Stefan Lazarevic Research Articles

Despot Stefan Lazarević i naše vreme

Despot Stefan Lazarevic is neither the most notable nor the most prominent figure in Serbian history, but his life is important, remarkable, and insufficiently studied. Stefan Lazarevic lived during the tragic and bloody aftermath of the Battle of Kosovo, the watershed moment in the history of the Serbs. He successfully led the country after the Golgotha on Kosovo Field. The greatest challenge for research is his complex character and the difficult, unsettled times during which he lived, ruled and battled. It is necessary to discover the permanent legacy of Stefan Lazarevic and the message his life has for us today through a study of his life, leadership and politics. On the side of his mother Milica, he was a descendant of the Nemanjić dynasty. Both of his parents - Emperor Lazar and Empress Milica, are saints, and he was also canonized. Despot Stefan was one of the greatest knights of his time, and a member of the "Golden order". He established Belgrade as the capital of Serbia. Unfortunately, the only monument in Belgrade dedicated to him is located in Kalemegdan and unworthy of a statesman, knight and hero of his stature. Stefan Lazarevic suffered extreme personal sacrifices and humiliations as he was forced, with his brother Vuk, to bring his sister Olivera to the harem of Sultan Bayezid's, the man who had killed their father. He was also forced to fight as a Turkish vassal in several battles, the most famous one being the Battle of Angora, after which his vassalship with the Turks ended. Despot Stefan struggled for power with his brother Vuk. Stefan Lazarevic built the magnificent Manasija monastery, as his endowment to his people, along with the Resava school of transcription. He also authored the exquisite Slovo ljubve. In the year 2027, on the occasion of the 600 anniversary of the death of Stefan Nemanja, Serbs should organize a scientific meeting on this significant personage. This is necessary because, in the words of Prof. Djuro Šušnjić, we should take interest in the thoughts and beliefs of our ancestors if we would better understand ourselves.

The verb osvetiti in the mining code

Enacted in 1412 by Serbian Despot Stefan Lazarevic, the Mining Code came down to us in two versions, a Cyrillic copy made in the late 16th century and a Latin-alphabet transliteration from 1638, as well as in several translations into Ottoman Turkish. Since the publication of its Cyrillic version in 1962, it has been recognised as a highly valuable source for the history not only of law and economics, but also of the Serbian language. Its linguistic relevance consists not merely in displaying traits of an early dialectal development and rendering a lot of terms borrowed from the Middle High German language of the ?Saxons? (Sasi), settlers who after the second half of 13th century triggered the development of the mining industry in medieval Serbia: moreover, it provides the first attestations of many genuine words of spoken Old Serbian, some of them probably calqued on German patterns. One of these words is osvetiti of the Cyrillic version, apparently identical to Old Serbian osvetiti ?sanctify; impose a legal sanction; revenge? < Common Slavic *obsvetiti, but making no sense in the given context. Yet in the Latin version it occurs twice written with ? rendering e (?yat?), which points to *obsvetiti ?to light up (the mining gallery)?, and such an interpretation seems contextually plausible. If it is true, we have in the Mining Code the single attestation of osvetiti in Serbian outside of the texts written in Church Slavonic. In the vernacular, the verb was replaced by osv(ij)etliti, partly because in the ekavian speeches it became homophonous with osvetiti.

Hermes Trismegistus in cultural and religion space of Slavia Orthodoxa: written tradition

The appearance of the first Hermes Trismegistus’ texts in cultural space «Slavia Orthodoxa» falls on XV century: in Serbian literature Konstantin Filozof’s «Žitije despota Stefana Lazarevica» (Vita of Despot Stefan Lazarevic) and in old Ukrainian “Palais Krekhivsky” described by Ivan Franko. Serbian version contains only few lines, but Ukrainian includes individual and very complete section on Hermes Trismegistus’ life. It provides the information on the origin of Hermes, on the story of his father, and on his studying of secret alchemical knowledge in Egypt. Separately is Hermes understanding of the Trinity divine nature allocated. Orthodox literature of XV century is mostly apophatic. Following the Christian thought of first centuries, which in the face of pseudo-Dionysius Aeropahit stated, that the description accuracy of God is in denial terms only and that our language is not developed enough to express the divine essence. Such statements can be found in the Slavic texts of Hermes. God’s Hermes nature is also stated in apophatic style that is consistent to intellectual atmosphere of Orthodox Slavs. So the scribes were able to tailor the Hermetism founder’s image to their needs, concerning questions on the nature of the Holy Trinity being. In general, it did not contradict to Hermetism, which believes that the more there are meanings contradict to each other, the more obscure the words are used, the more expressed is shown in confusing characters, the more they are suitable to describe the Absolute.

