Strike Action Research Articles

À Plein Temps (Full Time, 2021): On the Inconvenience of Other People’s Strikes

This paper situates Éric Gravel’s 2021 feature film À plein temps at a hinge point between the “cinema of precarity” and something new. Building on Lauren Berlant’s (2022) conceptualisation of inconvenience, I argue that the film’s depiction of strike action as inconvenient is precisely what allows it to portray and comment on an emergent post-neoliberal structure of feeling in France and beyond.

Assessing the Factors Affecting the Standards of Secondary School Education in Ehor Local Government Area, Edo State, Nigeria

Globally, the drive towards attaining quality education continues because the development of nations has been linked to the education of its citizens, especially the youth. However, the poor standard of secondary school education has raised so much concern in Nigeria because they do not meet the societal demand regarding quality. Challenges encountered include a stirred population explosion in the classroom at all levels, deteriorating physical facilities; continued inadequacy in funding; recurrent strike actions by all sectors as well and student unrest that leads to a truncated academic calendar, particularly in higher institutions. Hence, the research problem centers on the need to systematically investigate and assess the factors affecting the standards of secondary school education in Nigeria. Thus, the study conducted a comprehensive assessment of multifaceted aspects of enhancing the standards of secondary school education in Ehor Local Government Area, Edo State, Nigeria. The study adopted the survey research design while purposive and random sampling techniques were used to select the secondary schools, teachers, and SS 3 students in Egor Local Government area of Edo State. The main research instrument is a questionnaire. Data collected was analyzed with the use of Statistical packages of the social sciences. Results among other findings confirmed that educational standards are falling in the study area. It further shows significant differences between the standards of education now and in the last ten years. The paper recommends the availability of school facilities and other resources necessary for effective teaching and learning processes that will enhance the standard of secondary education in Nigeria.

Steady undermining of the UK National Health Service underlies industrial action by doctors and other staff.

Erosion of standard of healthcare in the United Kingdom underlies the industrial action taken recently by staff in the publicly provided National Health Service. Underfunding and understaffing, largely as a consequence of neoliberal government "austerity" policies implemented following the 2007-08 banking crisis, together with lack of long-term planning and a drive towards outsourcing, have led to a deterioration in the quality of services. Reduction in bed numbers and neglect of community and social support have compounded problems by making it more difficult both to admit and to discharge patients in a timely fashion. Access to services has been compromised with negative consequences for the sick. Reduction of doctors' real wages together with stress at work, moral injury caused by feelings of not being able to do the best for patients, burnout from the Covid-19 pandemic and uncertainty about the future have led to the longest ever strike action by junior doctors in England.

Use of the model statement in determining the veracity of opinions

AbstractWe examined the efficacy of a Model Statement to detect opinion lies. A total of 93 participants discussed their opinion about the recent strikes on two occasions, 1 week apart. In one interview they told the truth and in the other interview they lied. Each interview consisted of two phases. In Phase 1 they discussed their alleged opinion (truth or lie as appropriate). They then either listened to a Model Statement (a detailed account of someone discussing an opinion about a topic unrelated to strike actions) and expressed their opinion again in Phase 2 (Model Statement present condition) or they discussed their opinion again without listening to a Model Statement (Model Statement absent condition). The verbal cues examined were pro‐opinion arguments, anti‐opinion arguments, plausibility, immediacy, directness, clarity, and predictability. The truthful statements sounded more plausible in Phases 1 and 2 than the deceptive statements, providing further evidence that plausibility is a strong veracity indicator. The truthful statements included more pro‐arguments and sounded more immediate and direct than the deceptive statements, but only in Phase 2. The Model Statement had no effect. Reasons for the Model Statement null‐effect are discussed.

