Ukrainian Struggle Research Articles

THE FIRST WOMEN IN RESPONSIBLE POSITIONS IN THE MINISTRIES OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF POLAND AND UKRAINE (Kazimiera Iłłakowiczówna and Nadia Surowcowa)

The article shows the fate of the first women to hold responsible positions in the foreign ministries of Poland and Ukraine in the period of formation of the diplomatic services of both countries during the struggle of Ukrainians and Poles for the restoration of state independence in 1917-1921. At that time, diplomacy was a purely male field of activity. However, Kazimiera Iłłakowiczówna in Poland and Nadia Surowcowa in Ukraine have proven that women can work effectively in the diplomatic service. They were both fluent in several foreign languages, demonstrated creative approaches to solving complex problems, and fought for women's rights. Surowcova became the first woman in Ukrainian diplomacy to hold the position of head of an independent unit, the first spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the first Ukrainian woman to defend her dissertation at the University of Vienna. Iłłakowiczówna proved the effectiveness of women in Polish diplomacy in various positions, she was the first to use the tools of public diplomacy during foreign trips with lectures on Poland and J. Piłsudski, she introduced diplomatic protocol in the Ministry of Military Affairs. Through their activities, both diplomats left important lessons of responsibility, professionalism, and creativity to future generations of women in diplomacy. The article concludes that these two unique women, despite extraordinary challenges, lived long and vibrant lives, went through fame, envy, oblivion and revival of memory, and became true legends - as diplomats and writer and journalist. Each of them found themselves in the diplomatic service by accident, but immediately realised their mission and pride in joining diplomacy as an important state institution in the days of its formation.

УКРАЇНА ПРОТИ МОСКВИ: СТАЛІСТЬ ІСТОРІЇ (Рецензія на книгу Олександра Шульгина "Україна проти Москви. 1917 рік". Київ, 2023)

The book examines the situation of Ukraine during the national liberation struggles of the beginning of the 20th century, especially the struggle of Ukrainians against Moscow in 1917-1918. The events of 1917-1918 in Kyiv and Petrograd are described by O. Shulgyn with the scrupulousness of a historian and the emotionality of a true patriot of Ukraine. The book was published in 1935 in Paris. It published in French. The authentic title is "Ukraine contre Moscou (1917)". O. Shulgyn`s work was translated into Ukrainian for the first time already in our time by Olena Leontovych and published in 2023 in Kyiv. Oleksandr Shulgyn (1889–1960) was the first Minister of Foreign Affairs in the history of the Ukrainian People`s Republic (UNR), one of the dignitaries of Ukraine as a talented publicist, politician, historian, public and statesman. Oleksandr Shulgyn`s work ―Ukraine against Moscow. 1917‖ is relevant for the warring Ukrainian community. And not only because it presents the unique experience of an active and thinking event participant. Today, this book "works" as an example of Ukraine`s advocacy in the world, such an urgent problem now, as well as in those distant years of the first quarter of the 20th century, in the thirties, forties, and ultimately all the years of the 20th century. The need to be heard by the world for Ukraine and Ukrainians, unfortunately, remains extremely acute even today.

Пам’ять про історичне минуле в поезії опору

The article examines the memory of the historical past in the poetry of the Resistance. This research contributes to debunking the myths created by Soviet propaganda, restoring historical justice, and overcoming national complexes and traumas. In this regard, the process of forming a culture of historical memory during the years of independence and the contribution of the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory (established on 31 May 2006) have been analysed. Literature of the unconquered, in particular: Marko Boieslav, Marta Hai, Petro Volosh- Vasylenko - Petro Hetmants, Myroslav Kushnir, Yuriy Lypa, Oleh Olzhych, Olena Teliha, etc., diaries and memoirs of the participants of the events and their families are an inexhaustible source for clarifying the historical truth and restoring the memory of the heroic struggle of the Ukrainian people during the Second World War. The article shows that in Ukrainian literary criticism, the literature of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army participants has several definitions: "poetry of resistance", "Ukrainian poetry of resistance", and "poetry of the unconquered". The article analyses the peculiarity of the interpretation of the past based on the works of Petro Volosh-Vasylenko - Petro Hetmants (My Insurgent Marches), Marko Boieslav (Disobedient Words), and Myroslav Kushnir (Words from the Book of Battle). Historical memory in the poetry of the insurgents is represented by image symbols of the times of Kyiv Rus and the Cossack era. The authors also include the heroic struggle of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army under the leadership of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists in this historical framework. The Ukrainian struggle is also expressed through symbolic traumas, losses that sharpen the collective experience of Ukrainians, help establish the logic of the national liberation struggle and motivate the lyrical hero to armed resistance, which develops into a vigilante revolt for the sake of justice. National traumas are expressed through the voices of people who witnessed the Holodomor and totalitarian repressions. The symbolic function is performed by the image of betrayal, which we have traced at the general and personal levels. The analysis of memoir literature by first-hand participants of the events made it possible to trace the spiritual dimensions of the UIA poets, whose key values are Christian: love for the Motherland, God, and neighbour. Betrayal of the Motherland is equal to betrayal of God. Each of the artists saw their life and social mission in serving God, the Motherland, and the Ukrainian people. That is why all the works are permeated by the motive of performing a certain "duty". The study is of literary, cultural, and historical significance, as it fills a certain gap in understanding the artistic originality of the texts at the level of analysing external and internal factors of influence; it contributes to the disclosure of falsified facts of the past about the insurgency. The study proves that the poetry of the Resistance represents the nation's ability to the collective resistance and refutes the image of a victim nation created by Soviet propaganda. Keywords: historical memory, image, symbol, Resistance literature, Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists, traumatic memory, totalitarianism.