Prince and despot Stefan Lazarevic and monastery of Great Lavra of Saint Athanasius on Mount Athos

Great Lavra of Saint Athanasius is one of the Mount Athos monasteries richly donated by Serbian rulers and noblemen with properties and material goods. The monastery was acquiring its properties by completing requests from abbot and monks, but also on the initiative of the founder himself. Depending on the situation, which was dictated by the current situation in the country, the estates were privileged to a certain extent. They were abolished in moments when the danger from the Ottomans was at a high level. The population of the monastery villages primarily had to participate in military service both materially and physically. In such circumstances they were exempt from those work obligations directly related to the ruler?s palace. House of Lazarevic had issued a total of five charters in the period from 1394/1395 to 1427. Great Lavra received several villages: Kurilovo, Vrankovo, Saludovac, Buljane, Izvor, Brnica and Kvasicevica, then had its property in Trg in Paracinov Brod. It had revenue of transit customs in the village of Izvor and from customs office in Novo Brdo. Introductions of charters reflect the piety of royal family, desire to continue the traditions of their god-loving ancestors and to enroll its members in the ranks of the largest benefactors.

On year of journey of Prince Stefan Lazarevic to Sivas

This article discusses the issue of historical context and chronological elements related to the content of Introduction to the Novo Brdo Code issued by despot Stefan Lazarevic in the year 1412. Special attention has been paid to determining the date of journey of Stefan Lazarevic, at the time when he was still prince, to Sivas where he had to subjugate and renew vassalage to sultan Bayezid I. Until now this event, mentioned in the Introduction to the Novo Brdo Code, has been placed in different time frames.

Aspects of reception of classical heritage in biography of despot Stefan Lazarevic of Constantine the Philosopher

The reception of the classical book heritage in the Biography of Despot Stefan Lazarevic of Constantine the Philosopher (of Kostenec) is noticed through the conspicuous reminiscences on classical antiquity, but it is also manifested through the use of artistic procedures of classical literature and the author?s high estimate of the accomplishment of pre-Christian Greek thought. In the first two types of classicism Constantine surpasses other medieval Serbian writers, while in the third he is unique among them, so his relying on classical tradition in this work is the result both of literary conventions caused by the choice of the genre of secular biography and of his belonging to the most liberal section of medieval Christian intellectuals.

The role of Christianity in the development of European and Serbian medieval medicine

Being conceived in the name of Christianity, the Church quickly mastered all of Western Europe, including medicine, which was developed in monasteries at first and at universities later on. The first hospitals were built within monasteries, and were used to treat monks and the general population in later times. With the founding of the first universities, medicine claimed its place in the world next to law, philosophy, and theology. In its early days, it was studied only as a theoretical science, but soon practical classes on cadavers were added. Universities were completely ruled by the Church, which meant that the curriculum had to be pre-approved by the Church, even the diplomas were presented by a bishop in a religious ceremony. Development of Serbian medieval medicine was under the influence of Byzantine and Italian (mainly Salernian) medicine. The greatest role in transfer of medical knowledge from the Byzantine Empire belonged to Serbian and Byzantine monks, while Italian doctors working in Serbia were responsible for the transfer of the Western medical knowledge. Serbian monarchs quickly started founding hospitals, both in and out of their domains, with the most famous ones being within monasteries such as Hilandar, Studenica, Pantokrator, Visoki Decani, Sveti Arhangel, etc. In addition to those, there were two more hospitals not related to monasteries in Kotor and Belgrade, named after Stefan Lazarevic. This contribution of Christianity to European medicine created a basis for a sudden development of medical science in the Renaissance.

