Subnational Action Research Articles

Climate-biodiversity nexus in transnational climate governance: variation across net zero initiatives

The Glasgow Climate Pact recognizes the importance of biodiversity protection for climate action. While climate and biodiversity governance processes remain separated at the intergovernmental level, transnational initiatives may provide opportunities to better integrate these two important issues. If linkages between the two cannot be well managed in transnational action, we might be running the risk of achieving a net zero economy at the expenses of nature. How do transnational governance initiatives understand and address the linkages between climate change and biodiversity protection? We tackle this question by assessing the targets on biodiversity identified by 25 partner initiatives of the Race to Zero – a UN-backed campaign with clear criteria to rally non-state and subnational action for achieving net zero by 2050. Our study shows variation within the campaign: 28% of its partner initiatives did not consider biodiversity at all, whilst 36% of the partner initiatives have identified detailed commitments and action plans to ensure no harm on biodiversity. Overall, more than two-thirds of the partner initiatives had mentioned the role of biodiversity in climate action. Considering possible explanatory factors of the variation observed, we suggest that the target sector and engagement with environment-oriented organizations are likely to lead transnational governance initiatives to consider biodiversity alongside emission reductions in net zero strategies and commitments. The study sheds light linkages between climate mitigation and biodiversity protection in the recent net zero movement and proposes policy recommendations for transnational initiatives to better integrate climate and biodiversity targets.

Potential role of civil society organizations (CSOs) in antimicrobial resistance (AMR) mitigation efforts in low- and middle-income countries: A report from India

Antibiotic resistance (ABR) is a global health threat with the potential to cause mortality and morbidity on an unprecedented scale. In the past, civil society organizations (CSOs) have been successful in complementing the efforts of government health systems, thereby shaping the course of various public health programs, especially in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). This article reports the outcomes of a CSO sensitization workshop held by one of the regional nodes of ReAct and highlights the perspectives of CSOs on their role in supporting the implementation of national and sub-national action plans for AMR mitigation. CSOs can contribute to (i) redefining the AMR narrative, (ii) generating the data for action and policy change, (iii) advocating for policy change, (iv) promoting research and influencing decisions pertaining to research in AMR, and (v) undertaking behavioral change communication for different target groups, among others. Governments in LMICs could leverage the expertise of CSOs by playing the role of facilitator while ensuring that the interventions align with national priorities and are sustainable. Efforts to ensure diverse funding and capacity building among CSOs should happen in parallel to ensure maximum impact on communities.

Breaking down nationally determined contribution (NDC) targets into subnational actions: a two-staged allocation approach study in China

Breaking down nationally determined contribution (NDC) targets into subnational actions: a two-staged allocation approach study in China

Towards a deeper understanding of up-scaling in socio-technical transitions: The case of energy communities

The pressing nature of the climate crisis is placing sub-national action at the forefront of climate mitigation. Energy communities have been an example of such niche action, as, over the past decades, they have blossomed in number and have challenged dominant narratives of the energy transition. The aggregate impact such action promises may be necessary to mitigate the global-scale problem of the climate crisis. This opens up the vexing question of what mechanisms are at play in scaling such action and how the contours of causality may be painted in the pathways towards transitions. This article aims to address this gap by building on the concept of mechanismic thinking. The innovative nature of this approach helps us identify empirical examples of conditions of scaling and brings conceptual clarity to studying processes of transitions. This article identifies conditions in relation to various pathways of transitions and the strategic management of niches. We identify several conditions that scaling may depend on through a systematic literature review of the energy community literature. From our review, two key results surface: Firstly, at the empirical level, the conditions identified suggest that a diversity of pathways to scaling may exist in parallel. Secondly, the conditions found in the literature can productively be mapped based on three dimensions: conditions internal to communities, conditions affecting interactions between communities, and finally, conditions related to the context of community initiatives. By feeding back our findings into leading theories in the field, our review enriches existing accounts of niche-internal dynamics of the strategic niche management approach. Moreover, we suggest that mechanismic thinking has much to add to the research agenda on connecting local scale innovation and higher scale impact in socio-technical thinking.

Aggregating the Impacts of Non-State and Subnational Climate Actions: An Exploration of Methods

This paper discusses methodological assumptions to estimate the collective impact of mitigation commitments and targets of non-state and subnational entities. It serves as a supplement to the Initiative for Climate Action Transparency (ICAT) Non-State and Subnational Action Guide. The paper will facilitate users in employing methods that are suitable for their specific objectives when determining the collective impact of mitigation actions taken by cities, businesses and states. It will also promote greater transparency in reporting impact assessment results.

