborhood police work with historical consideration of a type of political figure emergent in the process of democratic reform, which I call the “outlaw legislator.” I focus my analysis on the institutional and ideological processes articulating local policing into the wider political field. The center of these processes is a mode of popular representation that positions the outlaw legislator as a crucial hinge articulating the particularistic local order with central state powers. By analyzing the cultural content of the dramaturgical work used to reconcile low policing with higher-level state operations, this article shows how a particularistic idiom of legitimacy helps hold Taiwanese democracy together.

Political corruption in Eastern Europe: politics after communism

Why has political corruption emerged as a major obstacle to successful democratic consolidation in Eastern Europe? Exploring the origins, scope, and impact of political corruption in the region's post-Communist states, Tatiana Kostadinova identifies the factors that favour illicit behaviour and considers how the various forms of malfeasance are threatening democracy. Rich cross-national data and an in-depth study of Bulgaria reveal how parties and their leaders have exploited the transitional environment for private benefit, as well as how domestic and external forces--including the EU integration process--are constraining corruption. Kostadinova's conclusions point to the policy-relevant implications of her study for Eastern Europe, and for transitional democracies around the world.

The Paradox of Modernity in Turkey

The central argument of this article is that the strong state-centred tradition of Turkey has recently gone out of fashion. The breakdown of authoritarianism and state-centred approach and moving into a successful democratic consolidation and society-centred approach in Turkey requires choices to be made and alliances to be formed among intellectual-bureaucratic elite, the military, political parties, trade unions, other interest groups and various types of societal organisations. One of the most important difficulties for consolidating democracy in Turkey has been the complexity of creating stable, viable, accountable, responsive, predictable, representative, transparent, efficient and problem-solving oriented legitimate institutions where all citizens, regardless of ethnic origin or religious orientation, have a voice and enabling representation in such bureaucratic organs that altogether make-up the institution of state. This article will assert that the forces of democratic transition from a state-centred approach to a society-centred approach in Turkey are based on resolving the two main potentially difficult problems that are related with constant questioning of the legitimacy and democratic consolidation of the state apparatus: ethnic and religious paradoxes.

The Eastern Enlargement of the European Union: Challenges to Democracy?1

The Eastern Enlargement of the European Union: Challenges to Democracy?1 Recent scholarship assesses the impact of the European Union's conditionality on democracy in Central and Eastern Europe in a contradictory way. On one hand, the EU is perceived as a key agent of successful democratic consolidation and on other hand, the return of nationalist and populist politics in new member states has been explored in the context of the negative consequences of the hasty accession that undermined government accountability and constrained public debate over policy alternatives. This article explains this puzzle of the ambiguous effects of the EU's politics of conditionality, which promoted institutions stabilizing the horizontal division of powers, rule of law, human and minority rights protection, but which neglected norms and rules of participatory and/or popular democracy.

‘I Don't Bribe, I Just Pull Strings’: Assessing the Fluidity of Social Representations of Corruption in Portuguese Society

Portugal has often been considered as a case of successful democratic consolidation; and in fact the same ethical standards underpin democratic government and the rule of law – equality, transparency, accountability, impartiality, legality and integrity – as are found in most other mature Western European democracies. However, there is something singular about the Portuguese case that may be of interest to scholars of other southern European countries and the consolidating democracies of Eastern Europe: The coexistence of modern/rational and pre-modern/family-based relations between citizens and the public administration. This means that corruption in Portugal is not only about bribery but also about a series of other practices and conducts – ones in which the exchange of money for decisions is neither clear-cut nor automatic. Drawing on European and national survey data, this paper sets out to demonstrate that beneath the apparently consensual condemnation of corruption at a symbolic level, citizens tolerate it, by engaging in small influence peddling, in their daily relationships with the public administration.

Shadow Separatism: Implications for Democratic Consolidation by Matthew s> Crosston (review)

