State-centric Approach Research Articles

(Un) Learning and Re (Learning) Counterterrorism in Kenya: A Pilgrimage Towards Indigeneity

Abstract To a great extent, Kenya’s counterterrorism approach is criticised for being a copycat of the Western state-centric approach. This raises questions on whether the country’s approach is indeed based on African heritage or embedded in Eurocentric dispositions. Despite being framed largely by discourses of Islamophobia Kenya’s counterterrorism approach is also a product of the dominant universalistic knowledge that is not entirely suitable for the country’s counterterrorism situation. Debates have emerged on whether this scenario is attributed to the failure to place terrorism in the wider historical context or whether coloniality and Western modernity are contributing to this threat. To address these issues, this paper employs the Afrocentric decolonial approach anchored on the Ubuntu philosophy to investigate what a decolonised counterterrorism approach that reflects indigenous perspectives should entail in Kenya. Consequently, this paper attempts to shed light on history through the eyes of the subaltern by deconstructing some of the mainstream assumptions that have dominated Kenya’s counterterrorism discourse. Consequently, this paper aims to provide the platform for epistemic reconstitution by debunking the myth that Indigenous Knowledge about counterterrorism is insubstantial.

The role of sub-national actors in coordinative Europeanisation: insights from the digitalisation of asylum services

AbstractCoordinative Europeanisation is a powerful frame to explain the rapid response of EU institutions in times of permanent emergency. So far, though, little is known about sub-national actors’ role in this process. Moving away from a state-centric approach, this article investigates the role of sub-national actors through the case study of the digital provision of services to asylum seekers. Given the field’s high salience and state-centric nature, this article elucidates the critical role of European sub-national actors, particularly at the municipality level, to accelerate the digital provision of services to refugees. Comparing 3 European cities (Paris, Palermo and Malaga), we argue that sub-national actors can play a role in coordinative Europeanisation and that 2 main mechanisms may enable it. In the cases observed, discursive coordination around humanitarian duty facilitated the emergence of similar digital solutions across countries. Subsequently, horizontal and vertical networking was used by sub-national actors to legitimise their actions and enhance their anchoring in processes of coordinative Europeanisation.

Armed Conflict-induced Displacement and Human Trafficking in the Sahel: Organised crime, vulnerabilities, and the accountability of non-state armed groups

Although organised criminal networks and non-state armed groups (NSAGs) have historically exploited conflict situations to commit various crimes, the extent of human trafficking by these entities in the Sahel has barely been interrogated in academic literature. In principle, while states have an obligation to criminalise trafficking in persons, problems arise where the state has lost parts of its territory to NSAGs or is facing ongoing conflicts with such groups. Boko Haram, for instance, controlled a large swath of territory in Northeast Nigeria from 2009 to 2015, with evidence of human trafficking. Therefore, this paper examines two specific aspects of human trafficking in the Sahel conflicts: trafficking by organised criminals and trafficking by NSAGs, especially terrorist organisations. It argues that while domestic laws may be useful in combating trafficking linked to organised criminal networks, the traditional state-centric approach to human rights protection makes human trafficking governance more complicated where NSAGs are involved, especially where they exercise territorial control. The paper unpacks these complexities and highlights the deficits in existing international law treaties. It argues that customary international law could provide a solution to the anti-trafficking governance challenge in the Sahel and makes a case for the adoption of an anti-trafficking Deed of Commitment within the Geneva Call mechanism.