Соціалістична і консервативна течії українського державотворення у 1918 р.: боротьба за владу і зовнішньополітичні впливи

The work aims to investigate the forms and ways of political struggle for power in Ukraine in 1918 between different ideological movements of the Ukrainian direction. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity and comparative-historical, historical-chronological methods. The scientific novelty lies in the systematic analysis of the struggle for power in Ukraine of socialistic and conservative movements of the Ukrainian state formation in 1918. The political strife for power in Ukraine in 1918 was characterized by the coincidence of oppositely directed trends in the socio-political development of the Ukrainian community. Conclusions. The coming to power of UNU(Ukrainian National Union) in Ukraine by using a weapon, testified at least two important moments in the history of the national liberation struggle of Ukrainians in 1917-1920. Firstly, the era of Hetmanate of P. Skoropadskyi, who undoubtedly made a significant contribution to the development of Ukrainian statehood, was revealed to be disastrous for the latter. This could not but cause the mass opposition of the Hetmanate, which failed to solve the urgent, extremely painful problems of political, economic and social life. Instead of practical search of real unity within the country, P. Skoropadskyi resorted to punitive actions against socialist-oppositionists and even worse against his own people to satisfy the “political appetites” of the German-Austrian occupiers and anti-Ukrainian chauvinistic circles, which redeeming from the Bolsheviks, had found asylum in Ukraine. Secondly, the cleavage in Ukrainian society had reached a critical point, beyond which it was hardly worth looking for effective ways to reconcile, and any struggle for power had inevitably evolved into open civil war. Under such circumstances, the Directory came to power. Having been formed quickly by the members of UNU to organize the uprising against P. Skoropadskyi, it did not have a distinct program of state formation. With the victory of the Directory and proclamation of the Ukrainian State of the UPR, there was a process of restoration by the national democratic forces that once formed the Central Rada and were responsible for its policies, a pro-socialist, as opposed to the abolished conservative, course of Ukrainian statehood.

Незалежність у протистоянні з «русским миром»: філософсько-педагогічний вимір

In the article, the author analyzes some political and philosophical dimensions and perspectives that become relevant on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of Ukraine's Independence. The author, positioning himself within the political philosophy and philosophy of history, points out several fundamental points relevant to the identity and positioning of Ukrainian society on "eternal issues of Ukrainian society", such as discussions on the national idea, national identity, its historical and spatial perspective. The author's presentation is divided into four points: the century-old perspective of the Ukrainian struggle for independence, definition of the current Ukrainian situation in the context of nation-building and confrontation with Russia, the theoretical dimension of "national idea" and "civil religion", practical conclusions about the Ukrainian kind of these concepts. The author relies on the methodology of modern Nationalism Studies, Postcolonial Studies, the experience of Ukrainian studies, especially in the era of Ukrainian modernity (XIX-XX centuries). He postulates that the thirtieth anniversary of Ukrainian independence is inextricably linked with the century of liberation struggles of the Ukrainian nation, that the situation in Ukraine, in particular in the context of defining national identity and confrontation with Russia, can be correctly described as a confrontation between independentists of a modern emerging nation and the colonial empire, which fights for regaining its power over the former colony-province, relies on its numerous loyalists and uses various methods of aggression (both "cold" cultural war and "hot" military confrontation) to subdue the region. The author offers his view on the concept of "Ukrainian national idea", based on the basic literary sources of the history of Ukrainian nation-building. Based on the research, the author offers certain practical conclusions important for teaching history, law, civic education and for the education of a responsible citizen in Ukraine.

