Street Rallies Research Articles

Police Violence, Student Protests, and Educational Performance

Abstract We study the protest behavior of teenagers linked to a student killed by a stray bullet coming from a policeman in Chile. We use administrative data to follow the schoolmates of the victim and those living near the shooting on hundreds of protest and nonprotest days. We find that police violence causes lower protest participation in street rallies but more adherence to test boycotts. These effects appear among schoolmates of the victim and not among students living near the killing. Negative educational consequences suffered by the schoolmates combined with previous results suggest that psychological mechanisms are a plausible explanation.

Симметричный ответ: силовое подавление акций протеста как драйвер политической коммуникации в онлайн-сетях

The article presents the results of the empirical study about the impact of the police suppression of street rallies on the political communication in social networks. Based on the messages published in the social network VKontakte during the discussion of a series of protests that took place in Moscow in the summer of 2019 on the eve of the City Duma elections, the author analyzes how police violence affects publishing activity on the Internet and the demand for the published content. The author reveals a positive relationship between the use of force by the police and the intensity of the discussion of the relevant event. According to his conclusion, the effect can be explained not only by a surge of interest in the protest events of a lesser scale, but also by the ability of motivated users to search and find an additional audience via the commenting mechanism. By communicating about what happened in the comments on neutral messages within the initially non-politicized communities, such users draw new people into the protest communication. In the event of a police crackdown, the number of comments that make up the most “democratic” part of the political communication in the new media, which is available even to users with low media capital, increases dramatically. The effectiveness of these comments is also increasing, in a sense that they are attracting new users into the discussion, which results in spreading the content to the pages, where protest actions are normally not discussed.

Is Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia Part of Islamic Revival?

This paper is an attempt to academically define Hizb ut Tahrir Indonesia's characteristics before its revocation. Although the Indonesian regime has officially disbanded this transnational organization in July 2017, its existence remains stimulating to discuss. Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia's primary objective is to implement Islamic laws in total, which can only be accomplished within a superstate called al-Khilafah al-Islamiyah (Islamic Caliphate) led by a Khalifah (Caliph). Its followers believe that Islam will revive under the caliphate. In Indonesia, Hizb ut-Tahrir actively criticized the government's policies through its articles, preachings, and street rallies. The ideas were conveyed not only through direct campaigning but also via its internal media. We argue, based on this study, that HTI is part of Islamic revival that wants to change the social-political structures through the re-creation of the caliphate by conducting intensive da'wa with nonviolent activities, as well as war of ideas as the strategy.

The Contagion Effect of Muslim Street Rallies on Stocks’ Volatility: Is it a Political Risk for Investors?

Muslim street rallies refer to the super-peaceful mass street mobilizations to pressure law enforcement against a blasphemer, the Governor of Jakarta. The Event was organized by the National Movement to Safeguard the Indonesian Muslim Scholar Council’s Fatwa (GNPF-MUI) on the 4 th of November (411) and 2 nd of December (212) 2016 at the capital city of Indonesia. We compare the performance of stock returns and shares trading volume on the Indonesian Stock Exchange (IDX) before and after the events. The observations were made stock performance seven days before and after the events. We found that the event had a significant influence on the abnormal return of stocks sold in the Indonesian Stock Exchange during the first event held on November 4 th , but the case was different on the second event. Thus, investors do not consider the event as a political risk for portfolio investment. This study contributes to existing literature as the first to analyze the impact of the super peaceful rally on the pattern of stock price and trading volume in the Indonesian stock market. JEL Classification: G14, G32 DOI : https://doi.org/10.26905/jkdp.v22i4.2123

Looking back at the candlelight protests of 2008, South Korea: Reflection on its multiple implications and lessons

This article revisits and critically explores the candlelight demonstrations of 2008 in South Korea through several interconnected interpretive angles. The candlelight protests emerged in early May 2008 and continued for over three months, mainly in the capital city of Seoul and other major cities. This mega event was ignited by the sudden resumption of importation of US beef products, which had been banned since 2003 due to fear of the ‘mad cow disease’. The Lee Myung-bak government lifted the ban out of political and economic considerations at the expense of public health concerns. Tens of thousands of people, including youngsters, women, urban professionals, civic groups, intellectuals and ‘netizens’ participated the demonstrations. What was distinct about this historic event was the unconventional forms of alliances and vibrant networked actions of voluntary concerned actors, who creatively generated street rallies, horizontal networks, inventive tactics, and galvanized popular support. Such embodiments of political mobilization and coalitional will from below were carried out by the extensive use of information technologies as well as the sharing of various discursive resources and charged emotions. This article attempts to illuminate the various formative and contextual factors surrounding this mega event, its key implications, achievements, limits, as well as hard-earned lessons.

