Political Mobilization Strategies Research Articles

Political mobilization of the Malaysian Christian minority in the 1980s

ABSTRACT Amid Islamic revivalism in the 1980s, the Malaysian government introduced policies to promote the primacy of Islam. These policies impacted the religious rights of the Christian community and compelled Christian leaders to respond. However, they had to navigate the delicate balance of defending their religious rights without being perceived as anti-Islamization. In their response, Christian leaders employed elite and political mobilization strategies. The former focused on consolidating support with like-minded allies while the latter sought to promote a sense of shared awareness among the broader Christian community. Christian leaders also framed their message in a way that draws the attention of their audience to the growing threat of erosion of their religious rights without openly criticizing the government. These strategies are likely to be used among religious minorities in semi-democratic countries, especially those that are in the nascent stage of defending their interests.

Virtus Romana Rediviva: Latinitatea naționalismului ardelean între identitate națională, strategie politică și loialitate dinastică

his article discusses the ways in which the elites of Transylvanian Romanians living in the Habsburg Empire deployed claims to Roman heritage as both a key ingredient of nation building processes as well as a political instrument to secure political rights in a state in which Roman heritage enjoyed high symbolic value. Specifically, the article shows that several generations of intellectuals initially institutionalized in the Uniate (Greek-Catholic) Church, a politically well-situated institution, emphasized Romanians’ Roman (rather than Dacian) heritage to define the boundaries of the nation. Furthermore, they used the same ethnogenesis story to highlight Romanians’ prestigious status in the geocultural hierarchies of the empire following centuries of marginalization formulated in “civilizational” terms. At the same time, the choice for the Roman heritage also made sense from the perspective of political mobilization strategies to claim political rights denied to Romanians by the imperial status quo while expressing loyalty to the same imperial state itself until the moment it collapsed in the fall of 2018. In short, claims to Roman heritage were instrumentalized to serve nation building, political emancipation, and dynastic loyalty.

Neopatrimonialism and Party Clientelism

The article deals with the features of formation of the party systems in the post-Soviet space. To understand the specific processes, the attention is focused on the inverse logic of the post-Soviet states, the basic features of which can be expressed by the concept of neopatrimonialism. In this context the functioning features of political parties, their principal tasks and the logic of creating the "power party" are described. The article examines the key criteria for the concept of the dominant party, such as its ability to consistently and steadily win the elections, the significant duration of its stay in power, as well as its personnel Control over the government. In the sociopolitical discourse the "power party" enjoys a privileged ideological position and has more opportunities compared to its competitors to appeal to voters. Along with that the party dominance reveals itself not only in its external manifestation (the stay in power), but also in the substantial one – the ability to exercise an effective political choice. The article analyzes the factors of sustainability of the "power party" systems: the historical merits of the "power party"; the ruling party’s ability to effectively take advantage of the electoral system; its strong relationships with the most affluent social groups and major corporations, as well as with the predominant ethnic or linguistic social groups; a privileged access of the ruling party to media resources. These factors are also effective in the polycentric political systems without any dominant party. However, under the dominant party systems they manifest themselves in a complex way, providing the ruling camp with a multi-layered protection due to a synergy effect. Particular attention is paid to the phenomenon of clientelism, widely used by the ruling party as a strategy of political mobilization. However, if discrimination arose by clientelism reaches the level that denies clients the right to choose, this is certainly not consistent with the rules of democracy.

Participação popular e mobilização política no Cone Sul dos anos 1970: os Comitês de Base da Frente Ampla uruguaia e os Comitês da Unidade Popular chilena em perspectiva comparada

Busca-se no presente artigo comparar a experiência dos Comitês de Base da Frente Ampla uruguaia e dos Comitês da Unidade Popular chilena no princípio dos anos 1970. Embora fossem coalizões eleitorais, tanto a FA quanto a UP se constituíram também como movimentos de massa, utilizando-se da estratégia da mobilização política através de Comitês que contavam com grande participação popular. Por se tratarem de alianças multipartidárias, os Comitês da Frente Ampla e da Unidade Popular eram frequentados por militantes e simpatizantes das diferentes forças, o que em determinadas ocasiões gerava atritos e polêmicas. Além disso, devido ao importante papel que desempenharam nas eleições, foi preciso debater internamente qual seria o lugar desses organismos na estrutura partidária, trazendo à tona diferentes posições no seio das esquerdas no Uruguai e no Chile. Como fontes primárias, analisou-se a imprensa e a documentação interna dos partidos, além de entrevistas com alguns de seus ex-integrantes.