Vuk Brankovic and the meeting of vassals at Serres

After the Kosovo battle in the year of 1389 and the new Ottomans' breach into the Serbian lands, the positions of the Serbian provinces founded on the territory of the disintegrated Serbian empire underwent certain geopolitical changes. Unlike prince Lazar's direct successors, the Serbian regional landlord Vuk Brankovic, Lazar's son-in-law, continued to resist the Ottomans strongly opposing resuming the vassal deployment towards sultan Bayezid I. Only after his town of Skopje's fall late in the 1391, or early in 1392 did Vuk start losing his strategic control over the territory being in that way exposed to an even greater Ottoman pressure. Such Balkans' situation denouement forced Vuk Brankovic until the November 1392 to recognize the Ottoman sovereignty that was justified in one charter for monastery Hilandar. By the end of that year, sultan Bayezid I moved from the empire's Anatolian to the European part in order to consolidate his authority and firm the rule. The Byzantine historian Laonikos Chalcocondyles testifies on the measures taken by the sultan regarding subordinating the new Christian vassals and the conquered territories' colonization. These measures might refer to Vuk Brankovic and his province. There is no direct news considering Vuk Brankovic's political steps during the period from the end of 1392 to the spring of 1394. A dramatic meeting of sultan Bayezid I with his Christian vassals in the town of Serres in the fall-winter of 1393/1394 remained noted in the Byzantine sources. The remnant sources unequivocally of the Serbian meeting members mention only Stefan Lazarevic, the later Byzantine despot and Constantin Dragas, the Byzantine emperor Manuel II Palaeologus' father-in-law, though by being imprecise they leave an open space for the probable participation of some other renowned persons from Serbian side. The hitherto Serbian historiography predominant opinion was that Vuk Brankovic did not respond to the invitation addressed to the vassals concerning the Serres meeting. Apart from Vuk, the sources do not name as the meeting participants neither king Marko, nor his brothers Andreas and Dmitar, who may have been present as well. The sultans' resolution to execute the Christian vassals in Serres, withdrawn at the last moment, caused the split of the vassal relations of some Christian aristocracy to Bayezid I. Vuk's activity from the year 1394, and 1395 connected with gaining Venetian citizenship and moving the treasury in Dubrovnik in accordance with the politics of those Christian vassals who denied their obedience to the sultan after the meeting at Serres. Because of Vuks' conduct from the year of 1394 and the provenance of the preserved Byzantine sources asserting the events at Serres, a possibility of Vuk Brankovic's presence a the Ottomans's vassal by the side of the king Vukasin's sons, remains in spite of silence evident in relevant sources.

Despot Stefan and Byzantium

The topic of this paper is one aspect of the relationship between Serbia and Byzantium at the beginning of the 15th Century, during the so-called "despot period" of the reign of Stefan Lazarevic (1402-1427), namely the fate of the Byzantine title of Despots' in Serbia against the background of the political situation in the Balkans at the time of Turkish domination. Knez Stefan (1377-1427), Knez Lazar's son, received the title of Despotes according to the procedure long ago established at the Byzantine Court. In Byzantium, this title, which was second in rank only to the title of the Emperor, used to be endowed to the relatives of the imperial dynasty, it was not hereditary and did not depend on the territory ruled by the bearer of the title. It was a personal court title of the highest rank in Byzantium. This honor was bestowed upon the young Knez Stefan in summer of 1402 after his return from the battlefield of Angora (Ankara), where Sultan Beyazid I suffered a disastrous defeat from the hands of the Tatars. The Serbian Knez was solemnly received in Constantinople, a marriage between himself and a sister of the Byzantine Empress was arranged and John VII Palaeologus, the co-regent of the then-absent Emperor Manuel II Palaeologus, endowed him with the title of Despotes. Knez Stefan carried this title till the end of his life. It was held in great honors in Serbia and was broadened in meaning to designate a ruler's title in general, remaining alive among the Serbs even after the fall of the Byzantine Empire. Stefan Lazarevic received the dignity of a Despotes once more, in 1410 in Constantinople. All this notwithstanding, the political situation in the South-East of Europe at the beginning of the 15th Century was all but favorable. Some Christian states were conquered by the Turks (Bulgaria), some were vassals of the Sultan (Byzantium, Serbia). Everything depended on the Ottomans. At the time of dynastic conflicts in the Turkish Empire (1403-1413) as well as afterwards, the political interests of Byzantium and Serbia were different, even at times contrary. What they had in common was the attempt to find allies in the West, especially among the countries which had an interest to fight against the Turks, so an initiative was raised to form a Christian League to that effect. Despot Stefan, in his capacity as a vassal of the Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxembourg, took part in the negotiations the Byzantine Emperor John VIII Palaelogus held in Buda with his host (1424). This was the last meeting of the Serbian Despotes with the Byzantine Emperor. The title of Despotes had changed with respect to the Byzantine norms. Despot Stefan became the Despotes of the Kingdom of Rascia (Raska), as the Kingdom of Serbia was called in the West. The personal title of the Byzantine Imperial Court was thus transformed in accordance with the non-Byzantine traditions of the Serbian political ideology. .