Assessment of cause-specific mortality and disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) induced by exposure to inorganic arsenic through drinking water and foodstuffs in Iran

The health risk and burden of disease induced by exposure to inorganic arsenic (iAs) through drinking water and foodstuffs in Iran were assessed. The iAs levels in drinking water and foodstuffs (15 food groups) in the country were determined through systematic review of three international databases (PubMed, Scopus, and Web of Science) and meta-analysis. Based on the results of the systematic review and meta-analysis, the average iAs levels in drinking water and all the food groups at the national level were lower than the maximum permissible levels. The total average non-carcinogenic risk of dietary exposure to iAs in terms of hazard index (HI) was 3.4. The average incremental lifetime cancer risk (ILCR) values of dietary exposure to iAs were determined to be 1.5 × 10−3 for skin cancer, 1.0 × 10−3 for lung cancer, and 4.0 × 10−4 for bladder cancer. Over two-thirds of the non-carcinogenic and carcinogenic risk of dietary exposure to iAs was attributed to bread and cereals, drinking water, and rice. The total annual cancer incidence, deaths, disability-adjusted life years (DALYs), death rate, and DALY rate (per 100,000 people) were assessed to be 3347 (95 % uncertainty interval: 1791 to 5999), 1302 (697 to 2336), 72,606 (38,833 to 130,228), 1.6 (0.87 to 2.9), and 91 (49 to 160). The contribution of mortality in the attributable burden of disease was 95.1 %. The contributions of the causes in the attributable burden of disease were 72 % for lung cancer, 16 % for bladder cancer, and 12 % for skin cancer. Due to the significant attributable burden of disease, national and subnational action plans consisting of multi-disciplinary approaches for risk management of dietary exposure to iAs, especially for the higher arsenic-affected areas and high-risk population groups in the country are recommended.

Fossil Free Zones: a proposal

ABSTRACT This perspective paper proposes a new conceptual framework for bottom-up climate mitigation: the Fossil Free Zones (FFZs) framework. The aim of the framework is to facilitate grassroots, goal-driven climate action, and government policy at increasingly higher levels, with a view to ‘tipping’ social systems away from their reliance on fossil fuels. The paper outlines the framework and the theory of change on which it is predicated, after first introducing the historical precedent that inspired it – the system of Nuclear Weapon Free Zones. The FFZs framework offers two main advantages over other anti-fossil fuel initiatives – such as the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty Initiative – though it is intended and designed to complement these, not compete with them. First, the FFZs framework combines a unified and accessible discursive frame with a focus on practical decarbonising activities at multiple levels of governance. The discursive frame promotes the diffusion of anti-fossil fuel norms while the practical activities promote positive (reinforcing) social, technological, economic and other feedback effects. Second, the combined focus on supply and demand increases the political resilience of anti-fossil fuel initiatives in the face of fossil fuel price fluctuations, and promotes cooperation between producer regions and urban consumer centres. Key policy insights Anti-fossil fuel activism has become a global phenomenon, but fossil fuel production and combustion continue to rise, threatening climate objectives. A system of Fossil Free Zones is proposed to further mobilise grassroots and subnational action against fossil fuels, and build anti-fossil fuel norms. A Fossil Free Zone is a geographic area characterised by the absence of fossil fuel production and consumption, with intermediate statuses based on fuel types and activities, e.g. ‘coal supply free zone’. Motivated groups set zone-related goals and work toward them, cooperating with others and across different levels of government as necessary, and declare the zones they have achieved. Ultimately, Fossil Free Zones could become institutionalised at national and international level, as has occurred with Nuclear Weapon Free Zones. Fossil Free Zones combine discursive framing with practical decarbonising activities, and address fossil fuel production and consumption, improving on other anti-fossil fuel initiatives.