STANISLAV DNISTRYANSKYI AND LVIV UNIVERSITY: THE PROSOPOGRAPHIC RESEARCH

The purpose of the research is to depict Professor Stanislav Dnistryanskyi’s scientific and public activity during his work at Lviv University and the Austrian Parliament, to determine the conceptual provisions substantiated by the scientist concerning the Ukrainian society’s national state and historical legal perspectives. The methodology of the research is based on the general historical principles of systematization, scientific objectivity; the principles of historical and legal research and socio-historical methods (problem historical, historical systemic, problem chronological, historicaltypological, etc.) were introduced into the scientific circulation. The scientific novelty is that for the first time a systematic work was done and dedicated to S. Dnistryanskyi’s activities at Lviv University on the background of the major social events in Galicia at the end of the XIXth – at the beginning of the XXth century. The Professor’s participation in the Ukrainian struggle for the national university in Lviv is considered to be a separate scientific direction in the work. S. Dnistryanskyi’s work has been presented in the State Council in Vienna in 1907 – 1918 and its relation to the main Galicia social problems of the studied time has been shown. The scientist’s conceptual positions concerning the Ukrainian people’s national policy and law, national self-determination, national-state prospects have been determined. The study expands the Ukrainian scientists’ prosopography, whose careers have been connected with Lviv University. The Conclusions. S. Dnistryanskyi’s activity was connected with Lviv University, where he was formed as a scientist and public figure, and the scientist’s scientific work was implemented at the Department of Austrian Civil Law with the Ukrainian as the language of instruction, where he organized lectures and legal seminars on Civil and Constitutional law, expanded and created the Ukrainian legal terminology; defended the Ukrainian language rights in the educational process, based on the principles of the “Basic Austrian Law…”; together with M. Hrushevskyi, S. Rudnytskyi and the others joined the movement for a Ukrainian university in Lviv. Furthermore, S. Dnistryanskyi combined work at the department with work at the T. Schevchenko Scientific Society (SSS), publishing activities, the Ukrainian lawyers’ structures creation. During 1907 – 1918 he was an Austrian Parliament member, without leaving the work at the department. In the State Council S. Dnistryanskyi defended not only the Ukrainian university opening issue but also the other Ukrainian society’s nagging problems at that time: the preparation and the elections’ holding to the Austrian Parliament and the Galician Sejm; the national issue; the census in Galicia; the land reform and forest lands economic problems. During this period, the scientist introduced into the scientific circulation the theoretical and methodological principles of statistical research; the historical and legal bases of the policy and the norms of law; the historical bases of the Ukrainian people’s self-determination and its national state prospects. S. Dnistryansky’s activity study expanded the Ukrainian scientific prosopography of Lviv at the end of the XIXth – at the beginning of the XXth century.

Activities of the Consulate of Greece in Kyiv and the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission of the Ukrainian People's Republic in Greece in 1917-1920: a Role in the Establishment of Ukrainian-Greek Relations

The purpose of the study is to clarify the main activities of the Greek Consulate in Kyiv in 1917 - 1918 and the UPR Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Greece in 1919 - 1920 through the prism of activity of Ukrainian and Greek diplomats (Pericles Hripari, Fedir Matushevskyi, Modest Levytskyi) and determining the peculiarities of the establishment of Ukrainian-Greek relations in 1917-1920. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, historicism, and systematicity. General and special scientific methods are used, in particular archival heuristics, historiographical analysis, external and internal criticism of the sources. The scientific novelty of the results of the study is the reconstruction on the basis of the archival information, found by the author in published and unpublished sources, of activities of the Greek Consulate in Kyiv, the Ukrainian diplomatic mission in Athens and clarification of the participants in the Ukrainian-Greek relations in 1917 - 1920, functions and tasks of diplomatic and consular representatives. Conclusions. The mutual diplomatic and consular presence of Ukraine and Greece in 1917-1920 was due to different reasons. The Greek Consulate in Kyiv was established as a Greek consulate in the Russian Empire and continued to perform its functions primarily in the field of guardianship of Greek citizens after the proclamation of the Ukrainian People's Republic. Greek Consul Pericles Hripari acted as the doyen of the consular corps and managed to ensure active cooperation with the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry. At the time of the Central Council, it developed within the norms of international law. During the Hetmanate, at the insistence of the German administration, P. Hripari, as a representative and ally of Entente, was expelled from Kyiv. The Ukrainian diplomatic mission as an Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission was sent to Greece after the victory of the Directory and the restoration of the UPR in order to achieve recognition of its independence by as many states and spread information about the struggle of Ukrainians against the Bolsheviks for independent existence. The Mission was headed successively by F. Matushevskyi and M. Levytskyi. Greece's position on recognizing the independence of the UPR depended on the position of the Entente states. Despite the lack of official recognition of the mission, information about Ukraine, its people and its struggle for independence was communicated to Greek society and government agencies through a special memorandum, local newspapers and a thematic bulletin

