State Sovereignty Research Articles

Indigenous Internationalism and the Art of Recognition: A Soviet Trace on a Global Stage

ABSTRACT This article explores the contributions of Soviet writers to global discourses of Indigenous rights. The author focuses on the work of three writers, Yeremei Aipin (Khanty, b. 1948), Vladimir Sangi (Nivkh, b. 1935), and Yury Vella (Nenets, 1948–2013), as they entered into transnational Indigenous movements and navigated a rapidly changing political landscape in the final years of the Soviet Union. The author argues that they engaged in a complex “art of recognition,” working across genres and modalities in order to reckon with legacies of colonialism and usher in new visions of identity and political sovereignty. This approach highlights the Soviet Union as a locus for international congresses and solidarity movements, such as the Nevada-Semipalatinsk Antinuclear Movement, the Global Forum of Spiritual and Parliamentary Leaders, and the 1990 Sacred Run for Land and Life, led by American Indian Movement cofounder Dennis Banks. Ultimately, an Indigenous-centered approach to the end of the Cold War provides a counterbalance to prevailing narratives of this era, which cast the ascendance of a Western-dominated capitalist world order as an inevitable conclusion.

Commonsense sovereignty: a practice theory of Flanders’ paradiplomacy to the European Union

ABSTRACT European regions implement up to 70% of EU legislation, yet they are generally considered ‘objects’ rather than ‘subjects’ of European governance. This article proposes an original conceptual framework derived from practice theory in IR for the analysis of regional paradiplomacy in multilateral institutions. Through a case study of the Delegation of Flanders to the EU based on interviews with Flemish and Federal members of the Belgian Permanent Representation, this research contributes to the literature on paradiplomacy by critically examining the commonsense acceptance that sovereign authority can be delegated to substate actors while the unity of sovereign political representation must remain unchallenged. The analysis therefore shows that regional strategies of engagement with the EU are not only determined by formal institutions but are also shaped by taken for granted understandings of sovereignty which set the standards of competent diplomatic practice and inclusion for substate representatives.

Vietnam's sovereignty over the South China Sea from the perspective of international law

ABSTRACT The principle of sovereignty, ie of supreme authority within a territory, is a pivotal principle of modern international law. Although the role of modern international law in establishing the sovereignty of states has changed many times, it must still be affirmed that international law sources are an important international legal basis for states to determine their sovereignty, including national sovereignty over the seas. The South China Sea (‘SCS') (Bien Dong or, East Sea in Vietnamese) has long been regarded as a major source of tension and instability in Pacific Asia. The purpose of this article is to discuss the views and positions of Vietnam on sovereignty over the two islands of Paracels (Hoang Sa in Vietnamese/Xisha in Chinese), Spratlys (Truong Sa in Vietnamese/Nansha in Chinese) and maritime zones in the South China Sea on the basis of international law and practice.

China at COP27: CBDR, national sovereignty, and climate justice

ABSTRACT Based on event ethnography conducted at the UNFCCC COP27 in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt, this article examines the contradictory ways in which China, as a key actor in global climate negotiations, has shaped climate (in)justice, as well as how the spatiality of the COP reinforces inequity. Despite the important role China has played in promoting equity for developing countries through advocating for the principles of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR) and of national sovereignty throughout the UNFCCC process, China’s discursive deployment of both principles in negotiations exacerbates existing injustices between countries and at scales below the nation-state. Both principles were useful in achieving unity to successfully press for the establishment of the Loss and Damage fund. Nevertheless, the ways in which they are deployed also compromise the interests of marginalized peoples, especially those residing in countries that belong to the Least Developed Countries and Small Island Developing States. This is particularly the case when principles of CBDR and national sovereignty are combined with procedural arguments and apparently technical discussions. These limited the scales and manifestations of injustice that could be addressed through the UNFCCC process.