Strategi Mobilisasi Politik pada Pemilu 2019 di Indonesia

<p class="07KatakunciKeywords"><span class="06IsiAbstrakChar"><span lang="EN-GB">Democracy in Indonesia has developed rapidly after the reformation, this is evidenced by the improvement in the implementation of the democratic party event. The 2019 election is an election held simultaneously between legislative elections and the presidential election. Each party and party coalition presidential election support hand in hand to try to win the hearts of the people. Community participation is very important for the determination of the votes of both the legislature and the president. Each stakeholder seeks to influence the community by using mobilization efforts. Many of the mobilization strategies in this election were carried out by many parties. This study examines the strategy of political mobilization used in gaining votes in 2019 elections in Indonesia. Qualitative research methods are used to obtain results from research. The results of the study indicate that the strategy of political mobilization in the 2019 Election uses four strategies, namely: political identity, communication media, money politics, and the use of public figures. This strategy is very effective in influencing the masses in Indonesia. This is evidenced by the polarization between the two supporting camps, and the use of communication media, especially social media in the dissemination of information</span></span><span lang="EN-GB">.</span></p>

Luchas de los sectores LGBTI en Pasto, Nariño en el posconflicto

La categorización de víctima constituye una estrategia de participación política de los sectores LGBTI de la ciudad de Pasto. El fin de esta autodefinición es continuar la lucha por la ciudadanía plena y su reconocimiento en el departamento de Nariño, Colombia. Este colectivo es heterogéneo y tiene dificultades a la hora de construir una identidad colectiva que permita su consolidación. Sin embargo, durante los dieciséis años que lleva funcionando se ha fortalecido, mediante las luchas constantes de activistas y las transformaciones constitucionales. Se tienen en cuenta los debates feministas y de los estudios de género sobre víctimas y ciudadanía, planteándolas como definiciones opuestas; no significa que sean en sí mismas un antagonismo, sino una estrategia de movilización política en el marco de la Ley 1448 de 2011 y en los acuerdos de paz realizados entre el gobierno nacional y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia -FARC- durante los últimos cuatro años. Esto ha permitido la visibilización de sus problemáticas, a nivel social y cultural en las zonas rurales, donde se recrudece el conflicto y, en la zona urbana donde los estereotipos y estigmas son parte de la cotidianidad y se reproducen para discriminar a lesbianas, gays, bisexuales, trans e intersexuales.

Системы доминантных партий: некоторые подходы к методологии исследования

The article examines the key criteria for the concept of the dominant party, such as its ability to consistently and steadily win the elections, the significant duration of its stay in power, as well as its personnel control of the Cabinet of ministers. In the sociopolitical discourse the dominant party enjoys a privileged ideological position and has more opportunities compared to its competitors to appeal to voters. Along with that the party dominance reveals itself not only in its external manifestation (the stay in power), but also in the substantial one – the ability to exercise an effective political choice. The article analyzes the factors of sustainability of the dominant party systems: the historical merits of the dominant party; the ruling party’s ability to effectively take advantage of the electoral system; its strong relationships with the most affluent social groups and major corporations, as well as with the predominant ethnic or linguistic social groups; a privileged access of the ruling party to media resources. These factors are also effective in the polycentric political systems without any dominant party. However, under the dominant party systems they manifest themselves in a complex way, providing the ruling camp with a multi-layered protection due to a synergy effect. Particular attention is paid to the phenomenon of clientelism, widely used by the ruling party as a strategy of political mobilization. While the scope and durability of the pork-barrel politics make this phenomenon socially significant and, accordingly, subject to public control, clientelism complies with the standards of democratic process, even in spite of its possible negative effects on the public good. However, if discrimination arose by clientelism reaches the level that denies clients the right to choose, this is certainly not consistent with the rules of democracy.

