Steady-state Cues Research Articles

Categorization and discrimination of nonspeech sounds: differences between steady-state and rapidly-changing acoustic cues.

Different patterns of performance across vowels and consonants in tests of categorization and discrimination indicate that vowels tend to be perceived more continuously, or less categorically, than consonants. The present experiments examined whether analogous differences in perception would arise in nonspeech sounds that share critical transient acoustic cues of consonants and steady-state spectral cues of simplified synthetic vowels. Listeners were trained to categorize novel nonspeech sounds varying along a continuum defined by a steady-state cue, a rapidly-changing cue, or both cues. Listeners' categorization of stimuli varying on the rapidly changing cue showed a sharp category boundary and posttraining discrimination was well predicted from the assumption of categorical perception. Listeners more accurately discriminated but less accurately categorized steady-state nonspeech stimuli. When listeners categorized stimuli defined by both rapidly-changing and steady-state cues, discrimination performance was accurate and the categorization function exhibited a sharp boundary. These data are similar to those found in experiments with dynamic vowels, which are defined by both steady-state and rapidly-changing acoustic cues. A general account for the speech and nonspeech patterns is proposed based on the supposition that the perceptual trace of rapidly-changing sounds decays faster than the trace of steady-state sounds.

Overlapping neural regions for processing rapid temporal cues in speech and nonspeech signals☆

Speech perception involves recovering the phonetic form of speech from a dynamic auditory signal containing both time-varying and steady-state cues. We examined the roles of inferior frontal and superior temporal cortex in processing these aspects of auditory speech and nonspeech signals. Event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging was used to record activation in superior temporal gyrus (STG) and inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) while participants discriminated pairs of either speech syllables or nonspeech tones. Speech stimuli differed in either the consonant or the vowel portion of the syllable, whereas the nonspeech signals consisted of sinewave tones differing along either a dynamic or a spectral dimension. Analyses failed to identify regions of activation that clearly contrasted the speech and nonspeech conditions. However, we did identify regions in the posterior portion of left and right STG and left IFG yielding greater activation for both speech and nonspeech conditions that involved rapid temporal discrimination, compared to speech and nonspeech conditions involving spectral discrimination. The results suggest that, when semantic and lexical factors are adequately ruled out, there is significant overlap in the brain regions involved in processing the rapid temporal characteristics of both speech and nonspeech signals.

Vowel perception by adults and children with normal language and specific language impairment: Based on steady states or transitions?

The current investigation studied whether adults, children with normally developing language aged 4-5 years, and children with specific language impairment, aged 5-6 years identified vowels on the basis of steady-state or transitional formant frequencies. Four types of synthetic tokens, created with a female voice, served as stimuli: (1) steady-state centers for the vowels [i] and [ae]; (2) voweless tokens with transitions appropriate for [bib] and [baeb]; (3) "congruent" tokens that combined the first two types of stimuli into [bib] and [baeb]; and (4) "conflicting" tokens that combined the transitions from [bib] with the vowel from [baeb] and vice versa. Results showed that children with language impairment identified the [i] vowel more poorly than other subjects for both the voweless and congruent tokens. Overall, children identified vowels most accurately in steady-state centers and congruent stimuli (ranging between 94%-96%). They identified the vowels on the basis of transitions only from "voweless" tokens with 89% and 83.5% accuracy for the normally developing and language impaired groups, respectively. Children with normally developing language used steady-state cues to identify vowels in 87% of the conflicting stimuli, whereas children with language impairment did so for 79% of the stimuli. Adults were equally accurate for voweless, steady-state, and congruent tokens (ranging between 99% to 100% accuracy) and used both steady-state and transition cues for vowel identification. Results suggest that most listeners prefer the steady state for vowel identification but are capable of using the onglide/offglide transitions for vowel identification. Results were discussed with regard to Nittrouer's developmental weighting shift hypothesis and Strange and Jenkin's dynamic specification theory.

Localization of sound in rooms. IV: The Franssen effect.

The Franssen effect is an illusion that causes human listeners to make large errors in localizing a sound source. This paper describes steps taken to convert the illusion into an experiment in order to study the localization precedence effect as it operates in rooms. The results of the experiment suggest that there are two components to the illusion: The first is the inability of listeners to localize a sine tone in a room in the absence of an onset; the second is the obscuring of modulation cues by the irregular transient response of a room. Experiments show that the Franssen effect fails completely in an anechoic environment, as expected if the effect depends upon the implausibility of steady-state cues in a room. The Franssen effect also fails when the spectrum of the sound is dense.

Vowel identification: orthographic, perceptual, and acoustic aspects.

This study investigates conditions under which vowels are well recognized and relates perceptual identification of individual tokens to acoustic characteristics. Results support recent finding that isolated vowels may be readily identified by listeners. Two experiments provided evidence that certain response tasks result in inflated error rates. Subsequent experiments showed improved identification in a fixed speaker context, compared with randomized speakers, for isolated vowels and gated centers. Performance was worse for gated vowels, suggesting that dynamic properties (such as duration and diphthongization) supplement steady-state cues. However, even-speaker-randomized gated vowels were well identified (14% errors). Measures of "steady-state information" (formant frequencies and f0), "dynamic information" (formant slopes and duration), and "speaker information" (normalization) were adopted. Discriminant analyses of acoustic measurements indicated relatively little overlap between vowel categories. Using a new technique for relating acoustic measurements of individual tokens with identification by listeners, it is shown that (a) identification performance is clearly related to acoustic characteristics; (b) improvement in the fixed speaker context is correlated with improved statistical separation resulting from formant normalization, for the gated vowels; and (c) "dynamic information" is related to identification differences between full and gated isolated vowels.

A Study of /w/ and /y/ in American English

The study reported in this paper deals with the acoustic manifestations of various allophones of /w/ and /y/ in American English. Occurrences of initial /w/ and /y/, followed by different syllable nuclei, are described. The manifestations of initial /w/ and /y/ are compared with the syllable nuclei /u/, /ᴜ/, /i/, and /ɪ/. In addition, the second components of the glides /eɪ/ and /oᴜ/, and of the diphthongs /ɑᴜ/, /ɑɪ/, and /ɔɪ/ are considered. The characteristics of initial /w/ and /y/ include both steady state cues and transitional cues. The second component of the diphthongs /ɑɪ/ and /ɔɪ/ falls approximately in the range of /ɪ/ as a syllable nucleus; the second component of the diphthong /ɑᴜ/ has no obvious overlap with the ranges of either /u/ or /ᴜ/. No immediate identification of initial /w/ and /y/ with the second components of glides or diphthongs appears possible.