Global Value Chains, Labor Rights, and the Nature of Transnational Law

Abstract This Article develops a framework to analyze the laws that bear on working conditions in global value chains (GVCs), a production structure based on hierarchical international firm networks. In so doing, it contributes to broader debates about how to conceptualize law under contemporary “globalization.” The Article argues against the widespread view that GVCs—and today’s globalized legal order—are fundamentally different from a prior regime of Westphalian state sovereignty. Instead of this vision of globalization as rupture with the past, the Article proposes a “monist” perspective according to which the state has always been embedded in a single body of conflicting and contested transnational legal rules. In this view, sovereign power was never something of which all states could have more or less. Rather, sovereignty is a bundle of rights that can only ever be distributed to specific states vis-à-vis one another and private actors like labor unions and corporations. The Article emphasizes the analytical benefits of this conceptualization of transnational law for policy projects like those of improving working conditions in GVCs and empowering workers globally.

Autonomy as a form of state sovereignty of the Ukrainian Cossack State (late XVII-XVIII centuries)

The study of Ukrainian statehood’s history is important for understanding the continuity of state formation in Ukraine and supporting the nation-state revival. It is crucial to examine Cossack statehood in the mid-17th century, specifically its foreign policy and international situation. The purpose of this article is to study the main directions of activity of the hetman administration of the Ukrainian Cossack state in the XVII-XVIII centuries, focusing on protecting the sovereignty of the Ukrainian government in domestic and foreign policy. The article’s methodological basis is rooted in general scientific principles and methods of cognition. These principles aim to provide an objective and comprehensive understanding of facts, events, and phenomena. The research follows the principles of historicism and objectivism, which prioritize factual material and avoid bias. General and specific historical methods of scientific research were employed in investigating the topic. These methods included: analysis and synthesis when examining sources and literature, periodization for organizing the research, problem-historical approach for presenting historical material, and comparative-historical analysis for comparing similar indicators and facts within the same historical context. Result: The elite’s perception of itself as a subject of socio-political life led to the creation of contractual orientations and the demand for mutual obligations to be recognized. This was evident in the requirements of the monarch’s oath to fulfill the contract. The Ukrainian political elite justified their intentions and actions towards protectorates based on the principle of contract, showing their willingness to fulfill contractual obligations on an equal footing. Conclusions: The legal subjectivity of the Ukrainian political elite has been reduced to post-sovereign autonomism due to increasing foreign policy imperial pressure. The typological characteristics of this are the following: 1) recognition of the supreme power of the protector-monarch; 2) refusal to regulate social relations by the laws of the protector’s country; 3) categorical denial of the right of the political elite of the monarch-protector’s country to perform any managerial functions within the political system of the Hetmanship.

Стратегическое значение инновационных кластеров Москвы в развитии прогрессивной транспортной инфраструктуры мегаполиса

The pace of metropolitan life is growing higher and higher. To keep up with it, Moscow residents have to abandon cars and public transport in favor of personal mobility devices, e.g., electric scooters. As a result, the state authorities are developing a unified strategy for urban public transport that would include personal mobility devices and their rent. An effective strategy should integrate all innovative public transport vehicles into a single urban transport system. Technopolis is a special economic zone of innovation clusters in Moscow that offers conditions for design and production of innovative electric individual mobility devices. New-generation vehicles that meet the needs of metropolitan residents will become a key strategic vector in the development of Moscow’s transport system. The key strategic goals are to improve the quality of urban life and to ensure the national technological sovereignty. Modernization and consistent implementation of production facilities can stimulate innovative technologies in the transport sector and its progressive transformation nationwide. Moscow’s innovation clusters produce innovative technologies, test them, and spread the most effective innovations onto all regions.

Intent to Harm: Settler Colonial Outposts in Psychoanalysis

This autoethnographic article unpacks a highly publicized, Zionist, and right-wing smear campaign. Rather than individualize this process, the article discusses this smear campaign to outline the mechanics of what are referred to as “settler colonial outposts” that extend the sovereignty of the Israeli settler state. The article maps out how settler colonial outposts are ideological formations and thus also spaces of convergence for fascists and liberal Zionists. Finally, it attends to the psychic and affective features of settler colonial outposts.