Understanding Agrarian Reform in Colombia: The Story from a Field Visit during the International Land Grabbing Conference 2024

During the International Land Grabbing Conference 2024 in Colombia, the authors had the opportunity to visit two sites of agrarian reform struggle in the Department of Cundinamarca, where efforts to curb land grabbing are being implemented: the San Joaquín Farm in the municipality of Puerto Salgar, and the Zona Reservo Campesino in the municipality of Venecia. Given the long-standing history of agrarian issues in Colombia and the hopeful political will of the current Colombian president, it is intriguing to discuss the authors' findings from this field visit to understand the achievements in the implementation of agrarian reform in Colombia, as well as the challenges faced in resolving agrarian issues confronted by farmers and rural communities. Based on observations, it is evident that the success of agrarian reform implementation relies on the political will of the government and efforts to involve farmer organizations, as well as addressing policy barriers. A state-centered approach, with the involvement of social actors such as farmer organizations and NGOs, can overcome structural and institutional obstacles. Furthermore, sustainable livelihoods for farmers must be prioritized, considering the cultural and historical context of the farmers and the need for balanced resource management with a subjective approach to agricultural organization, which can facilitate farmer regeneration and the success of agrarian reform in Colombia.

A tale of two Southeast Asian states: media governance and authoritarian regimes in Singapore and Vietnam

Political scientists have crafted intricate taxonomies to classify nations beyond liberal democracy, positioning these societies along an authoritarian continuum. Despite the pivotal role of journalists in accelerating political dynamics, there exists a lack of comparative research on media governance in these regimes. Consequently, this study scrutinizes the media governance ecosystems in Vietnam and Singapore. Vietnam is a one-party authoritarian state, whereas Singapore represents a hybrid political system. However, both countries exhibit a stable and uninterrupted rule by the respective ruling party. Our research uncovers the nuances of Singapore’s media regulation, which embeds trusted stakeholders with financial interests in key press roles to reinforce the implicit political norms. Conversely, Vietnam employs a more direct, coercive, and state-centric approach. Media actors in both nations occasionally test the boundaries of acceptable discourses, with each government’s responses being shaped by specific contexts and broader history. Reforms in Vietnam, embracing privatization and commercialization, mirror Singapore’s integration of capitalism, public ownership, and commercial interests when governing media. These findings highlight diverse yet effective authoritarian media governance strategies, unique features, and commonalities in both systems. Overall, media structures in these Southeast Asian countries have undergone profound evolutions towards more sophisticated regulatory tools to manage societal and political transformations.

Constitutions as Mediums of Collective Identities

Constitutions as Mediums of Collective Identities

A Dual State in Turkey?

In research on authoritarianism in Turkey and beyond, there is a growing interest in Ernst Fraenkel’s concept of the dual state from the Nazi era. However, upon closer inspection, these articles lack a systematic application and implementation of Fraenkel’s concept. Mostly, there is no discussion of the strengths and weaknesses of such a ‘diachronic’ conceptual transfer. This case study therefore puts particular emphasis on the methodological issues and on the possibilities and limitations of an ‘updated’ application. As a result, it turns out that Fraenkel’s categories are useful tools to trace how the Turkish administration and judiciary are reorganized along a logic of prerogative power. Fraenkel’s state-centred approach can thus contribute to close a gap left by alternative approaches. However, among the weaknesses even of Dreier and Meierhenrich’s supplement is that the time dimension was, respectively is, not sufficiently taken into account. Dual state structures can be more sustainable than originally assumed by Fraenkel.

Shia paramilitary groups as an instrument of Iranian influence in Iraq

Characteristic features of the pro-Iranian Shiite armed groups, which act as influential non-state actors (NGA) in the main spheres of activity of the Iraqi state, are studied. Methodological developments obtained as a result of research on the NGA problem are used. V.V. Naumkin and V.A. Kuznetsov note the existence of a stable academic tradition of a state-centered approach to the problem of their typologization. This approach is based on the fact that an NGA defines and builds its actions, focusing to one degree or another on the state. Such formations have a political wing and a bureaucratic apparatus for participating in the life of the state not only as alternative to the army and police law enforcement agencies. They also play the role of parliamentary forces and economic actors, including those active in the shadow sector of the economy. Created at one time with the active participation of the Iranian special services, Shiite paramilitary groups have become an effective instrument of Iran’s influence in the country. The strengthening of their influence on the government of Iraq is noted. It is manifested in the transition from opposition to the pro-American Prime Minister M. al-Kazimi (2020–2022) to a kind of «symphony» of harmony and cooperation under his pro-Iranian successor M. al-Sudani. This factor affects not only the domestic political situation, but also the regional balance of power in the Middle East.