Open Government Policies in Ibero-America. Exploring a Decade of Changes in the Context of the Open Government Partnership (2011-2021)

This paper aims to carry out an analysis and critical reflection on the progress of open government policies in Ibero-American members of the Open Government Partnership, exploring findings over a period of ten years. The methodology used consisted of collecting, exploring, systematizing, and analyzing 63 national open government action plans implemented by 18 Ibero-American countries; reviewing in detail a database of 1298 commitments between the years 2011 and 2021; and considering another 63 initiatives linked to 12 subnational action plans in 7 local governments in the region. The open government approach has been an important tool for the transformation of the Ibero-American public sector in the last decade, with the regulatory and technology use as key areas in the process, as well as the efforts to promote public integrity and the improvement of public services in the processes of co-creation and implementation of commitments to institutional openness in the comparative regional agenda. Open government is presented as the main axis in a transition towards a model of collaborative and smart governance of public affairs, which will allow an adequate response to the challenges of the 21st century. The main conclusions are that Open Government Partnership has been a platform that has contributed to institutionalizing openness processes in all Ibero-American countries, with visible results and impacts in various areas of public policy. However, on the path to the construction and implementation of an open State, a greater integration effort is required to generate broader and more sustainable strategies that promote capacity building, especially in the territorial space.

Antimicrobial use among hospitalized patients: A multi-center, point prevalence survey across public healthcare facilities, Osun State, Nigeria.

In order to inform sub-national action plan for control of antimicrobial resistance (AMR) and benchmark interventions to improve antibiotic use, it is essential to define situations on antibiotic use using standardized tools. We sought to assess quality of antimicrobial prescription across all government healthcare facilities with capacities for in-patient care in the first of the 36 states in Nigeria as part of ongoing state-wide situation analysis on AMR. A survey was conducted between 10-27 June 2019 using the WHO methodology for point prevalence survey on antibiotic use in hospitals. Data was collected from hospital administrators and records of hospitalized patients. Data analysis was done using Microsoft Excel 2010 (Redmond Washington). Prevalence of antibiotic use amongst all 321 included patients was 76.6% (246/321). Of all indications recorded, the highest was surgical prophylaxis (96/260, 36.9%) for which there were multiple doses beyond 24 hours in almost all cases (91/96, 94.8%). The largest volume of prescribing took place in the surgical wards, and the most common prescriptions were metronidazole (142/564, 25.2%), cefuroxime (104/564, 18.4%), and ceftriaxone (77/564, 13.7%). Overall, 46.3% of the antibiotics used belong to Access group, 53.5% to watch and only 0.2% to Reserve. Treatment in almost all instances 544/563 (96.6%) was empiric. The majority of patients received multiple antibiotics mostly without compliance to guidelines. There was low prescribing of Access antibiotics and excessive use of antibiotics in the Watch group. Antibiotics were used most commonly for surgical prophylaxis but inappropriately. Inappropriate use of antibiotics in this study underscores the crucial need for an action plan incorporating antimicrobial stewardship.

A Framework for Operationalizing Climate-Just Ocean Commitments Under the Paris Agreement

Building on the considerable momentum from the commencement of the Decade of Ocean Science, the Ocean-climate nexus will be center stage at COP26. Many countries are including blue carbon Ocean commitments in their second round of nationally determined contributions (NDCs), and there is a need to harmonize the science, law, and economics of Ocean-based climate mitigation and adaptation strategies to enable implementation of Ocean commitments under the Paris Agreement. In addition, consistent with the Paris Agreement preamble's focus on human rights, the rights and empowerment of vulnerable and marginalized communities, and intergenerational equity, the design and implementation of Ocean commitments in NDCs should be centered on considerations of climate justice (“climate-just Ocean commitments”). The challenges and opportunities inherent in implementing climate-just Ocean commitments require a comprehensive review of the latest innovations in blue carbon scientific research, the enabling conditions necessary for uptake of this science into policies and decision making, and the financial structures needed to equitably finance Ocean nature-based solutions. Responding to this need, we propose that a framework is needed to support the inclusion of blue carbon sequestration potential in ambitious national and subnational action. The proposed framework should center on the intersectionality of climate justice with the three key layers essential to implementation of Ocean commitments—science, law, and economics—where traditional and local ecological knowledge is valued on par with western science, law and policy centers on vulnerable communities, and financial mechanisms respect national sovereignty, value local cultures, and support sustainable economic development.

