State's Reputation Research Articles

THE ROLE AND PLACE OF INFORMATION SECURITY IN THE OVERALL SYSTEM OF THE STATE'S NATIONAL SECURITY

Introduction. The state's information policy is an important component of the state's foreign and domestic policy and includes all spheres of society. The rapid development of the information sphere causes the appearance of fundamentally new threats to the interests of the individual, society, the state and its national security. The fact that the information component is a stable object of manipulation in the conditions of hybrid war adds to the acuteness of the problem. Since the difficult political situation in which Ukraine has been in recent years, the continuous deterioration of the state's reputation on the international arena is caused by a number of factors, among which the inadequate state of the information security system is a significant factor. In Ukraine, there is an objective need for state-legal regulation of scientific, technical and information activities, which would correspond to the realities of the modern world and the level of development of information technologies, the norms of international law, but at the same time effectively protect Ukraine's own national interests. Short list of main results. Summary of main results. The article examines the issue of information security as a component of the state's national security. The information security of the state is defined by the degree of its protection and the stability of the main spheres of life in relation to dangerous, destabilizing and destructive informational influences affecting the interests of the state both at the level of implementation and extraction of information. Internal and external information threats to Ukraine's national security and ways to ensure the country's information security are identified. In today's conditions, the informational component of the state's national security plays an extremely important role due to the risks and threats present in it, which include cyberterrorism, cybercrime, aggressive propaganda, the spread of anti-constitutional and anti-state slogans, limiting public access to public information, etc. Attention is focused on the fact that the state information policy should reflect the urgent problems that have arisen in the information field. Effective implementation of strategic priorities, fundamental principles and tasks of the state policy of information security requires improvement of legal and organizational mechanisms of information security management. Conclusions. The article proposes to consider information security as a necessary component of the state's national security, as well as a global problem of information protection, information space, information state sovereignty and information support for state decision-making.

Quantifying a State's Reputation in the Strategic Competition and Crisis Wargame for the Center for Army Analysis

The Center for Army Analysis (CAA) developed the Strategic Competition and Crisis (SC2) wargame to capture how modern military competition operates in today’s world. The CAA tasked our interdisciplinary team with developing a more robust, well-rounded reputation model for quantifying a state’s reputation based on another state’s perspective using each of our respective specialties within systems engineering, defense and strategic studies, and operations research. The team leveraged tools within the Systems Decision Process (SDP) to quantify the theoretical, intangible concept of reputation. Research began with a qualitative value model based on expert stakeholder analysis and a literature review. The team then identified value measures to build a swing weight matrix that produced a reputation score for each state from another state’s perspective. The concept of swing weighting incorporates prioritized value measures while accounting for variance in the raw data that is used to aggregate a score for each country’s reputation level. That score, alongside an enhanced Game User Interface (GUI), can now be integrated into the existing SC2 wargame to provide a more complete, narrative experience that charts player decisions throughout the game and educates senior Army leaders on how to effectively leverage military activities towards achieving strategic goals.

ПОРАХЎРЛИК ЖИНОЯТЛАРИГА ҚАРШИ КУРАШИШИНИНГ ТАРИХИ

The article analyzes the history of the fight against corruption. The views of scientists are also examined. In this article, the scourge of corruption has the following negative consequences for thestate, namely: serious damage to the state's reputation in the international arena; causing citizens to lose confidence in leaders, government, political parties and the rule of law; dismantles market mechanisms, that is, the market belongs not to competitive entrepreneurs, but to entrepreneurs who receive benefits in exchange for bribes; creates favorable conditions for the existence of organizedcrime, which in turn threatens the national security of the state; it was also pointed out that social tension in society can lead to conflicts, political instability and the activation of terrorist structures

Human rights in the context of gender and juvenile policy in different legal systems

The study aims to identify the features of gender and juvenile policy in different legal systems and the formation of women's and children's rights. At present, equal rights are one of the main tasks of the modern social and legal state, as equality of rights and non-discrimination have been proclaimed by many constitutions and enshrined at the international level. The implementation of an effective gender and juvenile policy will increase the state's reputation in the international arena and ensure a high degree of trust in the government. Given the differences in the development of this aspect of countries from different legal systems, the analysis of the specifics of ensuring rights within gender and juvenile policy will further improve existing ways of regulating gender and juvenile relations by borrowing the main promising ideas and provisions underlying public policy. To conduct a research the authors used different scientific methods. Among these methods are the analysis and synthesis, the formal-legal and the comparative law method. The result of this work is to identify specific features characteristic of gender and juvenile policy of different legal systems, determine the importance of human rights and non-discrimination, offer effective ways to improve the implementation of gender and juvenile policy on the example of progressive states.

Why do privatized firms pay higher dividends?