An Emergent Community of Cyber Sovereignty: The Reproduction of Boundaries?

Abstract This research probes the boundary-work of Communities of Practice (CoP) by examining China’s active efforts in advancing a state-centric approach in managing cyberspace in the international arena. Boundaries separating the Global North and South are reproduced in the expansion of what I call the “community of cyber sovereignty.” This phenomenon points to the CoP literature’s omission of the proactive aspects of boundary-work undertaken by core members and its surrounding and confounding historical contexts. I argue that boundary reproduction arises from both deliberate and unreflective moves in cultivating CoP. First, emerging from reflexivity in interacting with the external environment, practitioners in CoPs that are vigorously contested will likely replicate historically successful boundary drawing to acquire or maintain credibility. Second, CoP members engage in the habitual selection of strategies, anchoring the community toward sustaining relationships with actors that its members traditionally associate with. These proactive boundary-work dynamics are enabled by inclusive and exclusive mechanisms such as “brokering” varied practices to include potential members and “gatekeeping” others. My analysis suggests that scholarship must attend to actors’ proactive efforts to establish communities preferentially as well as their linkages with prevailing social structures.

ТРАКТОВКИ СУЩНОСТИ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО РЕЖИМА В ЮРИДИЧЕСКИХ ИССЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬСКИХ ПРАКТИКАХ СОВРЕМЕННОЙ РОССИИ

The concept of “political regime” is currently highly politicized and is actively employed in the context of the formation of a new world order and the search for grounds for consolidation and confrontation in world politics. The article aims to identify the main interpretations of the category “political regime” content in modern Russia. The author undertook a study of interpretations in jurisprudence for a number of reasons. The field of political science and sociology can be traced back to the study of political regimes conducted by lawyers prior to the advent of these disciplines. In the present era, representatives of this science are actively analyzing both the concept itself and the evolution of its interpretations. The author’s analysis of the interpretations of the essence of the political regime in modern Russia leads to the conclusion that there are two main directions in the research practices of legal scholars. The first is a state-centric approach, and the second is a political-centric approach. The paper considers these directions in the context of the development of socio-humanitarian knowledge. It also considers the expansion of heuristic potential with the development of new methodological approaches by jurisprudence. The author has identified a variety of interpretations in each of the directions. In the state-centric approach, the political regime is understood as a form of government or a form of state, as a means of exercising state power, and as one of the elements of the form of government/state. The development of the methodology of jurisprudence has led to the emergence of new categories of political regime. These categories include state regime, state-legal, and political-legal. Within the framework of the politico-centric approach, the political regime is regarded from two points of view: 1) a set of methods (techniques and methods) and forms of exercising state power, activities of elements of the political system; 2) the mechanism of realizing political power. The weakness of interdisciplinary links and the absence of a clear hierarchy of categorical apparatus in the socio-humanitarian knowledge of modern Russia are noted.

A State-Centered Approach to Digital Equity

A State-Centered Approach to Digital Equity

China's Technical Standardization Power—a Challenge for NATO?

Technical standardization has turned into a central subject of geopolitical contestation. At first glance, this might be surprising as technical standards follow an inclusive logic of action and are legally non-binding. However, China has adopted a state-centric approach to standardization that stands in sharp contrast to the private actor driving practice in the West. This allows China to link its standardization efforts not least to its security interests. In fact, standards are not only relevant to ensure the convergence of defense technology. Standards can also unfold security relevance if they create lock-in dependencies and prevent or enable the globalization of backdoors. NATO could react to China's growing standardization power by establishing an information exchange platform, avoid excessive politicization of standard-setting and make sure not to overestimate the risks.