Climate solutions to meet the suburban surge: leveraging COVID-19 recovery to enhance suburban climate governance

ABSTRACT Cities dominate the local climate governance arena, yet both the U.S. and Canada are suburban nations. The vast reaches of suburbia, which far exceed urban cores in land area, population, and emissions impacts, lag on climate action. At the same time, they are comparatively underserved by, and underrepresented within, the policy community. COVID-19 pandemic driven flight from cities to pastoral safety was hyped in the media, but the reality is a more mundane suburban acceleration. As always, suburbs provide more space, 2020s top commodity, at a lower cost. This stands at odds with the prescriptions of urban climate experts, where mixed-use, walkable density is the path to meeting Paris Agreement targets. Without a more expansive approach to subnational action, the popular movement around cities for climate will fail to deliver on its potential. We suggest going beyond narratives that position suburbs as helpful accessories, arguing instead that suburbs themselves can be a locus of climate action. In the context of a green recovery, additional steps include expanding suburban capacity through existing or new networks and supporting organizations engaged in suburban planning to adopt promising practices for equitable, integrated adaptation and mitigation. This approach could be an ideal use of recovery funds, with the potential to parlay immediate action into long-term gains. Governments have always subsidized the suburbs. COVID-19 recovery offers a narrow window to redirect and enhance those subsidies to bring the management of climate impacts within reach. Key policy insights Suburbs, due to their share of population, land area and emissions, must become centres of climate action, not accessories to urban plans. Climate action should be designed to meet the specific circumstances of suburban communities. Examples include focusing on retrofitting existing buildings, integrating mixed-use zoning, and prioritizing demand-side management. Suburban communities can immediately begin adopting the most promising practices for equitable, integrated adaptation and mitigation.

National and Sub-National Social Distancing Responses to COVID-19

We examine the effectiveness of sub-national actions to control a novel disease, such as COVID-19, in the absence of national policy. Evidence shows that countries where sub-national governments have undertaken unilateral social distancing measures to combat the pandemic with little or no coordination have performed less well in controlling the spread of the disease. We explore analytically whether agreement on a common social distancing policy among sub-national governments, i.e., states or provinces, can lead to a better outcome than if each state or province pursues its own social distancing policy in isolation. A key feature of our model is that it accounts for the inter-jurisdictional spillover effects of each sub-national jurisdiction’s policy choice with respect to social distancing. Our results show that, in the absence of a national mandatory agreement, a sub-national agreement with sufficient coordination of social distancing policy among states yields a more effective and efficient control of a pandemic compared to states choosing policy unilaterally. These findings strongly support calls for greater cooperation among and assistance for sub-national governments to improve the effectiveness of their social distancing efforts in controlling the pandemic.

The Forestry Sector in India's State Action Plans on Climate Change: A Forward-Looking Analysis

With ever more manifest climate change impacts, India plays a key role in achieving the temperature goal. Within India, the forestry sector is particularly important for the achievement of domestic mitigation pledges such as the NDC forestry targets and necessary reductions in the climate vulnerabilities of rural livelihoods. Owing to India's federal structure, subnational action is the main determinant of success of climate action in the forestry sector. In a systematic literature review, we therefore here compare the forestry components of all 33 State Action Plans on Climate Change (SAPCC). In conjunction with insights from the plan implementation period, this comparison holds important lessons for the ongoing revision of the plans. These pertain inter alia to the need for scientifically rigorous methods of assessment of vulnerabilities of forest ecosystems and dependent communities, the need for specific, measurable, actionable, realistic and time-bound (SMART) targets and strategies informed by these assessments, the need to concentrate efforts and resources on synergistic approaches with adaptation and mitigation benefits, and the opportunity to develop rigorous M&E approaches for both these fields in the forestry sector. With the imminent second round of SAPCCs, state forest departments and other stakeholders should adhere to established best practices.

Fusing subnational with national climate action is central to decarbonization: the case of the United States

Approaches that root national climate strategies in local actions will be essential for all countries as they develop new nationally determined contributions under the Paris Agreement. The potential impact of climate action from non-national actors in delivering higher global ambition is significant. Sub-national action in the United States provides a test for how such actions can accelerate emissions reductions. We aggregated U.S. state, city, and business commitments within an integrated assessment model to assess how a national climate strategy can be built upon non-state actions. We find that existing commitments alone could reduce emissions 25% below 2005 levels by 2030, and that enhancing actions by these actors could reduce emissions up to 37%. We show how these actions can provide a stepped-up basis for additional federal action to reduce emissions by 49%—consistent with 1.5 °C. Our analysis demonstrates sub-national actions can lead to substantial reductions and support increased national action.