Менеджмент «удобного флага» при формировании флота РФ

The management of fleets, especially as part of the state-private interaction, is a complex endeavor influenced by economic, political, and strategic factors. This article delves into the concept of the “convenience flag” as a mechanism for optimizing fleet management, exploring its implications within the evolving landscape of mari-time industries. It analyzes optimization mechanisms for fleet management through the utilization of “conven-ience flags” and offshore zones. The current optimization mechanisms are scrutinized against the backdrop of modern transformations in strategic economic sectors, particularly shipbuilding and maritime transport fleet development. Approaches to financing and balancing state-private interests amid heightened international re-lations are examined in greater detail. Through identifying causal relationships between elements of optimiza-tion mechanisms, particularly in financial operations, asset transactions, and the increased risk of fleet vessel loss, the necessity of upholding state interests in these processes is substantiated. Principles of organizational measures to prevent vessel loss and, consequently, the entities operating under “convenience flags” and off-shore zone jurisdictions, are proposed. In conclusion, the management of fleets through “convenience flags” represents a complex interplay of economic, political, and regulatory considerations. While offering potential benefits in terms of cost efficiency and operational flexibility, it also poses inherent risks to state sovereignty and maritime security. Moving forward, a balanced approach that prioritizes transparency, accountability, and stakeholder engagement is essential to ensure the sustainable and responsible management of fleets in the Russian Federation and beyond.

Secrecy games, power, and resistance in global politics

Abstract In contrast to a view of secrecy as a tool of statecraft, where the game of ‘covering/uncovering’ dominates as the central way of interpreting secrecy’s power, we set out ‘secrecy games’ as an approach for understanding secrecy’s power and influence. To do so, we offer a set of three games to illustrate the more varied ways that secrecy operates and draw attention to the ways in which non-state actors use secrecy and shape its effects. In particular, we offer an analysis of: (1) the secrecy games of tunnelling in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and the role of mobility as part of secrecy; (2) the secrecy game of camouflage and how stowaways blend in to facilitate access to global shipping routes; and (3) the secrecy game of maze-running and maze-making within urban warfare. Drawing these together, we show how secrecy involves a wider set of actors, practices, and associated knowledge-(un)making strategies than currently understood within International Relations. In turn, this expanded understanding of secrecy helps to make sense of the more complex ways in which secrecy is presented, used, resisted, and transformed – including and especially as a force that limits sovereign power – and, therefore, as central to what shapes global politics.

The Concerns of Nation-State Sovereignty and International Commercial Law: A Path to Harmonisation

The current body of literature on international business and commercial laws demonstrates the inherent conflict between the legal system and the sovereignty of nation-states. The phenomenon of globalization has amplified the influence of non-state actors, regional organizations, and free trade agreements, resulting in a significant demand for international arbitration. The incorporation of international commercial laws into the current standard is increasingly prevalent, as nation-states discover the benefits of adhering to such laws. Conversely, the concept of national sovereignty, which exerted significant influence in recent years, appears to be facing substantial challenges due to the emerging trends in an increasingly interconnected globalized world. Nevertheless, the nation-state and its sovereignty maintain a significant impact on the dynamics of power and trade between different nation-states. This study undertakes an examination of the substantial discord between principles of international commercial law and the sovereignty attributed to nation-states, with specific attention directed towards the prospects of achieving harmonization. Moreover, it delves into the intricacies and challenges inherent in the pursuit of harmonization within this specific domain.

The state of physical readiness of the students of higher education institutions to the defense of Ukraine

The article reveals the theoretical issues of patriotic upbringing and physical readiness of students of educational institutions to defend the state. It was revealed that modern realities led to intensify the search for an effective content of the educational process in physical education, the introduction of physical culture, health and applied technologies to increase the level of physical fitness and mastery of military-applied physical skills and abilities by students of higher education institutions. The purpose of the article is to study the state of physical preparedness of students of higher education institutions to protect the national sovereignty and integrity of Ukraine. Physical readiness refers to the student's physical condition which allows him to perform physical exercises and overcome obstacles that may be encountered in accordance with the requirements of the military task. Departments of physical education should ensure the proper physical readiness of students for life and military service in higher education institutions. Currently, the level of physical preparedness of students of higher education institutions does not meet the requirements for conscripts in the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Studies have confirmed that only 7.0% of first-year students have a high level of physical preparedness, these are as a rule athletes who have a high qualification or those who systematically do physical exercises, visit gyms or physical culture and health centers. 24.0% of students are classified as average, 37.2% as low and 31.8% as poor respectively. It can be assumed that 69.0% of the first-year students who have just entered the university are not ready to defend the Motherland in terms of physical preparedness. The system of physical education in higher education institutions of Ukraine needs a fundamental restructuring and restoration.