The difference multiplicity makes: The American Civil War as passive revolution

Abstract This article examines and further develops the relationship between the theory of uneven and combined development (UCD), recently taken up by International Relations (IR) scholars to furnish a social theory of ‘the international’, and the Gramscian concept of ‘passive revolution’, which refers to a molecular process of top-down revolution and state formation that preserves ruling-class power by transforming its social base. To this end, the paper: (1) advances a productive distinction between ‘societal’ and ‘(geo)political’ multiplicity, increasing the transdisciplinary potential of UCD and challenging dominant state-centric approaches to IR; (2) demonstrates that UCD is central to creating the conditions for passive revolution; and, (3) argues that UCD illuminates the distinct spatial dimensions of passive revolution, for which the succession of ‘classes’ in time requires the expansion of capitalist social relations in space. To illustrate these claims, the article demonstrates how the American Civil War is best understood as an inter-societal conflict, exacerbated by the coexistence of two social formations within a single state, leading to war. It then shows how, upon victory, the North’s abolition of enslaved labour and the subsequent attempt to re-subsume the South within a single sovereign polity constituted a radical instance of passive revolution.

Broadening the concept of interregionalism: beyond state-centrism and Eurocentrism

An increasingly relevant layer of South–South cooperation (SSC) is the proliferation of interactions between regional organisations, in addition to bilateral cooperation. However, studies on interregionalism often exhibit a Eurocentric bias and a state-centric approach, as they frequently overlook non-state actors in their analyses. This article seeks to expand the conceptualisation of interregionalism into a global phenomenon that is interlinked with regionalism in a reciprocal manner, and that is driven by the mutual impact between different stratifications of interregionalism, involving state as well as non-state actors. Using empirical examples from Latin America, Africa, the Arab World and Europe, the article finds that formal cooperation between regional organisations has a more substantial impact on regionalism, particularly in asymmetric settings. Meanwhile, the emergence of interregional civil society cooperation remains closely tied to the existence of state-driven interregionalism whether as a sponsor or a common adversary.

Big business as vanguard: social welfare expansion in China

Why would an emerging market economy without Western democratic institutions provide and promote social welfare to its citizens? This paper explores the driving forces behind the rapid yet unequal expansion of social welfare in China, a phenomenon notable since the late 1990s. Rather than adhering to the conventional state-centered approach that views welfare expansion as a strategy for one-party regimes to seek legitimacy, this study offers an alternate perspective that emphasizes the ‘demand’ side, particularly the role of business. Through a systematic analysis of all 336 Chinese municipalities from 2001 to 2012, the study demonstrates how big businesses act as ‘vanguard,’ pushing local governments to enhance social welfare provision. It suggests that big businesses, in the absence of institutionalized democratic institutions, serve as ‘functional equivalents,’ channeling societal demands to the government. This paper also finds that firms’ influence on social policy in non-democracies is more capability based instead of institutional based; large domestic and multinational corporations are more capable in lobbying the government.

범죄피해자의 형사절차 참여 강화 방안

Despite ongoing discussions regarding the guarantee of victims' participation rights in criminal proceedings, the legal status of victims remains inadequate. Meaningful discussions on strengthening victims' participation in criminal proceedings can only take place when shifting away from a state-centric approach to a victim-centered approach. Victims can demand prevention of harm to their lives or bodies by participating in criminal proceedings, and they can also assert their right to seek recovery for the harm they have suffered as a result of the crime.
 However, the current system is far from victim-centered and fails to be victim-friendly. Victims are being treated as unwelcome guests by investigative agencies, and concerns regarding harm to victims are not properly taken into account in the criminal proceedings. The victim attorney system, which can make significant contributions to the exercise of participation rights, remains inadequate. Furthermore, victims are unable to provide proper statements in criminal proceedings, and they are not adequately guaranteed their right to information about their own cases.
 To address these issues, measures such as operating investigative procedures that consider the rights of victims and the perspective of recovery, prioritizing the protection of victims' right to life, expanding the victim attorney system, granting victims a quasi-party status in criminal trials, and ensuring proper guarantees of the right to information are necessary.