Collaborative Autonomy: The Yokohama Agreement of the YMCA, the Institute of Pacific Relations, and Yun Ch’i-ho

The reexamination of the Tokyo Agreement in 1913, the Yokohama Agreement in 1922 and the Institute of the Pacific Relations in 1929 reveal a penetrating theme that the YMCA and its Korean president, Yun Chi-ho, strove to secure. In the midst of political constraints and systemic surveillance of the Government General over the colonial institutions, the YMCA provided a unique space, where information of Korean situations as well as knowledge of international experts streamed in and out. Of utmost importance here was the international exchange that transpired in the space of autonomy. On the loss of Korea’s diplomatic right, the YMCA’s autonomy gave solid leverage to form a network of the East and the West. The Christian missionary organization, the YMCA, provided Korean nationalists an international canopy under which they could champion the Korean cause and cultivate the Koreans’ aspirations. The autonomy and the strength of the Korean YMCA later opened the door to Korean participation in the founding and early conferences of the IPR, where Koreans used the name, “Korea,” with a distinct role in the pursuit of the IPR’s vision for a new world called the “Pacific Community” among Pacific countries. Together with the IPR, Koreans envisioned a new world order, where peace and egalitarianism would govern and transcend a colonial paradigm. Their experience of the YMCA and the IPR consolidated a belief in Christian internationalism, a way to implement nationalistic projects in colonial Korea, and shaped one of their notable characteristics, that is, binary allegiance to nationalism as well as Christian internationalism. The Tokyo Terms of Affiliation, which subjected the Korean YMCA to the Japanese YMCA, displays the signatures of Korean patriots as well as principled missionary statesmen. On the other hand, Yun Chi-ho, a putative collaborator, was the primary force behind the repeal of the Tokyo Terms through the collaborative negotiation at the Yokohama Agreement, which restored the autonomy of the Korean YMCA. Yun, who opposed street rallies for Korean independence during the March First movement, forcefully championed Korean autonomy in the Korean YMCA. He sought to preserve the Korean YMCA from the Japanese government’s suspicion and its operation to emasculate the YMCA’s backbone, as the Korean Conspiracy Case had earlier proven. The crossroads of Yun, the Yokohama Agreement of the YMCA, and the IPR demonstrate the role of Korean Christianity in building the nation of Korea and bridging the world community. Seemingly contradictory stances that often transpire in colonial Korea, this essay propounds, need to be understood in the light of the complexities of the colonial context, in which a monolithic rubric of patriots and collaborators does not easily fit. Their borderline in colonial Korea is fluid.

Justicia Social en la Escuela: Representaciones de Estudiantes de Educación Secundaria y Desafíos para la Formación del Profesorado

This article presents the results of a research study, which aims knowing the representation of social justice at the school, by high school students, based on their school experience and implications for teacher training. A qualitative research was conducted among three emblematic secondary schools in Santiago de Chile; we applied individual and group interviews to 50 students involved with student unions and collectives, which have a record of high participation in street rallies between 2011 and 2015. Data were analysed using category content analysis. We found that participation is the social justice representation’s core; peripheral contents are equality, acceptance of diversity, responsibility and absence of social justice.