Beyond states: Harnessing sub-national actors for the deep decarbonisation of cities, regions, and businesses

Important phenomena are emerging that increasingly call for enhanced or more coordinated climate governance, but that seriously challenge the capacities of a traditional governance system centered on nation-states, their legal subdivisions, and intergovernmental organizations. Climate change represents one such governance challenge. In this Perspective, we ask: What role are sub-national actors poised to play in terms of accelerating a transition to deep decarbonisation? What sorts of mitigation contributions can such actors make, in lieu of or even in concert with national pledges under the Paris Accord? To answer these questions, this Perspective first defines and identifies a range of sub-national actions and efforts undergoing on climate change. It then reviews studies that quantify non-state emissions potentials, mentions limitations with the analysis, and concludes with implications for both policy and governance efforts. The potential of sub-national action for climate mitigation appears to be substantial—up to about 20 GtCO2e, far greater than existing NDC contributions—although prone to potential overlaps and uncertainties.

Evaluating Climate Change Governance Using the “Polity–Policy–Politics” Framework: A Comparative Study of China and the United States

Climate change governance has attracted increasing academic interest. However, holistic reviews on the dynamic complexity and stability of climate change governance have received little attention. This study addresses this research gap by conducting a structurally comparative analysis between China and the United States based on the “polity–policy–politics” framework. Three analytical facets are identified for each dimension of the framework, including institutional settings, the nature of policy mechanisms used in climate change practices, and the degree of multi-actors’ involvement under two governance scenarios. Results show that climate change governance in the two countries differs substantially. The process of climate governance in China is driven by strong leadership at the national level alongside policy continuity, whereas well-functioning market mechanisms and robust regulatory systems are still lacking. A more meaningful involvement of social forces is also critically needed when addressing increasingly complex and uncertain climate change. By contrast, the US federal climate policies are considered inadequate compared with sub-national actions and persistent efforts of non-state actors, to which the success of climate practices is largely attributed. This study systematically uncovers the divergence of climate mitigation under different political–institutional contexts, and evaluates the effectiveness of governance arrangement in the two countries, which helps policymakers to understand the potential of improving the performance of climate change governance.

A Future for Paris? Federalism, the Law of Nations, and U.S. Courts

The 'We Are Still In' movement raised novel and urgent questions about the status of executive agreements, treaties, and customary international law in U.S. courts. As sub-national governments increasingly face difficult trade-offs between climate change mitigation and adaptation, American courts will confront challenges thereto likely grounded in various types of dormant preemption of state and local initiatives. This symposium essay argues that our courts must first situate sub-national actions on climate mitigation within a complex and evolving context of mitigation as a globally-scaled collective good that can only be provided if contributions thereto accumulate over time. They must also avoid lumping sub-national action advantaging some firms in a competitive market under the old unionist fears of protectionism in all things local. A bottom-up movement like 'We Are Still In' may be uniquely positioned to keep the nation's pledges on climate change mitigation — and its obligations under U.S. treaties and public international law — but only if our courts understand the stakes and the fine print of our foreign affairs federalism.

National and Sub-National Social Distancing Responses to COVID-19

This paper examines the effectiveness of sub-national actions to control a novel disease, such as COVID-19, in the absence of a national policy. Evidence is emerging that countries where sub-national governments have undertaken unilateral social distancing measures to combat the pandemic with little or no coordination have performed less well in controlling the spread of the disease. We explore analytically whether agreement on a common social distancing policy among sub-national governments, i.e. states or provinces, can lead to a better outcome than if each state or province pursues its own social distancing policy in isolation. A key feature of our model is that it accounts for the inter-jurisdictional spillover effects of each sub-national jurisdiction's policy choice with respect to social distancing. Our results show that, in the absence of a national mandatory agreement, a sub-national agreement with sufficient coordination of social distancing policy among states yields a more effective and efficient control of a pandemic compared to states choosing policy unilaterally. These findings strongly support calls for greater cooperation among and assistance for sub-national governments to improve the effectiveness of their social distancing efforts in controlling the pandemic.