We examine state income and reputation incentives to account for the high dividends of privatized firms. Consistent with these agency-cost based incentives, we show strong and robust evidence that the extent of state ownership is positively related to corporate dividends. We distinguish between the empirical importance of these incentives using variation in the rule of law to protect minority shareholders, the fiscal deficit and the political orientation of the state. Our findings show that an incentive to enhance the state's reputation with minority shareholders can account for the high dividends of privatized firms.

The Limits of Reputation on Compliance

This short paper is a response to Andrew Guzman's book, How International Law Works. Guzman presents a novel synthesis of the IR approaches to IL by arguing that a state's concern with its reputation is one most important source of compliance with international law. But the book's approach to reputation is not up to the task of explaining compliance. In discussion the book's shortcomings, I ask to whom the relevant reputation belongs. Guzman relies on notions of the state's reputation, but this assignment is a problem for a causation analysis because governments (who make the compliance decisions) will not fully internalize the state's reputation. In addition, I discuss the methodological problems in Guzman's approach. The book provides for only a very loose means of assessing reputational costs, even as a conceptual matter. Without such means of assessment, any claim about the power of reputation remains non-falsifiable and therefore has less theoretical force.

The limits of reputation on compliance

This short paper is a response to Andrew Guzman's book, How International Law Works. Guzman presents a novel synthesis of the IR approaches to IL by arguing that a state's concern with its reputation is one most important source of compliance with international law. But the book's approach to reputation is not up to the task of explaining compliance. In discussion the book's shortcomings, I ask to whom the relevant reputation belongs. Guzman relies on notions of the state's reputation, but this assignment is a problem for a causation analysis because governments (who make the compliance decisions) will not fully internalize the state's reputation. In addition, I discuss the methodological problems in Guzman's approach. The book provides for only a very loose means of assessing reputational costs, even as a conceptual matter. Without such means of assessment, any claim about the power of reputation remains non-falsifiable and therefore has less theoretical force.

International Common Law: The Soft Law of International Tribunals

Rising legalization in the international community has lead to greater use of international tribunals and soft law. This paper explores the intersection of these instruments. The decision of an international tribunal interprets binding legal obligations but is not itself legally binding except, in some instances, as between the parties. The broader, and often more important function of a tribunal's decision - its influence on state behavior beyond the particular case and its impact on perceptions regarding legal obligations - is best characterized as a form of soft law. Despite its inability to bind states, a tribunal can influence state behavior by implicating a state's reputation for compliance with international law, by bolstering the reciprocity underlying an agreement, or by triggering retaliation. In this sense the rulings of a tribunal influences states through the same mechanisms as does binding international law. Because tribunal rulings are soft law, however, they avoid the need for unanimity among states, thereby making it easier for the legal system (including the non-binding aspects of that system) to adapt to changing circumstances and conditions. By establishing a tribunal to interpret legal obligations in a way that gives rise to a soft law jurisprudence, therefore, states are able to expand the tribunal's influence beyond those states that submit to the tribunal's jurisdiction. In effect, all states subject to the underlying legal obligation come to be subject to the soft law impact of the tribunal, regardless of whether they have formally submitted to the tribunal's jurisdiction. In this way tribunals create what can be called an international common law able to evolve without formal agreement from states.

Entertaining Citizenship: Masculinity and Minstrelsy in Post—Emancipation San Francisco

