State Actors Research Articles

Reconceptualizing Administrative Burden Around Onerous Experiences

ABSTRACT Despite ongoing discussions on the need to improve the conceptualization and measurement of administrative burden, several conceptual problems remain. This study offers the first systematic analysis and evaluation of this increasingly central public management concept. Using an ontological-semantic approach, I show that the current conceptualization fails to fully and directly account for individuals’ onerous experiences. I address five interrelated issues, including the overlap of cost categories and the conflation of state actions with onerous experiences. While psychological costs should be retained, I argue for abandoning the other cost categories. Building on previous reconceptualization efforts, I propose a new framework focused on time, money, effort, and psychological costs. Additionally, I explore the structure of the concept and propose specific indicators for each dimension. I then discuss the independence of these dimensions, their capacity to reflect the distributive nature of burdens, and avenues for empirical validation.

Hybrid security in Nigeria–Benin borderlands: Formal and informal security actors’ collaboration and implication for cross-border security (2010–2023)

ABSTRACT In the borderland of Nigeria and the Republic of Benin there are both formal and informal security actors operating to curb trans-border crimes that extant literature is yet to adequately consider. Most empirical studies on the relations between security actors have largely focused on the nature of relations between formal security agencies and the implications of their relations for border security governance. This study fills the gap in the knowledge by investigating the nature of relations between formal and informal security actors. Utilising mixed-method research design and drawing on primary and secondary sources of data, the study contends that non-states security actors of different nomenclature such as Kelebe, Smugglers Association, Night Guards and Aja Custom, Social Safety Orientation Corps (So Safe Corps) exist in the borderland areas of Seme and Idi Iroko between Nigeria and the Republic of Benin. It is also argued that functional, dynamic and interest-based cordial relations between state and non-state security actors significantly contribute to curbing smuggling, drug trafficking, illegal migration with the exception of human trafficking. Thus, the study recommends that the Nigerian government should re-organise the border security order to include non-state security actors in the governance of borders between Nigeria and the Republic of Benin.

NarrativeGenie: Generating Narrative Beats and Dynamic Storytelling with Large Language Models

Interactive narrative in games utilize a combination of dynamic adaptability and predefined story elements to support player agency and enhance player engagement. However, crafting such narratives requires significant manual authoring and coding effort to translate scripts to playable game levels. Advances in pretrained large language models (LLMs) have introduced the opportunity to procedurally generate narratives. This paper presents NarrativeGenie, a framework to generate narrative beats as a cohesive, partially ordered sequence of events that shapes narrative progressions from brief natural language instructions. By leveraging LLMs for reasoning and generation, NarrativeGenie, translates a designer’s story overview into a partially ordered event graph to enable player-driven narrative beat sequencing. Our findings indicate that NarrativeGenie can provide an easy and effective way for designers to generate an interactive game episode with narrative events that align with the intended story arc while at the same time granting players agency in their game experience. We extend our framework to dynamically direct the narrative flow by adapting real-time narrative interactions based on the current game state and player actions. Results demonstrate that NarrativeGenie generates narratives that are coherent and aligned with the designer’s vision.

Knocking on a Locked Door: Assessing Canada’s Response to Attacks Against Human Rights Defenders

Abstract For over two decades, Canadian corporations have been the subject of severe allegations of human rights and environmental violations related to the forced imposition of their operations abroad. Despite the growing consensus within the literature and international governance community that Canadian corporations—especially within the extractive sector—are serial perpetrators of grave human rights violations and despite Canada’s international legal obligations, at present there are very little ‘hard law’ mechanisms available to hold corporations to account. Whereas much literature has been dedicated to how Canadian corporations are facilitated by advocacy and lobbying efforts at the level of Canadian embassies in home-state-countries, much less studied is how these same state actors work towards protecting and preventing human rights defenders from harm. In this article we critically analyse the implementation of the Canadian government’s Voices at Risk guidelines (2016) from the perspective of two Canadian human rights advocacy Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) supporting communities in Guatemala, drawing from email and verbal communications as well as Access to Information Requests from 2016 to 2021 regarding the Escobal mine. We assess the usefulness of advocacy at the level of embassies as a way of protecting defenders and demonstrate that, in our experience, calls for support to defenders were ignored. We argue that, within the context of foreign policy which prioritizes trade and investment over all other government policies and wherein corporate violence is met with impunity, current Canadian policies aimed at protecting human rights defenders are essentially useless as an advocacy strategy.