РОЛЬ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЇ КУЛЬТУРИ У ДЕКОНФЛІКТИЗАЦІЇ УКРАЇНСТВА

The article raises the issue of the importance of preserving and increasing the national cultural traditions of Ukrainians, without which one cannot hope for development in the civilization process, because based on cultural and spiritual priorities, a full-fledged sociocultural environment with values is forming. The article considers the essence of national culture as a sphere of spiritual and material possessions that influence the communicative organization of people with specific values and norms of behavior. The role of national culture as a potent factor in the deconfliction of Ukrainians in Ukraine and abroad is underlining. It is known that Ukrainian culture has been leveled for a long time, subjected to censorship bans and ideological pressure, especially during the Soviet period. Our culture has gone through a period of destruction, but now it is a time for national and cultural revival, opportunities for free choice and self-realization of the artist, time for renaissance and development of the ethnocultural heritage of Ukrainians, which is one of the priorities of national revival and preservation. The Ukrainian nation is modernizing, actively creating its cultural space despite the slowdown of the outdated administrative system, economic instability, hybrid warfare, and manifestations of military aggression by Russia. The article examines the peculiarities of the creation of the cultural space of Ukrainians in modern conditions, taking into account the challenges of the globalized world and the threats of the "Russian world". Thanks to the state support and implementation of humanitarian policy programs, the consolidation of Ukrainian societies, and the unification of citizens of Ukraine and Ukrainians in the world around national values and priorities. The core of the unity of Ukrainians is the national idea, the preservation of self-identity, patriotism, and the establishment of the ukrainian nation in the modern world. The emphasis is determined on the fact that national culture has a great potential in establishing Ukraine in the world cultural space and is a consolidating factor in the political unity of society, especially in the current conditions of hybrid warfare and the struggle of Ukrainians against Russian aggression.

The Bendery Constitution and Pylyp Orlyk and His Government-in-Exile in Sweden in 1715–1720

The period 1709 to 1720 was of historic importance in the Ukrainian struggle for freedom and independence. On April 5, 1710, on Turkish territory in Bendery, Ukraine’s first constitution was inaugurated. The main author was Orlyk. After the Battle of Poltava in June 1709 King Charles XII of Sweden and the newly elected Hetman Pylyp Orlyk were in exile. In the fall of 1709 Hetman Ivan Mazepa had died in Moldavian Bendery. Orlyk, his chancellor, was elected hetman of Ukraine in the spring of 1710. The Bendery Constitution is not only an expression of the rights of a free Ukrainian people. It may be the main earliest document in modern Ukrainian intellectual history. The constitution is probably also the oldest constitution in the world of the modern era. The first Ukrainian constitution confirmed the status of the “ancient Cossack nation” and its century long struggle for freedom and independence. It guarantees the supremacy of a Kyiv metropolitan. A large number of the rights of the Cossacks are provided for as well as the protection by the king of Sweden. In 1714 around 40 of the Ukrainians in Moldavia left for exile together with Swedes returning home. The journey across Europe first ended in Stralsund (Swedish Pommerania) in May 1715. Later that year to avoid capture Hetman Orlyk and the Ukrainians (including parts of the government) left Stralsund by ship for Ystad, Sweden. Orlyk and family came to reside in the fortress city of Kristianstad in southern Sweden 1716 to 1719 while his government continued to Stockholm. During 1719 to 1720 Orlyk joined them in the Swedish capital. The Ukrainian government-in-exile in Stockholm was supported by the Swedish government of Frederic I and especially by the prominent Swedish politician Daniel von Höpken. The latter aided Orlyk and his ministers financially and most likely with living quarters. In June 1720 von Höpken in a letter advised the king that Orlyk should be financially supported and be given the opportunity to leave Sweden to continue the fight for freedom and independence of Ukraine and lead the Ukrainian Cossacks against Russia. In January 1719 Orlyk had been greatly encouraged by the Treaty of Vienna between Austria, Hannover and Saxony against Russia and its aggressive policy in Eastern Europe. In a last letter dated Stockholm October 10, 1720, Orlyk wrote in Latin to King Frederic I that when leaving Sweden he first planned to visit the King of Great Britain, then Vienna and after that via Hungary go further east. In foreign policy Orlyk’s best hope was King George I of Great Britain. He was willing to go to war against Russia but in the end could find no partners. British naval squadrons entered the Baltic Sea from 1719 to 1721 but could not attack Russian ports. The result was that George I advised Frederic I to conclude peace with Peter I on what terms he could. At Nystad in 1721, however, the question of Ukraine’s freedom and independence was not on the agenda of the Swedish negotiators. The Bendery constitution of 1710 remains as a monument to Ukraine’s first main attempt to break away from Russian domination. Full freedom and independence of Ukraine was finally achieved in 2014.