The Attempt

vagrants and eccentrics cling to existence in medieval tenements and in café-bars around tiny squares in front of Renaissance churches; the modern, peripheral bits of Genoa, where settled people live, do not interest Ilja. His vignettes illustrate an old, local culture in which the show matters more than the finer points of the script and family more than society; where honesty ranks much lower than the ability to make people laugh or cry. Still, once you forget about expecting rectitude, it is a tolerant, fun place—regardless of how you like your fun. Wouldn’t you enjoy hearing the story about the literate transvestite prostitute whose leg was cut off? Or the complicated one about Ilja trying legal and semilegal means to crack “the system” and get a permit to buy an unsaleable theater, only to be fooled (again) by a fraudulent old society tart? The snapshots of Ilja’s colorful Genoa are gradually replaced by insights into its darker places that house criminality and despairing rootlessness. The Europeans once knew loss of homeland well but have chosen to forget about it; the people-smugglers who send their customers off to live or die, as luck would have it, have been around for generations . The survivors without identity tend to end up in places like Genoa where strangers shelter in ancient networks of alleyways. Many are brutalized, but for as long as there is life . . . or, as the one-legged transvestite says: “I had to invent myself. . . . I dreamed myself up and then granted myself the freedom to exist.” Anna Paterson Aberdeenshire, UK Magdaléna Platzová. The Attempt. Trans. Alex Zucker. New York. Bellevue Literary Press. 2016. 224 pages. Anarchy has not quite yet faded into the history books. This politico-philosophical movement, which espouses self-governing societies and opposes corporate greed, shows its vitality in The Attempt vis-àvis Occupy Wall Street rallies. Magdaléna Platzová, a contemporary Czech novelist , opens and closes her latest story at encampments with this protest group. Many readers may feel intimidated by a text about anarchy, but Platzová offers up a lively story via three interconnecting vignettes in this slim paperback. Jan Schwarzer, a thirty-nine-year-old Prague native, is in Manhattan participating in the protests. You might say that anarchy runs through his bloodline. Jan could possibly be the great-grandson of Andrei B (the fictional version of Alexander Berkman , the Russian anarchist). Berkman’s 1892 attempt to assassinate Henry Frick, the Pittsburgh industrialist/financier, is the hinge on which the story revolves. Jan’s late friend, a writer named Josef, had been obsessed with Andrei and fellow activist Emma Goldman (“Louise”) and was convinced that Andrei’s 1924 affair with Jan’s great-grandmother resulted in Jan’s secret family line. Combing through Josef’s belongings after his death, Jan runs across a notebook entitled “Anarchista,” an unfinished manuscript on Andrei’s life. Penned on the inside front cover was “Everything was easier under totalitarianism .” Jan feels a compulsion to finish “Anarchista” whether Andrei proves to be his relation or not. The second vignette concerns the Henry Frick family (Kolman) and their old family letters. The final third of the story centers on letters between Andrei and Louise , which he reads between the lines, hoping for clues about his great-grandmother. Platzová’s use of letters throughout the story is an interesting maneuver, granting us a painless history lesson along the way. A native of Prague, the author was teaching in New York while writing The Attempt and admits to sympathy for the Occupy Wall Street movement. Another sentiment Islands of Protest: Japanese Literature from Okinawa Ed. Davinder L. Bhowmik & Steve Rabson University of Hawai‘i Press Drawing from poetry, fiction, and drama, this collection of Okinawan literature highlights the island’s nearly 150 years of resistance against Japanese and American interests. Highlights include the play The Human Pavillion, about an exhibition of Okinawans in Japan in 1903, and poems dealing with Okinawan women who were forced to serve as “comfort women”for the Japanese military. Klaus Hoffer Among the Bieresch Trans. Isabel Fargo Cole University of Chicago Press Following a family tradition, Klaus Hoffer’s protagonist Hans returns to...

Soccer, nationalism and the media in contemporary Spanish society: La Roja, Real Madrid & FC Barcelona

This essay examines the relationship between nationalism and soccer in contemporary Spain. Firstly, it pays close attention to the roles of the national team and the rivalry between Real Madrid and FC Barcelona in articulating conflictual social agendas. Secondly, it compares how Spanish and Catalan media utilize the Spanish soccer team success to articulate clashing forms of nationalism. It scrutinizes a wide range of journalistic interventions as well as the TV coverage of the national soccer team in the Spanish and Catalan media to determine how they constantly re-articulate the role of soccer in defining the distinguishing characteristics of the nation. Lastly, it studies a series of soccer-related cultural and social practices such as street rallies, gatherings and celebrations in order to determine their role within contemporary nationalism in Spain.