Ethnicity and Political Mobilization in a Deeply Divided Society: The Case of Russian Immigrants in Israel

This paper deals with political mobilization among immigrants from the Former Soviet Union, who arrived in Israel in the 1990s. The data are based on two nationwide surveys, conducted 10 and 20 years after the arrival of the first wave of these immigrants. My analysis shows that immigrants’ voting behavior is dynamic, and is determined mainly by their perceived interest in and attitudes toward domestic matters rather than regional issues connected with the Israel–Palestine conflict. Immigrants have adopted a complex strategy of political mobilization over time, which has shifted from the formation of “ethnic” parties in the first decade into “hybrid-ethnic” parties in the second decade. This strategy allows flexibility in terms of support, recruitment, and coalition building; prevents ethnic exclusion, maximizes the gains of Russian immigrants; and minimizes the price of their ethnic mobilization in a deeply divided society.

Online Mediation of Minority Dissent

Often marginalized from government services and markets and with limited access to mainstream media, the expansion of the reach of the Internet to previously underrepresented sectors inspires an examination of the place of online media for minorities, and in turn the role of these new actors, in shaping the future of media. In the Philippines, minority groups have recently developed online narratives, discursive spaces and productions in websites, blogs and social networking sites that allow them to bypass traditional distribution systems to articulate their respective struggles. This article engages ‘Buechler’s historical-dialectical-structurational approach’ in analyzing the interdependence between these activist online media practices and the local, national, and global enabling and constraining structures that surround online cultural activism. Through an analysis of case studies representing ethnic, ethno-religious and sexual minorities in the Philippines, the article shows that minority groups’ online political mobilization strategies are influenced by the historical, cultural and social circumstances and global power dynamics that surround their respective struggles and online activism. This situated analysis veers away from presenting minorities as mere recipients of technology but as online political activists creatively working their way through multiple structures and opportunities that come with online mediation.

Bricks and Mortar Clientelism: Sectarianism and the Logics of Welfare Allocation in Lebanon

In plural societies, social welfare can be a terrain of political contestation, particularly when public welfare functions are underdeveloped and ethnic or religious groups provide basic social services. It is well established that such organizations favor in-group members, but under what conditions do they serve out-group communities? To address this question, the authors compare the welfare programs of the predominantly Sunni Muslim Future Movement and the Shiite Muslim Hezbollah in Lebanon. Although they operate under the same institutional rules and economic contexts and boast the largest welfare programs in their respective communities, the Future Movement aims to serve a broader array of beneficiaries, including non-Sunnis, whereas Hezbollah focuses more exclusively on Shiite communities. Based on analyses of an original data set of the spatial locations of welfare agencies, qualitative data from interviews with providers and beneficiaries, and case studies of areas where the two parties established and did not establish welfare agencies, the authors argue that distinct political mobilization strategies—whether electoral or nonelectoral—explain different patterns of service delivery across the two organizations.

BRICKS AND MORTAR CLIENTELISM: Sectarianism and the Logics of Welfare Allocation in Lebanon.

In plural societies, social welfare can be a terrain of political contestation, particularly when public welfare functions are underdeveloped and ethnic or religious groups provide basic social services. It is well established that such organizations favor in-group members, but under what conditions do they serve out-group communities? To address this question, the authors compare the welfare programs of the predominantly Sunni Muslim Future Movement and the Shiite Muslim Hezbollah in Lebanon. Although they operate under the same institutional rules and economic contexts and boast the largest welfare programs in their respective communities, the Future Movement aims to serve a broader array of beneficiaries, including non-Sunnis, whereas Hezbollah focuses more exclusively on Shiite communities. Based on analyses of an original data set of the spatial locations of welfare agencies, qualitative data from interviews with providers and beneficiaries, and case studies of areas where the two parties established and did not establish welfare agencies, the authors argue that distinct political mobilization strategies—whether electoral or nonelectoral—explain different patterns of service delivery across the two organizations.

Israel's Arab Citizens: The Continuing Struggle

Israel is a democracy, and its Palestinian Arab citizens enjoy full legal and political rights. Yet Israel is also a Jewish state, and a state that, in addition, has long been at war with the Arab world. The circumstances of Israel's Arabs have also been shaped by the conditions under which the country gained independence, following a war that left in Israel a Palestinian remnant that was impoverished, fragmented, and leaderless. Within this context, Israel's Palestinian citizens have been struggling since the early days of statehood for development, equality, and a strategy of political mobilization that would enable them to defend their interests and exercise meaningful political influence. They have made gradual but increasingly significant progress toward these objectives, particularly in recent years. Nevertheless, on balance, they remain on the margins of Israeli political life and are not yet sufficiently mobilized or united to play a political role commensurate with their demographic importance.