State Actions to Ban Gender-Affirming Care for Minors and the Ways Forward

As of October 2023, twenty-one states have passed laws that ban medically necessary gender-affirming care to minors. This Note will discuss the actions of three such states—Texas, Florida, and Arkansas—in 2022.2 These state actions demonstrate three different ways in which states have restricted access to medically necessary gender-affirming care. To move forward, lawyers and advocates must continue to litigate against these bans, state legislatures should enact sanctuary statutes protecting trans youths’ access to gender-affirming care, and the U.S. Food & Drug Administration (FDA) should make medications—including puberty blockers and hormones—available on-label and across state lines through Telehealth. It is important to recognize that disapproving parents pose insurmountable barrier to minors’ self-realization, exploration of their genders, and access to care. There is abundant legal scholarship on parental consent in this context and analogous ones, such as the mature minor doctrine that concerns minors accessing abortion and reproductive care like birth control. However, this Note focuses solely on situations in which transgender youths’ parents support their children’s identities and allow them to receive gender-affirming care. When a state has a ban on gender-affirming care, parents’ consent would not matter in the face of such a ban, unless the family is financially able and willing to move to a state allowing access to such care.

Reimagining early childhood education and school readiness through the perspectives of historically marginalized families living in a rural community

Given opportunities for early childhood education (ECE) expansion in the US, we seek to explore and elevate the perspectives of historically marginalized families, from an understudied rural community, to inform future local and state action involving public pre-kindergarten (pre-K) and kindergarten (K) provision. In partnership with a state Department of Education (DOE) and local district, we conducted two culturally responsive focus groups to investigate how such caregivers conceptualize ECE and school readiness, identify barriers with the current system, and pinpoint potential solutions to improve public pre-K and K. Participants included eight female caregivers, three of whom identified as Black, two as Hispanic, and three as White. All families met the DOE's eligibility requirements to attend public preschool. Through two 90-minute focus groups, we found families conceptualized ECE as a time for humanizing and hands-on classroom practices. They questioned the concept of school readiness, instead advocating for ways that schools can be ready for their children. Furthermore, families identified accountability culture (testing, standardization of curricula, narrow focus on core academic content, etc.), as a problem, particularly upon kindergarten entry. Solutions to improve pre-K and K included representative curricula, more equitable funding, and opportunities for collaboration across education interest-holders (e.g., teachers, families, administration, etc.) at school, district, and state levels.

The Political Economy of Variations in Energy Debt Financing by Two Chinese Policy Banks in Africa

ABSTRACTThis article examines the puzzle of why China's two policy banks, China Development Bank (CDB) and the Export‐Import Bank of China (Eximbank), have lending portfolios for power‐generation projects in Africa that have drastically different levels of carbon dioxide emissions. From the supplier side, Eximbank balances two imperatives: Beijing's ideational ambition as a new development provider to African recipients with sustainability commitments, and China's industrial goal to offshore non‐renewable capacity. In contrast, the CDB prioritizes its commercial interests, which results in the bank lending solely for coal projects. On the demand side, Eximbank's concessional capital has emerged as a second‐best option among international financial sources for renewable and hydropower generation projects. Conversely, CDB's market‐rate lending makes it the fiscal last resort for host countries seeking financial support for thermal‐power projects which are shunned by other financiers. This divergence can be understood through the polycentric development finance model, which captures the parallel decision‐making institutions governing Chinese energy financing in Africa. Specifically, the lending decisions of Eximbank are linked with institutionalized policy processes, translating priorities of Chinese and African state actors. Meanwhile, the loan origination processes of CDB are more independent of state actors, allowing greater autonomy for the financier to pursue commercial interests.

Crypto-Enabled Espionage: The Growing Threat to National Security

This paper examines the growing threat of crypto-enabled espionage and its impact on national security. The research addresses the central questions on how cryptocurrencies facilitate espionage, and what the implications for national security are. Using a qualitative approach, the study draws on existing literature, case studies, and intelligence reports to explore how cryptocurrencies are increasingly being leveraged by state and non-state actors for covert operations. The findings reveal that the key features of cryptocurrencies—such as anonymity, decentralization, and the lack of regulation make them highly attractive to espionage actors. Specific cases, including the use of cryptocurrencies by North Korean and Russian state sponsored espionage networks, demonstrate how these actors bypass financial surveillance systems. The study concludes that while cryptocurrencies offer significant advantages for espionage, they pose severe challenges for national security agencies, especially in terms of monitoring and preventing illicit activities. To address these threats, stronger international cooperation, regulatory reforms, and advancements in blockchain surveillance technology are necessary. The paper recommends further research into counterintelligence strategies that incorporate blockchain technology and artificial intelligence for monitoring crypto-enabled espionage.