Translating Mad Cow Disease: A Case Study of Subtitling for a Television News Magazine

This paper explores how discourse is reframed in audiovisual translation in a well-known South Korean television news magazine, PD Swuchep [PD Notebook]. The episode under consideration raised serious questions regarding the safety of US beef and the conduct of South Korean officials responsible for negotiating imported beef in the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement talks. The program, which contained sound bites of interviews in English subtitled in Korean, created uproar in the South Korean society and played a significant role in touching off many months of massive street rallies against the government for its alleged sloppy handling of the beef import negotiation talks. Based on the view that subtitling for television news is a practice of “entextualization,” the study argues that (1) different degrees of discursive transformations in the target text cumulatively work to support and exaggerate the risk of the transmission of mad cow disease as a result of eating American beef; and (2) the discursive transformation is reinforced by institutionally defined roles and procedures for target text production. The findings suggest that one of the main criteria for the selection of target text expressions may be the narrative relevance of the political slant of the translation to the story of the program. Furthermore, the narrative of the target text may not necessarily be consensually co-constructed by participants. On the contrary, it is often a product of conflict-ridden processes that are characterized by tensions and differences in power relationships among people in different roles in the media institution.

Springtime for Freedom of Religion or Belief: Will Newly Democratic Arab States Guarantee International Human Rights Norms or Perpetuate Their Violation?

The Arab Spring has generated unprecedented and seismic political and social upheaval across the Arab world. The reasons for the outbreak of widespread and vociferous public protest are myriad, but generally understood as including long-simmering resentment of government corruption and repression, underwhelming economic development, chronic unemployment and poor respect for human rights, including the treatment of individuals and groups affiliated with political manifestations of Islam. Despite the initial drama surrounding the street rallies, two years on, the pace of change has grown fitful and uncertain.The purpose of this chapter is to consider one narrow aspect of the Arab Spring. Namely, what does this historic moment augur for securing the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion or belief? Further to this question, how — if at all — have the emerging post-Arab Spring governments differentiated themselves from their predecessors on issues including non-discrimination, equality, freedom of expression and the rights of religious minorities — including Muslims dissenting from state-sanctioned Islam, non-Muslims, new religious movements (NRMs), and nonbelievers? And finally, what role, if any, should the larger international community play in advocating or facilitating the adoption of new constitutional and legislative safeguards designed to uphold international human rights norms?In the end, this chapter argues that the revolutions hold the promise of correcting years of discriminatory and unequal treatment. However, such an outcome remains contingent upon overcoming a dangerous historical paradox that often finds formerly persecuted groups morphing into the role of persecutor. The direction emerging regimes tip will be determined by a combination of internal and external factors.

The Mad, Madness and Chaos in Lessing’s The Sweetest Dream

Set in Swinging London in the Sixties Doris Lessing’s novel titled The Sweetest Dream 1 presents a chaotic environment amidst the moral and psychical rubble of World War I and World War II. The Sixties is a transitional era sandwiched between the aftermath of wars and the effort to rebuild the country, full of socially and politically chaotic situations. On the social front, delinquent acts such as stealing become a common practice and initiation into groups among teenagers. Social chaos is also marked by broken families and insanity. Political chaos is marked among other things by The Revolution, meetings and street rallies. This paper looks at the portrayal of “inflated consciousness” in relation to chaos, the mad and madness in the novel using Carl Gustav Jung’s analytical psychology’s lens in order to understand how the psyche negotiates itself out of chaos to restore balance and order. This paper limits its discussion to the first half of the novel, focussing on “Swinging London.” 2

Street celebration of New Year's Eve in Belgrade

The New Year's Eve celebration, held on the streets of Belgrade on the night of December 31st 2003 and January 1st 2004, represents a multilevel event. The celebration has a number of socio-cultural meanings readable through different frameworks: political, economic and ritual, the latter being may be the most expressive one. In fact, the celebration of New Year's Eve on the streets could be seen as reminiscent of gatherings of a similar type held against Milosević's government during his regime in the 1990's. The celebration of New Year, 2004, did not have such an explicit political character; nevertheless, it was suppose to establish certain social values once held and proclaimed by the organizers of the political rallies against Milosević. The social values and attitudes were embodied in street rallies including the New Year's Eve celebrations. This paper examines the political aspect of the New Year's Eve celebration, with the special emphasis on identity construction, that is, on how and why the participation in the celebration implies certain identity pursuits.