“Guiding the Wobbly Hand of Justice”: The Early Years of the Council for Aboriginal Rights, c. 1951–55

The Council for Aboriginal Rights (CAR) was formed in Melbourne in 1951 in response to strikes by Indigenous workers in Darwin for better wages and conditions. Representing a significant shift in Aboriginal rights advocacy, from labour strike to public organisation, CAR lobbied government, gathered and disseminated information, and built a network of activists. This paper focusses on the formative years of CAR, as a pivotal organisation that bridged strike action and left-wing politics, humanitarianism, feminism and anti-colonialism. Using the seven primary goals of CAR’s constitution as a starting point to identify key themes and approaches to advocacy, this paper concludes that CAR took a broadly educative approach to labour reform that recognised the complexity of Indigenous disadvantage and the importance of increasing public awareness. CAR served as an important intersecting point for sympathetic groups and individuals who came together to create a political environment of support for Indigenous people, laying crucial groundwork for the success of the 1967 referendum.

Wellbeing in the higher education sector: A qualitative study of staff perceptions in UK universities

The Higher Education (HE) sector is beset with mental ill-health, stress and burnout, negatively impacting staff productivity and retention. These challenges are due to a reduction in financial support for HE coupled with a growing number of students and increased workloads, as evidenced by recent strike actions in the UK. While research on mental ill-health in HE is extensive, our understanding of wellbeing in higher education is limited. Yet understanding wellbeing in the workplace can foster positive experiences and resilience, counteracting more negative experiences. This paper presents findings from 21 in-depth semi-structured interviews with employees (academic and professional staff) in UK universities to understand staff perceptions of wellbeing and the impact of the HE context. Five themes were identified: (1) factors contributing to staff wellbeing, such as colleague support; (2) fragility and duality of staff wellbeing, on how wellbeing can be damaged as well as its changing nature; (3) the dichotomy of collegial peer and organizational support, on university and staff actions toward wellbeing; (4) outsider from within, on an experienced lack of belonging; and (5) creativity and growth, on opportunities for staff development. Gaps in our understanding of Black, Asian, Minority, and Ethnic staff experiences were also identified. Implications for bolstering wellbeing in practice and future research are discussed.

Secondary strikes and their proportional impact on both the primary and secondary employer

The right to strike is protected in terms of section 23(2)(c) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (the Constitution). The Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 (the LRA) regulates this right in terms of its section 64. The LRA defines a strike in section 213 and goes further to provide for a secondary strike (also known as a "sympathy strike") in section 66. Given the concept of secondary strike as provided for in the LRA, an ordinary strike is usually referred to as a "primary strike" (Du Toit, Godfrey, Cooper, Giles, Cohen, Conradie and Steenkamp Labour Relations Law: A Comprehensive Guide 6ed (2015) 361; Van Niekerk, Smit (eds), Christianson, McGregor and van Eck Law@work (2019) 465). A primary strike is by employees who have a dispute with their employer, which relates to "matters of mutual interest or terms and conditions of employment" (Manamela "Matters of mutual interest for purposes of a strike - Vanachem Vanadium Products (Pty) Ltd v National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa 2014 9 BLLR 923 (LC)" 2015 Obiter 791-800; NUMSA obo Members v SAA 2017 38 ILJ 1994 (LAC)). These employees engage in strike action to pursue their demands or grievances which are directed against their employer (Grogan Collective Labour Law 3ed (2019) 292). A secondary strike is by employees in support of other employees who are engaged in a strike against their employer. Employees of the secondary employer therefore support striking employees of the primary employer, even though they have no material interest in the matter that gives rise to the primary strike. This is based on the assumption that if a business is connected to another one, then if employees of the former engage in strike action, the strike will have an impact on the functioning of the latter, which will be forced to accede to demands by its employees.