REVIEWS I85 society and state institutions; and Nikolai V. Petrov looks at the evolving electoral system and norms of electoral behaviour. Finally, Rajan Menon explores the international circumstances shaped by geography, history, culture and the nation's sources of power that constrain Russian leaders' attempts to find their country'spost-imperial,post-Soviet role. Each contributor makes perceptive points; each essay contains quotable formulationsthat advanced studentswould find useful in preparingessays or dissertations.Unfortunately, there are occasional errors and some repetition acrossessays.Nevertheless,professionalstudentsof post-SovietRussiawill find ideas and interpretationsthat will stimulate debate, perhaps disagreement, certainly thought. Department ofPoliticalScience RONALDJ. HILL Trinity College, Dublin Crosston, Matthew. ShadowSeparatism: Implications for Democratic Consolidation. Post-Soviet Politics.Ashgate, Aldershot and Burlington,VT, 2004. vii + I52 pp. Figures. Tables. Boxes. Notes. Appendices. Bibliography.Index. f49.95 MATTHEW CROSSTON delivers a much-needed analysisof the role and significance of bilateraltreatiesin Russia'sfederaland democratictransition.Shadow Separatism provides a comparative examination of the effects of bilateral treaties on the stability, efficacy and legitimacy of the Russian Federation. Three regions are given particular attention: two regions one ethnic, Tatarstan, one non-ethnic, Sverdlovsk which obtained bilateral treaties and one region which did not conclude a treaty with the federal centre, Lipetsk. In his analysis, Crosston concludes that the higher degrees of democraticcompetition, respectfor federalsovereigntyand stabilityin Lipetsk are explained by the fact it did not conclude a treaty; Tatarstan and Sverdlovsk'streaties increased federal-regionalambiguity and isolated them from the centre, thus weakening Russia'snascent federalism(p. I22). The book is divided into six chapters. Crosston begins by discussing his theoreticalframeworkand overallobjective,namely verifyingwhether the use of bilateral treaties, by creating a decentralized federation, helps or hinders long-term democratic and institutionalconsolidation. His analysis is broadly based on two criticisms of federalism:Riker's contention that decentralized or peripheralized federations are ineffective and Dahl's observation that decentralized institutions are unlikely to promote successful democratic consolidation(p. 5). The second chapterprovidesa succinctyet precise review of existing approaches to federalismand democratic consolidation as well as to Russian federalism and the use of bilateral treaties. The three following chapters consist of his case studies. The book concludes with Crosston's assessment of the state of centre-peripheryrelations and the negative role of bilateral treaties in promoting stable and democratic federal governance in post-Soviet Russia. i86 SEER, 85, I, 2007 Crosston's book constitutes one of very few works to provide a crossregional comparative analysis. The author does a good job of explaining his case selection as well as how he designed and carriedout his research. He is right to point out that his third case study, Lipetsk, has received virtually no scholarly attention. Consequently this chapter is the most original and empirically rich of the book. Although it is clear the chapters on Tatarstan and Sverdlovskare also based upon exhaustivefield research and interviews, readers more familiar with these cases may be disappointed by the lack of a similar degree of detail. Moreover, the book does not include a list of interviewsconducted by the author. The author is very critical of the role of bilateral treaties, particularly in compromising the unity and stability of democratic federal governance. But while his theoretical frameworkgives us insight into how the practice of bilateral treaties may have undermined federalism, it does not adequately address whythis happened. While Crosston demonstratesthat the practice of treaties in Russia's regions had a negative effect on stabilityand democracy, he gives too little considerationin his theoreticalchapters of whether treaties per se are nefarious. The book provides too little contrast between different theories of multi-level governance and devolution and the practice as it evolved in the Russian Federation: is Russian federalism undermined by the use and abuse of bilateral treaties by regional leaders or by recourse to bilateralismand devolution altogether?Furthermore,by concentratingon the use of treatiesby regionalleaders, Crosstonabstractsthe federalgovernment's role in bilateralism.While regionalgovernmentsmay have providedthe impetus , the centre's decision to pursue bilateral accommodation as well as its inability or unwillingness to sanction abuses of power in the regions also impacts the stability of Russia's federalism. The book would have been strengthenedby furtherexamination of such issues. Notwithstanding these criticisms,Matthew Crosston's ShadowSeparatism is a useful addition...

Explaining trust in political institutions: Some illustrations from the Baltic states

An important precondition of successful democratic consolidation is voters' confidence that political institutions do not abuse their privileged position of power. Seeking to identify variables that explain trust in political institutions, the paper tests different theories of institutional trust with individual-level survey data from Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Building on prior research, two competitive theories—the cultural and performance explanation—are identified and tested, while also controlling for the effects of party preference, ethnicity, and socio-demographic factors. The results show that both cultural and performance variables influence citizens' trust in political institutions. In other words, institutional trust depends on how much the individual trusts other people as well as on how well they believe the economic and the political system to function. Besides cultural and performance variables, most control variables also proved to be significantly associated with institutional trust, confirming the need to include correct control variables in models of institutional trust.

The Dominant Party System: Challenges for South Africa’s Second Decade of Democracy

The existence of a dominant-party system in South Africa has raised growing concerns over its implications for the consolidation of democracy. This paper argues that while there appears to be no real threat to democracy in South Africa it does face several challenges, and successful democratic consolidation will depend upon alertness to signs of undemocratic practices associated with dominant-party systems. It is crucial to ensure that government remains accountable to its citizens. The ANC has demonstrated commitment to democratic principles and there remains sufficient debate and activism within society to keep a check on authoritarian tendencies. However, South African politics is characterised by weak opposition parties that continue to be associated with racial identity and hold little credibility amongst the electorate. South Africans also continue to vote in racial blocs, and the existence of a dominant party and a weak opposition has resulted in emerging voter apathy and withdrawal amongst some sections of the electorate. If the opposition is to fulfil its role in safeguarding accountability and democratic practice it must regain credibility and break away from racial politics to appeal to the African community. Civil society's role in ensuring government accountability is also pivotal, particularly in the absence of a strong political opposition. The left-wing members of the ANC and its allies face similar challenges - they must work to retain their leverage and political influence within the Tripartite Alliance.

Political parties and corruption in Portugal

Portugal is often considered an example of successful democratic consolidation. Yet it has not been exempt from corruption scandals. By the mid‐1990s, transparency and the moralisation of political life had come to dominate parliamentary debates and reforms. The illegality surrounding party life must be seen against the background of dominant ethical standards in society. Voters appear tolerant of the unethical behaviour of political leaders, while parties are gradually becoming less responsive to their electorate. Representation and delegation rely more on tacit consent than on voice, thus encouraging complacency over corruption.

Cross‐cutting issues and the consolidation of democracy in Taiwan

This article examines the cause of Taiwan's recent successful democratic consolidation. It argues that cross‐cutting issues in the electoral process allow democratic systems to periodically generate new winners. The prospect of reasonable certainty to win gives different political groups, including previously anti‐system or semi‐loyal groups, incentives to adhere to the democratic rules of the game. This process contributed to the democratic consolidation in Taiwan. More specifically, the non‐mainstream faction of the ruling Kuomintang (KMT) party, which initially opposed democratization, and the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) which wanted more radical constitutional and political reforms, came to accept the post‐transition democratic regime due to the emergence of new electoral issues. New issues surrounding corruption and socio‐economic reforms allowed both the non‐mainstream faction of the KMT and the DPP to advance their interests through the democratic electoral process.