Getting a glass of whiskey on the Barbary Coast had never been difficult. The gold rush meant, among other things, that libations would be plentiful in the towns and camps that sprung up throughout the new state of California. (1) But African American men, stepping into a bar during Reconstruction meant coming face to face with Jim Crow. By 1872, bar rooms and restaurants in the West's most populous city shunned African American patrons. In fact, many African Americans believed, according to San Francisco's black newspaper, The Pacific Appeal, that prejudice against color is now as bitter among proprietors of public as it was before the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and the Fifteenth Amendment. Colored men are liable to insult, by asking to be served with a meal, in almost any inferior restaurant in the city, quipped the editorial's author. California, of course, was not special in this regard. African Americans in every state in the nation faced Jim Crow restrictions in hotels, streetcars, bars, and cafes. But the state's reputation as a place free from the harshness of segregation and racialized violence made this treatment in public places noteworthy, and some, particularly insulting. In Washington, DC, in the previous summer, federal judges had ruled, in a lawsuit black Californians followed closely, that saloon keepers could no distinctions on account of color to whom they shall sell liquor. (2) If you could be served a drink in the nation's capitol, on the Mason-Dixon line, reasoned black men in California, surely they should be entitled to the same pleasure. Men and drink surfaced repeatedly in the pages of the state's black press during Reconstruction. In 1872 two African American men were scolded publicly disrupting a Republican meeting in San Francisco while intoxicated. Clearly, the Jim Crowed public facilities had not stopped black men from drinking. But pressure to exhibit the right kind of manhood, as befits new citizens, prompted the anonymous writer of the column about the drinking duo, To Be Regretted, to warn for the credit of the colored citizens at large, we hope that their friends will persuade them not to make themselves so ridiculous in a Republican meeting again. (3) The fact that these men were torchbearers of one of the city's Republican Club made the spectacle that much worse. Newly franchised and struggling to stake their claim in the state's Republican Party, some African American men worried that this type of behavior played into the hands of those who argued that black men were not fit to be citizens. Not at liberty to enjoy themselves in the city without being scrutinized, black men's leisure time, and how they spent it, spoke volumes about the limits of and possibilities a new kind of manhood. Surprisingly little attention has been paid to the place of race in California's early popular culture. This essay examines spaces of public entertainment to ascertain what these sites tell us about black masculinity as it was shaped in the critical years after the Civil War, when African American men exercised new rights to the franchise. How have we understood blackness and masculinity in 19th century California? What does a study of theaters, parades, and celebrations reveal about manhood and citizenship? Studying race and masculinity in the U.S. West offers an opportunity to examine the varieties of masculine identities and stereotypes created in 19th century American culture. On the one hand, given the pervasive image of the black cowboy, one might assume that African American men exercised male privilege more freely in states and territories west of the Mississippi. Indeed, the possibilities to exhibit such manliness have been the source of celebration by 19th century black leaders and authors. Bragging about conditions in the Pacific Northwest during Reconstruction, black newspaper editor Horace Cayton, Sr., wrote, We are the new frontier and thousands of Negroes come to this part of the country and stand up like men and compete with their white brothers. …

Human Rights and Counterterrorism in Global Governance: Reputation and Resistance

Focusing on U.S. and Asian state behavior, and UN and Asia-Pacific organizations, I explore the argument that a reputation for effectiveness in the counterterrorist campaign has become more significant than a reputation for defending human rights. I conclude that only where human rights issues had established a reasonably firm domestic and international institutional foothold before September 11, 2001, does a reputation built on concern for the protection of human rights retain an ability to constrain certain of the illiberal trends associated with the counterterrorist agenda. Nevertheless, even in these instances, counterterrorist requirements are shaping institutional behavior and rhetoric and depleting the resources available for dealing with human rights abuse. KEYWORDS: reputation in world politics, attack on personal security rights, institutional activism post--September 11. ********** The terrorist assault on U.S. territory in September 2001 has been instrumental in modifying or redefining certain of the social practices that have guided interactions in world politics among a range of state and nonstate bodies. This is particularly the case in the area of human rights, or more precisely with respect to the right to personal security. (1) Prior to September 11, there had been a reasonably widespread understanding--as opposed to agreement--that governments were expected to protect individual human rights and that failures to protect were of legitimate concern to other state, nonstate, and international institutional actors in global society. A state's reputation no longer rested solely on its ability to exercise authority over territory and the population that resided within it, but it now also embraced the idea of as responsibility, (2) where a state had a duty to provide for basic human rights in its own land mass and to be concerned about the abuse of rights overseas. Academic writers influenced either by power or by sociological explanations of world politics argued that states accepted this normative understanding because they were coerced or offered positive incentives, because they deemed the norms to be valid, or because they recognized that this idea of legitimate sovereignty was part of the script of modern statehood. (3) However, after September 11, this assumption that modern, legitimate statehood increasingly entailed the protection of human rights came under serious challenge in certain parts of the world. An apparent reemphasis on the security of the state and its citizens--as opposed to a concern about the abuse of individuals wherever they might reside--and the perception that antiterrorism requires the introduction of legislation that curtails civil liberties pose part of that challenge. Similarly, the compromises seen as necessary when framing foreign policies toward governments that have poor records in the area of human rights but are deemed important in counterterrorist operations have undercut the weight that has hitherto been accorded the human rights norm in the foreign relations of democratic states. International and regional organizations have passed legislation, instituted monitoring mechanisms, and started to engage in capacity building, all of which reinforces these trends in state behavior. Advocacy groups devoted to human rights promotion find themselves on the defensive, even in danger, and are divided in their assessment of how best to operate or stay relevant in the so-called age of terror. Many of the political actors affected by these trends seemingly have picked up the signal that building a reputation for resolve and developing an ability to participate effectively in the antiterrorist struggle has become increasingly important, overshadowing human rights matters in the appreciation of their standing as modern states and institutions. As a result, the level of contribution these state and interstate bodies make to the counterterrorist campaign has shown signs of reshaping hierarchies in world politics. …

Tourism, farm abandonment, and the ‘typical’ Vermonter, 1880–1930

This paper explores the relationship between tourism, abandoned landscapes, and the construction of ‘typical’ identity in rural Vermont. Between the 1880s and the 1930s, Vermonters were both celebrated in the popular press as archetypal Americans and depicted as a people in decline. With the state's reputation plagued by rural out-migration, many reformers, state officials, and rural residents tried to shore up and reproduce the identity of the so-called typical Vermonter through the sale of abandoned farms as summer homes. The promise of summer tourism as a means for reproducing typicality in rural Vermont, however, was complicated by the contingency of the category typical and by persistent fears that a new leisure-based economy and allegedly ‘wrong kinds’ of visitors would undermine the integrity of the state's traditional rural identity. As a result, visitors and residents negotiated an ideal of rural typicality according to changing tourist circumstances—a process revealed in this essay largely through published commentaries and promotional works. What this story traces, then, is landscape's role in the production of ‘ideal’, tourist-based notions of rural identity in American culture.