Epistemic Class Injustice: Class Composition and Industrial Action

ABSTRACT Writings on epistemic injustice have assessed how people can be harmed in their capacity as knowers when they are a racial minority, a woman, disabled and so on. But what about when they belong to the working class? This paper is an initial attempt to understand why class has so far received limited attention within writings on epistemic injustice and to respond to these reasons. It focuses on how testimonial and hermeneutic injustices specifically harm workers in ways distinctive from the harm one might suffer due to other social identities. It does this by drawing attention to the special case of industrial strike action and the play of conceptual resources and credibility assessments that influence the action’s success. Additionally, it provides a first-time exposition for social epistemologists on what I term the ‘class compositional approach’, derived from 1960-70s Italian labour struggles. This approach, I argue, succeeds in evading the criticism of class reductionism while developing recent philosophical work on class-based injustice.

The unsustainable life of British Universities

This article brings into question whether the Universitiy and College Union's current tactics employed for disputes against university management teams are fit for purpose. In a context in which the logic of neoliberalism dominates the Higher Education sector and the rights of workers to strike continue to be under threat, Universitiy and College Union needs to learn from the mistakes that have been made in the trade disputes of 2023, such as the national Marking and Assessment Boycott and strike action. This article does not seek to claim that Universitiy and College Union is no longer relevant. Instead, for Universitiy and College Union to move forward in a positive direction after a series of defeats, it needs to take stock of its ongoing internal issues regarding democratic accountability and transparency. Only when these are resolved can Universitiy and College Union be in a stronger position to negotiate better deals for its members.

'Enough is enough': a mixed methods study on the key factors driving UK NHS nurses' decision to strike.

The UK National Health Service (NHS) is one of the largest employers in the world and employs around 360,000 registered nurses. Following a protracted pay dispute in December 2022 NHS nurses engaged in industrial action resulting in the largest nurse strikes in the 74-year history of the NHS. Initially it appeared these strikes were a direct consequence of pay disputes but evidence suggests that the situation was more complex. This study aimed to explore what the key factors were in driving UK NHS nurses' decision to strike. A convergent parallel mixed methods design was used. The study was conducted throughout the UK and involved participants who were nurses working for the NHS who voted in favour of strike action. Data collection involved the use of an online survey completed by 468 nurses and 13 semi-structured interviews. Descriptive and inferential statistics were used for quantitative data analysis and a process of inductive thematic analysis for the qualitative data. The quantitative and qualitative data were analysed separately and then integrated to generate mixed methods inferences. The quantitative findings showed that patient safety, followed by staff shortages, pay, and unmanageable work demands were the most important factors encouraging nurses' decision to strike. The qualitative findings served to further the understanding of these factors particularly in relation to participants' perception of the NHS and the consequences of inadequate pay and staff shortages. Three overarching and overlapping themes represented the qualitative findings: Save our NHS, Money talks, and It's untenable. Integration of the findings showed a high level of concordance between the two data sets and suggest that the factors involved are interconnected and inextricably linked. The UK NHS is a challenging and demanding work environment in which the well-being of its patients is dependent on the well-being of those who care for them. Concerns relating to patient welfare, the nursing profession and the NHS played a large part in driving UK NHS nurses' decision to strike. In order to address these concerns a focus on recruitment and retention of nurses in the NHS is needed.

DECOLONISING LABOUR LAWS AND REPOSSESSING SUBALTERN EPISTEMOLOGIES: A REVIEW OF SOUTH AFRICAN AND NAMIBIAN MINEWORKERS’ FIGHT FOR LABOUR RIGHTS