Hostages to Fortunes: Britain, The Gulf Monarchies and the Incarceration of UK Nationals

Hostage-taking has become a distressing feature of international politics over the last two decades, associated either with terrorist groups or hostile state actors, such as Iran, willing to engage in hostage diplomacy for political and security advantage. By contrast, the incarceration of foreign nationals by friendly powers has received scant attention. This is the hidden dimension of hostage diplomacy. By examining the case of British nationals held in prisons across the Gulf monarchies, but with a particular focus on Saudi Arabia, we argue that such prisoners were, in effect, hostages themselves, subject to the pursuit of national interests (commercial, economic and strategic) that denied their human rights and wider political agency. They became in effect, hostages to fortunes.

Maps, Flags, and Security in the Indo-Pacific: Reframing China’s Influence in Africa

ABSTRACT Maps with flags have securitized China’s actions in Africa. This article combines spatial and cartographic analysis with securitization theory to test the role played by visual symbols in the securitization of the East African space and then compares this with on-the-ground realities. It finds that maps with flags have decisively securitized China’s presence and actions in East Africa for state actors with antithetical interests. Despite valid security concerns, securitizing China in East Africa conflates presence with hegemony and, thus, willfully ignores the sovereignty and agency of African states and peoples and simplifies East Africa to a zone on the map of great power contestation.

Sámi trust in hydropower governance: A survey study

The collaborative water governance literature, especially that concerned with trust, has paid scant attention to Indigenous Peoples. In this paper, we present the results from a survey targeting the Sámi population in Sweden, exploring trust in key state and industry actors in the governance of hydropower. The results demonstrate a widespread signal of low trust, which is correlated with a confluence of factors: a strong concern with negative impacts from hydropower on Sámi culture, experiences of limited opportunities to influence decisions, and a perceived low competence as well as limiting attitude from governance actors. Regarding the role of demographic variables, we report on some notable deviations from previous research about institutional trust. We discuss how collaborative governance initiatives often-times are launched to strengthen trust, but that design and implementation failures can, counter-productively, serve to erode trust among Indigenous constituencies. If Sámi trust is to be strengthened, then it will require state authorities and hydropower companies to genuinely engage with Sámi rights claims and ensure influence in decision-making. Our findings also have direct policy relevance, pointing to the need for a steep learning curve if the pending review of hydropower licenses, launched by the Swedish government, is to play a meaningful role in addressing past and ongoing impacts of hydropower on the Sámi People.

Adaptive Multi-layer Attention Double Dueling Deep Q-Network for Muti-agent Reinforcement Learning

Abstract. In multi-agent fields, traditional muti-agent DQN methods often suffer from overestimation bias and overestimation of unimportant actions, especially when state-action Q-value differences are slight. To deal with such issue, we present an adaptive Multi-layer Attention Double Dueling Deep Q-Network (MAD-D3QN) model, aiming to improve decision-making accuracy in complex multi-agent environments. The proposed model utilizes two attention layers that dynamically calculate state value and action advantage weights, facilitating more precise Q-value estimation and reducing the common overestimation bias. Related experiments carried out in StarWar II scenarios show that the MAD-D3QN model obviously outperforms traditional methods (IQL,DQN), achieving higher decision efficiency and robustness. Our findings demonstrates that the MAD-D3QN framework not only promotes the state-of-the-art in multi-agent reinforcement learning but also provides potential applications in real-world cooperative tasks. Future research will delve into the integration of advanced multi-agent communication structures to further enhance model adaptability.

Unpacking the Impact of External Support on Rebel Groups: Does it Fuel or Quell Violence Against Civilians?

ABSTRACT In civil conflicts, the relations of rebel groups with civilians are largely influenced by the rebels’ capabilities. Seeking external resources to enhance their military efforts and resilience, rebel groups’ access to those resources shapes their war strategies, including violence against civilians. Unlike the extant research drawing on highly aggregated designs, we argue that not every form of support affects rebels’ violent behaviour in the same direction. In this study, we test whether different forms of external support are associated with the level of rebel violence against civilians by using comprehensive data on foreign support to rebel groups in intrastate conflicts between 1989 and 2017. The findings support the need for disaggregation of foreign support to understand better the dynamics in this relationship. The results show that external support in the forms of access to infrastructure, from both state and non-state actors, and troops from non-state actors are associated with a decrease in civilian victimisation.

Digital dissent: How Indonesian and Filipino journalists converge with virtual communities to face state repression

Online protest movements have facilitated researchers to access real-time data of microblogging, user metadata associated with accounts, message content, and enabled insights into complex links between social media use and protest movements. Employing emerging computational techniques and conventional qualitative approaches, this study examines the effectiveness of online protest movements in Indonesia and the Philippines. Simultaneously deployed, these protests were organized by journalist groups against repressive state actions that muzzled the press in these countries. The study compares the strategies of the two movements to illustrate the success factors in social media usage that bolstered the participation of the national and global publics, and marshalled international support.

Justifications and acceptability of coercive public health measures in the COVID-19 response in South Africa: a case study of the jurisprudence of human rights cases.