The Politics of Sex and Beer: How the Brewing Industry in Wisconsin Exploited the Unified Woman's Movement to Prevent Changes in the Age of Consent Law to Protect Their Sex-Slave Industry

Wisconsin became a progressive leader in women's issues in the late nineteenth century when Wisconsin native, Frances Willard, was elected president of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union - the largest women's organization in the United States at the turn of the century. Under her tutelage, the Temperance Union broadened its scope of interest to include the Prohibition Movement and the Women's Suffrage Movement, while it continued its campaign against sexual slavery. Willard saw a logical and necessary connection in these three issues (alcohol, sexual slavery, women's suffrage) and believed that a single coalition effort would win change in all three areas. Though the coalition strategy of the WCTU was successful in other states and territories, it was not successful in Willard's home state of Wisconsin. In fact, the coalition of issues under the new WCTU agenda suffered a series of political setbacks in Wisconsin, in spite of the State's reputation as a progressive leader, at the hands of its biggest opponent, the brewing industry. This paper will show that the brewing industry had a vested interest in perpetuating the connection between alcohol and sexual slavery, and hence fought hard against the newly formed coalition.

Measure 7 and the Politics of Land-Use Planning in Oregon

Abstract In November 2001, in an election with a relatively large turnout, Oregon voters approved an initiated measure that appeared to be inconsistent with that state's reputation as a leading planning state. Measure 7 would have subjected state or local governments to a 90-day claims process (see page 5) for regulations that had the effect of reducing property values. If the regulation remained at the end of the 90 days and was found to reduce property values, the state or local government would be liable for compensation for that reduced value. The effects of the measure are unknown, and may be unknowable because, one day before the measure was to be certified as an amendment to the state constitution, a trial court issued a preliminary injunction against certification and, more recently, issued an opinion making the preliminary injunction permanent.

International Law: A Compliance Based Theory

This Article examines international from the perspective of compliance. Using insights from international relations theory, the Article adopts a theory in which compliance comes about in a model of rational, self-interested states. Specifically, states are concerned about both reputational and direct sanctions for their conduct. The model allows us to consider international in a new light. Most strikingly, one is forced to reconsider two of the most fundamental doctrinal points in the field - the definitions of customary international (CIL) and of international itself. A reputational model of compliance makes it clear that CIL affects the behavior of a state because other states believe that the first state has a commitment that it must honor. A failure to honor that commitment hurts a state's reputation because it signals that it is prepared to breach its obligations. This implies a definition that turns on the existence of an obligation in the eyes of other states rather than the conventional requirements of state practice and a sense of legal obligation felt by the breaching state. Classical definitions of international look to two primary sources of - treaties and CIL. A reputational theory, however, would label as international any commitment that materially alters state incentives. This includes agreements that fall short of the traditional definition, including what is often referred to as The Article points out that there is no way to categorize treaties and CIL as law without also including soft law. Agreements such as ministerial accords or memoranda of understanding represent commitments by a state which, if breached, will have a reputational impact. For this reason, these soft agreements should be included in the definition of international law. The Article also calls for a refocusing of international scholarship. Because international works through reputational and direct sanctions, we must recognize that these sanctions have limited force. As a result, international is more likely to have an impact on events when the stakes are relatively modest. The implication is that many of the topics that receive the most attention in international - the laws of war, territorial limits, arms agreements, and so on - are unlikely to be affected by international law. On the other hand, issues such as international economic matters, environmental issues, and so on, can more easily be affected by international law. This suggests that the international academy should focus greater attention on the latter subjects and less on the former.

State restrictions on local debt: Their role in preventing default

Default by a local government can impose a negative externality upon other localities within a state because the state's ability to enforce debt repayment depends upon the proportion of municipalities favoring repayment. Localities benefit from maintaining their state's reputation for enforcement. Hence, jurisdictions not wishing to default favor enforcement of repayment by other jurisdictions. A debt limit increases support for enforcement by reducing the proportion of municipalities preferring default. We characterize when such a limit is optimal. We also examine the role of ‘special districts’, which typically neither are subject to a debt ceiling nor fully backed by the jurisdiction.