The principle of non-refoulement: the legitimacy of refugee policies in Western countries

In recent years, affected by the influx of refugees, some Western countries have suffered blows in the security, economic, and other fields and are faced with the dilemma of safeguarding national interests and fulfilling the principle of non-refoulement under international law. Western countries are broadly adopting the following three policies to restrict and control the entry of refugees into their territories: the policy of extraterritorial refoulement, the policy of interception at sea, and the policy of safe third countries. They are adopting several flexible measures to circumvent the application of the principle of non-refoulement, believing that they are not violating the principle of non-refoulement. However, the United Nations and human rights organizations are still skeptical of the abovementioned policies. This thesis will mainly discuss the legality of these behaviors and make some suggestions based on the full understanding and respect of national sovereignty and territorial integrity, which can deal with the refugee problem more humanely and provide feasible ideas for solving the refugee problem.

Some Issues on the State Sovereignty of the Kyrgyz Republic and the Specifics of this Term

Some Issues on the State Sovereignty of the Kyrgyz Republic and the Specifics of this Term

Monumental Walls, Sovereign Power and Value(s) in Pharaonic Egypt

Large walling projects are among the most visible features in the archaeological record. However, enclosure walls remain relatively under-theorized relative to other monumental buildings. In an attempt to move beyond simple explanations that analyse walls solely as defensive features or symbols, I link monumental walls to notions of sovereign power and action-oriented theories of value(s). Using examples from Pharaonic Egypt, I argue that monumental enclosure walls were attempts to define and realize particular social totalities, whether these were a temple complex, a royal tomb or an urban centre. If all efforts at border-making are also an exercise in power, walls have the potential to illuminate some of the goals and values of those ordering their construction. By analysing changes and continuities related to which structures required the protection of a monumental enclosure wall over time, it is possible to shed light on the fluid priorities of the most important political actors in Pharaonic society. Yet the very presence of a wall implies potential dissent and alternative practices—otherwise a wall's construction would not have been necessary.

Basotho and the Bantustans: Long-Term Impacts of Historical Borders on Borderlands Communities in QwaQwa and Lesotho

ABSTRACT Drawing on archival work conducted in South Africa, the UK and Lesotho, and on oral histories collected in 2021–2023, this article historicises the experiences of Basotho living along the Lesotho–South Africa border. It focuses primarily on the part of eastern Free State designated during the apartheid era as the Basotho ‘Homeland’ of QwaQwa and the adjacent Lesotho district of Butha Buthe. Rugged and mountainous, official border markings and crossings are few, but border crossing has been a feature of this region as long as borders have existed. Governments on both sides have long resisted rationalising these crossings, instead showing remarkable continuity over almost 150 years of securitising the border and relying on the rhetoric and logics of nationality to police the crossing of these borders by local residents. Governments have resisted working with local communities, approaching them only when their testimonials might enhance the geopolitical position of the national governments. While today most borderlands residents claim Basotho ethnicity, the realities of the border have strained long-standing ties across the border in the name of national sovereignty and governments have weaponised nationality to claim the loyalty of borderlands residents without reciprocating the relationship by facilitating easier border crossings.

Beyond populism and into the state: The political economy of national-conservatism

This article argues that the crises of neoliberal globalisation since the 2000s have given rise to a new transnational political family that we call ‘national-conservatism’. Through a critical examination of the literature on the Global Right and the role of the state under globalisation, we contend that national-conservatism acts as an innovative model for acquiring and exerting power from the right today, characterised by an endorsement of the state’s economic role, an emphasis on traditional values and hierarchies such as religion, and a proactive, occasionally confrontational stance in foreign policy. Consequently, the paradigm of national-conservatism prompts the division of transnational neoliberalism into discrete national domains. These domains function as havens where the neoliberal elite is shielded both from foreign competitive pressures and radical demands of respective national societies. Crucially, national-conservatism garners legitimacy for this new order through its commitment to revitalising traditional, hierarchical models of national sovereignty.