In the historical and current transformation discourses in South Africa and Namibia, the concept of decolonisation is no longer a mere abstract concept. Decolonisation is now a fundamental policy and regulatory imperative that is heavily centred on, among other things, the land question and debates around the historical as well as present-day use of indigenous cheap and unskilled labour in underpaid sectors of industry –particularly the mining sector. During the colonial era, as the mining industries in South Africa and Namibia expanded, a substantial number of migrant labourers and local workers entered the mines. To safeguard these mineworkers’ legal rights, labour laws were passed. Despite the implementation of such labour laws, regular strikes were a feature of the mining industries in South Africa and Namibia at the time. In the post-colonial dispensation, the South African mining industry has been characterised by numerous strike actions, while in Namibia, widespread dissatisfaction with working conditions has been noted. This raises the question of whether or not South Africa and Namibia have made progress in defending mineworkers’ labour rights. This question is critical when viewed through the lens of a post-colonial society governed by a constitutionalised labour law framework. While there has arguably been a noticeable improvement in mineworkers’ employment conditions, labour-related inequities continue to characterise the mining industries in South Africa and Namibia in the post-colonial era. Profiteering, capitalism, safeguarding the security of tenure of foreign mining corporations, and the persistent need to ensure the ease of doing business in the mining sector appear to take precedence over defending mineworkers’ rights. Thus, this article explores the labour rights discourse developed by South African and Namibian mineworkers, as well as the applicable labour legislation. A strong case is made for reconsidering the extent to which South African and Namibian labour laws have been decolonised. This is done in a manner that is attentive to investment security and sustainable growth of the mining sector in the two countries as well as the realisation of African mineworkers’ fundamental labour rights.

The right to strike

It is a basic, fundamental human right for any worker to withdraw their labour — that is why the trade union movement in the United Kingdom needs to resist the new Strikes (Minimum Service Levels) Act when embarking on industrial action. This legislation is a back-door attempt to ban strike action in certain occupations and for certain groups of workers. The Prison Officers’ Association (POA) argues that it is vital that together we campaign not only to repeal the MSL Act and the Trade Union Act 2016, but also against the disgraceful stain of section 127 of the Criminal Justice Public Order Act 1994. The POA will not rest until we get justice. Our fight goes on irrespective of whether or not we are supported by the wider trade union movement.

From plaster casts to picket lines: Public support for industrial action in the National Health Service in England.

This paper explores public sentiment towards strike action among healthcare workers, as a result of their perceived inadequate pay. By analysing survey data collected in England between 2022 and 2023, the study focuses on NHS nurses and junior doctors, due to their critical role in delivering essential public services. Results indicate higher public support for strikes by nurses and junior doctors compared to other professions such as postal workers, teachers, rail workers, airport workers, civil servantsand university lecturers. However, variation in support for strikes by healthcare workers is observed across societal segments. Significant disparities in support are linked to individual political affiliations, left-right ideological positionsand trust in the NHS. In short, nonconservative voters, individuals leaning towards left-wing politicsand those with greater trust in the NHS demonstrate higher likelihoods of supporting strikes by health workers. These findings carry implications for future strike decisions and highlight specific target groups for enhanced communication efforts to garner increased public support.

Assessing the Right to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly in Post-Pandemic, Post-Brexit Britain through the Lens of the 2022–2023 Public Sector Strikes

Abstract Britain is currently seeing the most coordinated public sector strike action since the 1970s. In a post-pandemic, post-Brexit Britain, the general public are going through a cost-of-living crisis, with the rate of inflation rising and real-term pay cuts. This, paired with growing restrictions on the right of peaceful assembly through the passing of oppressive policing bills, means that people are increasingly turning to unions and striking to get their voices heard. This article highlights the push-factors leading to the 2022–2023 Public Sector Strikes through a socio-political analysis of democracy and power in post-pandemic, post-Brexit Britain, whilst capturing the voices of those striking and on picket lines.