A Comparative Analysis of Collaborative Natural Resource Governance in Two Protected Areas in Zambia

In Zambia, early models of natural resource governance were based on state-centric approaches to conservation and later, to some degree, based on Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) models. Both of the models delivered poorly in terms of improved biodiversity management, enhanced rural livelihoods, and rights-based benefits. A lack of productive dialogue, involvement, and participation of local communities in natural resource governance resulted in considerable conflicts between protected area managers and local communities, with substantial local political and socio-economic costs. Through a mixed-methods approach using a questionnaire, focus group discussions, and key informant interviews, the Environmental Governance Systems (EGS) framework was applied to compare how interactions among political, economic, and civil society actors influence resource use and the state of resources in the state-led Kaingu chiefdom and the community-managed Kaindu Community Conservancy. Results show limited communication, cooperation, and coordination among the actors in both cases. Conflicting interests over the use of land, wildlife, forests, and fisheries among actors have led to strained relationships, limited interactions, and many negative outcomes in both cases. Both protected areas exhibit a top-down structure of natural resources governance with limited community participation, conflictual relationships among actors, corruption, lack of transparency, and low accountability. The CBNRM structures and processes need to be changed legislatively to improve local ownership and a sense of responsibility and legitimacy by restructuring the constitutions of CBNRM organizations and developing their human resource, financial, and logistical capacities. The study proposes a proactive transformative model for mitigating negative impacts on the state of resources and resource use.

Militarisation and State Capacity in Zimbabwe: The Limits of the Human Security Paradigm

ABSTRACT This article uses the case of Zimbabwe to explore the interface between militarisation and state capacity, and through that critique the emancipatory potential of the human security concept. It argues that militarisation undermines state capacity to provide emancipatory security as envisioned in the human security concept. A militarised state is severely incapacitated and challenged to deliver emancipatory security because it lacks the functional capacity and legitimacy of a state that is capable of safeguarding the security of the individual. The Zimbabwean case shows how the nature of the struggle for the country's independence conditioned the political elite's siege mentality and concomitant predisposition to use militarisation to safeguard their interests while ignoring those of the broader citizenry. By underscoring the adverse effects of militarisation on state capacity and legitimacy, the Zimbabwean case reinforces critiques of the state-centric approach of the human security concept, which severely constraints the latter's emancipatory potential.

Sovereignty as an environmental practice: the problem of territoriality and anthropocentrism

The article is a theoretical study of state sovereignty. By looking at the concept in a different way from traditional methods, it tries to discern whether sovereignty is necessarily antithetical to a sustainable world. Emphasis is put on its territoriality and anthropocentrism – both of which make it into a major obstacle when tackling global and transnational environmental problems. State sovereignty is analyzed as an environmental practice of the state, which allows for the control of resources to be used by capital. The analysis is conducted using theoretical and conceptual critique as the main method. It is based on various sources ranging from critical geopolitics and critical geography to political science and political ecology, including the concept of Capitalocene. As long as sovereignty remains utilized by the state in service to capital, it will be used to cement its ability to control space and extract resources. However, a different kind of sovereignty is imaginable and therefore the institution itself is neither friend nor enemy to environmental politics. This new understanding of sovereignty opens up new avenues for theoretical research in political ecology and International Relations, bridging the gap between traditional state-centric approaches and the transboundary nature of ecological problems.

The Three Movements in the Management of Lands and Natural Resources in Ghana: From the Crown Lands Bill of 1897 to the Land Act of 2020

This paper examines the three movements that characterize the ownership and management of lands and natural resources in Ghana since the start of British colonial rule. First, we explore the different stratagems employed by the colonial State in its attempt to introduce the failed Crown Lands Bill that sought to give it control over the locals' lands. Next, we turn the spotlight on the state-centric approach to ownership of lands and natural resources adopted by the post-independent State, particularizing the reasons for the new approach. Finally, we discuss the defining features of the current movement, whose seeds were sown at the close of the second movement but only germinated properly in 1992 with the birth of the Fourth Republic. The paper argues that an appreciation of the different shades that undergird these movements is a crucial step towards understanding the current land tenure system and creating the future we hope for as far as the ownership and management of lands and natural resources in Ghana are concerned.