ОБРАЗ УКРАЇНСЬКОГО ЕМІГРАНТА В МАЛІЙ ПРОЗІ ВОЛОДИМИРА БІРЧАКА

The article analyzes the peculiarities of the formation of V. Birchak a collective image of a nationally conscious Ukrainian-emigrant, endowed with many virtues and disadvantages, forced to overcome the challenges of the emigrant fate. Considered the writer’s understanding of the events of the life of Ukrainian emigration after the defeat of the national liberation struggles of 1918 – 1920, in which the prose writer also participated directly, because of which he also lived and worked on emigration. Volodymyr Birchak (1881– 1952) is one of the founders of the Lviv Modernist literary group Young Muse (1906 – 1014), a Galician, a writer-pedagogue who directly participated in the national liberation struggle of Ukrainians from 1918 to 1920, and after the defeat was forced was to emigrate to Transcarpathia, which then belonged to Czechoslovakia. The writer’s close and understandable were the experiences and wandering of Ukrainian emigrants who sought salvation from the Moscow invasion beyond their native land without livelihood, without the possibility of obtaining citizenship, finding a job, adapting to life without the glow of enemy bullets. The article deals with the collection of stories “The Golden Violin” (1937) and the story “The Emigrant” (1941), which was not included in the collections. The composite-organizing components of many of these stories are trials that fell to the fate of the heroes. The motive of the road, present in the small prose of V. Birchak of the 20’s and 40’s of the twentieth century, is a motive of emigrant hardships, searching for himself in a new, non-hostile world. All the prose works of V. Birchak confirm his views on the important role in the history of the state creation of each strong person, and not the crowd. The author in many of his stories skillfully depicts the customization of emigre heroes under the inadequate claims that seem to be invented deliberately to mock exiles from Ukraine: as a rule, educated, intelligent, educated, patient in the experience of difficulties, able to adapt and continuously teach something new , responsible and decent in the relationship with the environment. They do not have excessive pride, do not show self-defeatism, do not declare their exclusiveness, as former fighters for the freedom of Ukraine. They also do not squeal, but engage in everyday work to survive until the time comes again to take up arms and win. Survive in difficulty, poverty, humiliation of their dignity helps optimism.

ДО ВИТОКІВ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЇ ТРАВМИ АБО «БІЛІ ПЛЯМИ» «ТЕМНОЇ ПАМЯТІ» У РОМАНІ ВАСИЛЯ ШКЛЯРА «ЗАЛИШЕНЕЦЬ. ЧОРНИЙ ВОРОН»

In suggested article the main object of research is the literary effort to reconstruct the national memory about the liberation struggle of Ukrainians at the beginning of soviet occupation. Chornyy Voron (The Black Raven) of Vasyl Shkliar became one of the first historical novels of contemporary literature which shows the example of new cultural interpretation of the traumatic memory of post-totalitarian society. The researcher pays a main attention to the new pages of national memory, which was totally discriminated in the soviet public rhetoric because of it national character. That’s why the struggle of national-liberation groups against the soviet power in 1917th-1920th wasn’t included into independent historical and cultural discourses. This memory was absent in the historical discourse because of its anti-communistic character.In one episode from the past life the author of the novel demonstrates the very horrible methods of destroying of national consciousness of Ukrainians and the very brave efforts of it’s saving. It is very important that Shkliar had chosen for his artistic interpretation the period after official destroying the Cholodnoyarska republic by the red army. He not only shows that the struggle wasn’t ended, but it was continued by the bravest men, who stayed for the Ukrainian idea. Such position was called to improve, that that war was continued. It became a tradition and even after killing the last heroes it got chance to reborn in the next generations. With the help of literature author of The Black Raven returns the lost memory to Ukrainian society, which is finding for true past in the process of building its national identity.

Freezing a Conflict: The Russian—Ukrainian Struggle over Crimea

(2014). Freezing a Conflict: The Russian—Ukrainian Struggle over Crimea. Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs: Vol. 8, No. 3, pp. 63-73.