The burden of child and maternal malnutrition and trends in its indicators in the states of India: the Global Burden of Disease Study 1990–2017

SummaryBackgroundMalnutrition is a major contributor to disease burden in India. To inform subnational action, we aimed to assess the disease burden due to malnutrition and the trends in its indicators in every state of India in relation to Indian and global nutrition targets.MethodsWe analysed the disease burden attributable to child and maternal malnutrition, and the trends in the malnutrition indicators from 1990 to 2017 in every state of India using all accessible data from multiple sources, as part of Global Burden of Diseases, Injuries, and Risk Factors Study (GBD) 2017. The states were categorised into three groups using their Socio-demographic Index (SDI) calculated by GBD on the basis of per capita income, mean education, and fertility rate in women younger than 25 years. We projected the prevalence of malnutrition indicators for the states of India up to 2030 on the basis of the 1990–2017 trends for comparison with India National Nutrition Mission (NNM) 2022 and WHO and UNICEF 2030 targets.FindingsMalnutrition was the predominant risk factor for death in children younger than 5 years of age in every state of India in 2017, accounting for 68·2% (95% UI 65·8–70·7) of the total under-5 deaths, and the leading risk factor for health loss for all ages, responsible for 17·3% (16·3–18·2) of the total disability-adjusted life years (DALYs). The malnutrition DALY rate was much higher in the low SDI than in the middle SDI and high SDI state groups. This rate varied 6·8 times between the states in 2017, and was highest in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Assam, and Rajasthan. The prevalence of low birthweight in India in 2017 was 21·4% (20·8–21·9), child stunting 39·3% (38·7–40·1), child wasting 15·7% (15·6–15·9), child underweight 32·7% (32·3–33·1), anaemia in children 59·7% (56·2–63·8), anaemia in women 15–49 years of age 54·4% (53·7–55·2), exclusive breastfeeding 53·3% (51·5–54·9), and child overweight 11·5% (8·5–14·9). If the trends estimated up to 2017 for the indicators in the NNM 2022 continue in India, there would be 8·9% excess prevalence for low birthweight, 9·6% for stunting, 4·8% for underweight, 11·7% for anaemia in children, and 13·8% for anaemia in women relative to the 2022 targets. For the additional indicators in the WHO and UNICEF 2030 targets, the trends up to 2017 would lead to 10·4% excess prevalence for wasting, 14·5% excess prevalence for overweight, and 10·7% less exclusive breastfeeding in 2030. The prevalence of malnutrition indicators, their rates of improvement, and the gaps between projected prevalence and targets vary substantially between the states.InterpretationMalnutrition continues to be the leading risk factor for disease burden in India. It is encouraging that India has set ambitious targets to reduce malnutrition through NNM. The trends up to 2017 indicate that substantially higher rates of improvement will be needed for all malnutrition indicators in most states to achieve the Indian 2022 and the global 2030 targets. The state-specific findings in this report indicate the effort needed in each state, which will be useful in tracking and motivating further progress. Similar subnational analyses might be useful for other low-income and middle-income countries.FundingBill & Melinda Gates Foundation; Indian Council of Medical Research, Department of Health Research, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Government of India.

Retooling American Foodralism

Food policy action on the state and local levels is necessary and important for at least two reasons. First, the complexity and breadth of our nation’s food system requires layered policy and regulation; the system’s functioning needs both national uniformity and local distinctions. Second, there are crucial gaps in national regulation that provide rich opportunities for state and local action. These gaps, in areas such as the regulation of antibiotics in animal feed and the oversight of food additives, are not priorities of the federal agencies that oversee food. Although the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has made nutrition policy a priority for 2018, the current administration’s explicitly articulated anti-regulatory agenda makes it unlikely that these previously underprioritized areas will be addressed. State and local food policy action allows regional difference, but also has the potential to spark national change. For example, at least eight localities have enacted controversial sugary drink taxes as a means of addressing the obesity crisis, a strategy that has not been embraced nationally, while initiatives such as New York City’s trans fat ban and menu labeling regulations have been adopted as national policy. Subnational action, however, can also cause friction; state and local laws may interfere with federal authority and national regulatory uniformity, or with the methods by which other states or localities wish to regulate food. In this Essay, we provide a brief overview of the food regulatory system in the United States and then describe several areas where states currently have the opportunity to take action to fill federal gaps. We conclude by arguing for an approach that involves a retooling of American foodralism to embrace a complementary regulatory relationship between the federal and state governments that respects the need for uniformity, but properly allows states and localities to more actively participate and regulate in the interests of their citizens for the benefit of the public health, safety, and welfare. In this “dynamic federalism,” the states can experiment and function as the laboratories of democracy. This is not only in keeping with our country’s historic notions of federalism, but is practically necessary given current gaps in federal oversight.