Modern Monetary Theory and Energy Conservation: An Institutionalist Approach to Fiscal Policy and Energy Conservation

Abstract: This paper will set out to develop a policy proposal that is couched in the Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) framework of fiscal policy analysis. MMT teaches us that a sovereign government that issues a free-floating currency is not bound by the tenets of what can be termed “sound finance.” Sound finance suggests that all government spending is preceded by the taxing or borrowing of the currency being spent. According to MMT, since the currency is issued by the sovereign nation during the process of spending, then this spending must take place before any taxing or borrowing is done. A federal deficit is not something to be eliminated but is the normal situation, with inflation being the only real measure of spending exceeding economic capacity. Sovereign governments are currency issuers, and the money has value if the government is willing to accept it in payment to itself. This creates policy space for spending programs that are socially and ecologically beneficial. Similarly on the tax side, there is policy space to structure the tax system in a politically determined way. The tax system is one way in which the citizens of a nation engage economically with the government. The tax obligation serves as a value anchor for the fiat currency. The tax system can be designed to incentivize behavior in line with a more ecologically sustainable future. This paper will suggest that by taxing living space in a progressive manner, multiple social and economic goals can be accomplished as the economy is transitioning toward a more environmentally sustainable future.

State Sovereignty and the Protection of Human Rights. How Military Humanitarian Intervention is Supported by Citizens Around the World

According to international law, the sovereignty of nation-states and the rights of individuals constitute two equally important principles. However, in instances when a state massively violates human rights, then priority is given to the protection of individuals over the self-determination of the state, thereby justifying humanitarian military intervention. This paper presents findings from a survey across 26 countries, analyzing citizen support for such intervention. We find that the majority of respondents supports military intervention to protect human rights. To explain the differences in support, we draw on world society theory and modernization theory. At first sight, world society theory offers a better framework for understanding citizens' attitudes towards military intervention. However, charcateristics derived from modernization theory are affected by a “suppression effect:” individuals living in more modernized countries and holding postmaterialist values endorse enforcing human rights but concurrently reject the use of military force.

In Search of Durable Solutions for Refugees in Indonesia: A State Security and Human Rights Protection Approach

The Indonesian government is experiencing difficulties in dealing with the refugee problem. This is because the number of refugees in the waiting period is increasing and the destination country limits the acceptance quota. Currently, the refugee problem in Indonesia is regulated in Presidential Regulation No. 125/2016. However, its implementation has not been optimal, as it is hampered by coordination and legal compliance factors. The implementation of the Presidential Regulation creates inconsistencies in legal norms with other regulations. Then, some local governments have begun to reject the presence of refugees. They are not willing to prepare shelters for refugees, because it burdens the budget. Currently, the government does not have a long-term solution that can be used to solve the refugee problem in Indonesia. This paper will discuss Indonesia’s role in solving the refugee problem by formulating strategic policies from a humanitarian perspective. This article uses socio-legal research with a qualitative approach. Although not a state party to the 1951 Convention, Indonesia has adopted various international laws that protect the human rights of refugees. However, its legal legitimacy is still disputed from the perspective of state security and sovereignty. Indonesia continues to be encouraged to ratify the convention to strengthen the promotion and defense of refugee rights. In fact, ratification can be a quick way to bridge the gap between international and domestic legal frameworks in addressing refugee issues in Indonesia. However, the government cannot wait to resolve this issue until the convention is ratified. There are several long-term solutions that can be practiced to address the refugee issue, including: pushing for human rights instruments to implement the basic rights of refugees; re-establishing the refugee issue as part of the National Human Rights Action Plan; revising Presidential Regulation No. 125/2016; and formulating a new policy with Indonesia, UNHCR, and giving greater authority to IOM to empower refugees while they wait to enter the destination country.