Belgrade as new Jerusalem: Reflections on the reception of a topos in the age of despot Stefan Lazarevic

Belgrade as new Jerusalem: Reflections on the reception of a topos in the age of despot Stefan Lazarevic

The terminology of kinship and hierarchy of rulers in the writings of Constantine the Philosopher and his contemporaries

According to the simplified Byzantine idea, which was never discarded, the Byzantine basileus is the God's elected ruler. He is the only legitimate emperor in the world because he is the legitimate heir of Roman emperors. Apart from Byzantium, a series of other sovereign states existed throughout the Middle Ages on the territory of the former Roman Empire. That condition lead to the formulation of a sustainable interpretation of the conjured hierarchy of rulers and states. At the top of the fictitious ladder stood only the Byzantine emperor, and, at its bottom, rulers of the lowest rank to whom the emperor issued "orders". All other rulers were distributed between these two instances along the fictitious ladder of hierarchy, depending on their power and the esteem they enjoyed. At the same time, the Byzantine basileus was also perceived as the "spiritual parent" of the Christian nations and rulers who, on the otherhand, depending on their esteemed, boasted varying degrees of "spiritual kinship" with the emperor. These Byzantine concepts were adopted by Stefan Nemanja and his heirs, so that, at times, in medieval Serbia they were real and not fictitious. In the last decades of the XIV century, the power and esteem of Byzantium waned rapidly. The Empire had to take on difficult obligations towards the Ottoman Turks of which she was freed only after the Battle of Ankara (1402). The liberation from demeaning commitments brought on a revival of the ever present concept of ideal supremacy of the Byzantine emperor, especially among rulers in the Balkans. Such ideas were adopted by Constantine of Kostenec, the author of the Vita of Stefan Lazarevic, who, however, added certain corrections, conforming them to the views of the Serbian spiritual elite. According to the treaty of Gallipoli, sultan Suleiman accepted (1403) emperor Manuel II Palaiologos as his "father", a fact known also to Constantine the Philosopher, as was later also repeated by sultan Mehmed I. At the time when, in 1410, Stefan Lazarevic received for the second time the crown of despots from Manuel II, relations between the Byzantine basileus and the Serbian despots were defined as those of "father and son". By those means, Constantine the Philosopher elevates the position of the Serbian ruler to the level once held by king Milutin following his marriage to Simonis. The author of the Vita of Stefan Lazarevic took strict care to state the noble rank of the Serbian despots and thus matched it with those of sultan Mehmed I and the contender to the throne, Musa, who addressed the despots as "brother". Constantine the Philosopher makes no mistake either when referring to the king of Hungary and emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, Sigismund, whose vassal Stefan was. Regardless, of such ties between the two rulers, Sigismund is never mentioned as the despots' "parent" but solely as his "comrade"(ally), probably because the Hungarian king belonged to the oicumene of Western and not Eastern Christianity and could thus by no means have been a "spiritual parent" to the Orthodox Serbian despots.

ODGOVOR DUBROVAČKOG VEĆA NA PISMO KRALJA ŽIGMUNDA OD 9. XI 1427: PREVOD I JEZIČKA ANALIZA

Rad nakon osnovnog istorijskog uvoda iznosi originalni tekst, a potom i prevod pisma Dubrovačkog veća umoljenih Žigmundu Luksemburškom, kao odgovor na njegov pismeni poziv dubrovačkim trgovcima i zanatlijama od 9. novembra 1427 da u što većem broju, uz brojne ponuđene privilegije i slobode, dođu u Beograd koji je ugarski kralj iste godine preuzeo od Đurđa Brankovića. Sledi detaljna jezička analiza dotičnog tekstualnog uzorka, po svemu tipičnog za latinitet poznog srednjeg veka.