An Exploration of the Impact of Academic Strike Actions on Older Adult Lecturers in Nigeria

An Exploration of the Impact of Academic Strike Actions on Older Adult Lecturers in Nigeria

Strike Action as a Form of Social Protest in Tunde Fatunde‟s No More Oil Boom

Strike Action as a Form of Social Protest in Tunde Fatunde‟s No More Oil Boom

Interaction, Appropriation and Complementarity of ILO Standards on Freedom of Association and Strike Action in Advisory Opinion OC 27/21 of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights

Interaction, Appropriation and Complementarity of ILO Standards on Freedom of Association and Strike Action in Advisory Opinion OC 27/21 of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights

Effective strategies for resolving labour disputes in the corporate sector: Lessons from Nigeria and the United States

The relationship between an employer and employee though governed by various laws and regulations can still at some point witness some disagreements and dispute. Labour disputes are not uncommon neither are they peculiar to a particular industry in a country. Usually, trade disputes are hinged on agitation of employees for compensation, good working conditions, job stability and agitation against unlawful termination or dismissal of from service. Over the years, employees have adopted different ways to exhibit their discomfort and grievances in order to convey their message such as strike actions, peaceful protest and so on. There’s no doubt that these disputes will drastically reduce the level of productivity and overall beneficial impact of the industries in the economic growth of the country. Hence, there’s a need to adopt strategies for resolving these labour disputes. Some industries have applied round table discussions, arbitration, mediation, collective bargaining as well as grievances remedial processes. This work will provide an overview of the causes of disputes in the corporate sector, examine the features of the Nigerian and United States disputes resolution system and also juxtapose the strategies for resolving labour disputes in the two countries. Furthermore, it will provide recommendations to effectively addressing labour issues within the business sector.

Education as an Instrument for Ensuring the Participation of Women in Politics for the Attainment of the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) on Gender Equality: Empirical Lessons from Bafut in the North West Region of Cameroon

Purpose: This write-up has been provoked by the gender disparity which prevails in political participation between men and women. While noting that women's participation in politics is low as compared to that of men, the article has been premised on the hypothesis that education is the only instrument that can ensure equal participation of women and men in politics. 
 Materials and Methods: Methodologically, the write up relied on the descriptive research design. While relying on this design, the sample size was 380 women in Bafut. These women were randomly sampled and administered questionnaires, with a response rate of 81.84% (311). Data were also collected through secondary sources from published and unpublished books. In this light, data collected through questionnaires were analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS), while qualitative data obtained from secondary sources were analyzed contently, by extracting relevant data to support the research questions
 Findings: While relying on empirical observations from Bafut in the North West Region of Cameroon, it is evident that women’s participation in politics is significantly influenced by their level of education. The more education of women is the more the likelihood they are to participate in political activities, such as membership in political parties, voting, attending campaign rallies, petitioning an official, and attending a protest or strike action.
 Implications to Theory, Practice and Policy: This article has resolved that for Goal 5 of the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of gender equality in political participation to be attainable; there is an urgent need for the government, municipal authorities, the civil society, and local traditional authorities to harness all avenues to foster the education of women and their political knowledge.

Selected peasant issues of the 1930s in the opinions of Warsaw literary magazine columnists (Wiadomości Literackie, Prosto z Mostu, and Pion)

In the press of the interwar period, among the group of Warsaw opinion-forming periodicals, the three largest literary and social weeklies dominated – the liberal Wiadomości Literackie, the pro-Sanacja Pion and the right-wing Prosto z Mostu. These periodicals shaped the artistic tastes and socio-political views of the progressive intelligentsia. They commented on the most important events of literary and social life, including those related to the activity of rural residents. The article contains the results of a comparative analysis of the speeches of critics and columnists of the capital’s literary magazines in the 1930s, relating to selected forms of social, cultural and political activity of peasants (literary and diary works, as well as strike actions). The study deals with the main themes of press discussions and literary critical essays, referring to the constitutive features of peasant literature, the social image of the village (Jalu Kurek’s novel Grypa szaleje w Naprawie), the living conditions of peasants (Pamiętniki chłopów) and their political attitudes (the Great Peasant Uprising). The interpretation of press materials allowed for the formulation of conclusions about the press image of a cruel and hungry peasant, culturally excluded, and deprived of a chance to change his living conditions. The demands for the social advancement of peasants put forward by columnists of Warsaw magazines were mostly declarative and conservative.