South Africa implemented a comprehensive response to COVID-19 comprising of several coercive public health measures. As in many countries, COVID-19 measures were subject to a number of legal challenges on the grounds that these measures infringed on individual rights and liberties. Here, courts were required to assess the extent to which these limitations were justifiable against the state's imperative to improve public health. Consequently, the acceptability of different justifications of coercive public health measures during the COVID-19 pandemic in South Africa may be understood and assessed through the lens of its jurisprudence. This paper seeks to outline the approach to allowing, or disallowing, coercive public health measures as adopted by the judiciary as arbiters of allowable human rights infringements and thus permitting or prohibiting the state from exercising coercive powers. Specifically, this analysis aims to identify the principles underpinning the decisions with an expressly ethical lens with a view to providing content for the operationalisation of justifications for coercive state action such as the harm principle, reciprocity, least restrictive means in relation to the promotion of public health and the limitation of individual liberty.

Militarized elections and citizens’ support for democratic rights: evidence from India

ABSTRACT Across the world, many citizens go to the polls amidst armed threats from both state and non-state actors. How do militarized elections affect citizens’ willingness to accept restrictions on democratic rights? We argue that when forming opinions about appropriate limits to state powers, citizens navigate competing threats from state and non-state actors. The display of state coercive force should make citizens more protective of civil and political rights. Yet, if it occurs in the context of threat posed by non-state actors, citizens may become more likely to accept that rights are restricted. We embed a vignette experiment with a selective information prime in a 2019 post-election survey of 1,080 Indian citizens across two states affected by armed insurgency. We find that being primed on a heavy state-military presence makes citizens more reluctant to accept restrictions on civil and political rights, but the effect is only found among politically marginalized groups. In the presence of violent non-state threats, however, citizens become more likely to support policies that curtail democratic rights.

Digital Transformation and Discourses of Change Commodify Finnish Public Education

AbstractEcosystemic cooperation among the state, municipalities, and commercial actors is evident in the public education of Finland. The edu-ecosystems can include firm interdependences, value creation, co-specialisation, and co-evolution with an aim to sell products and services to the global market as well as to open up markets in a particular country. Here, we examine the discourses through which commercial actors promote the change or transformation of public education. With support from the state, commercial organisations—whether for-profit, non-profit or private or state-run—have a strong agenda to change ‘old-fashioned’ education into one that better serves the twenty-first century work life. The state and municipalities are gatekeeping the businessing around education, but commercial actors would prefer more opportunities to cooperate with public education institutions. It is noteworthy that commercial actors are gaining greater access to public education policymaking through ecosystems, and hence, have greater influence in redefining and commodifying education. Yet, there is a lack of public conversation about the commodification of public education in Finland.

Deep reinforcement learning for collision avoidance of autonomous ships in inland river

Due to the characteristics of large inertia, large time delay, and nonlinearity in ship motion, the maneuverability of ships is an important issue related to the safety of ship navigation. The manipulation of ships significantly affects the safety of ship navigation, and its importance will gradually increase with the development of autonomous ships. Collision accidents are common due to the complexity of inland waterways and density of the ships. Herein, an autonomous learning framework with deep reinforcement learning (DRL) is constructed for autonomous driving tasks. The state space, action space, reward function and neural network structure of DRL are designed based on the ship’s maneuvering characteristics and control requirements. A DDPG algorithm is then used to implement the controller. Finally, some representative route segments of the inland waterway is selected for simulation research based on the virtual simulation environment. The designed DRL controller can quickly converge from the training and learning process to meet the control requirements. By comparing with the previous experimental results, the effectiveness of this algorithm is verified. Therefore, this study provides a reference for future research on the collision avoidance technology of autonomous ships in inland rivers.

The Dual‐Edged State Paradox: Fighting for Justice When the State is Unreliable

Sociological theories of collective resistance offer insights into how communities mobilize against oppression but often overlook the complexities when the state, an entity relied upon for justice, also acts as an agent of betrayal. Based on 8 years of ethnographic research in Palermo (2016–2024), this study examines the relationship between Sicilian activists and the state, shaped by the dual forces of mafia oppression and state complicity. The present research explores how activists navigate the complexities of collective trauma rooted in state complicity, while simultaneously relying on parts of the state as indispensable allies in their fight for justice. The study introduces the “Dual‐Edged State Paradox,” as a novel framework that captures this contradictory relationship. To navigate the paradox, activists adopt two key strategies: ‘fragmented trust dynamics’ and ‘layered collective resistance’. These strategies illustrate how activists continually recalibrate trust and engage in multi‐layered resistance, adjusting their approach to balance public protest with collaboration based on the positioning of different state actors. This research contributes to our sociological knowledge on collective action, particularly in settings where activists grapple with both external violence of non‐state actors and internal betrayal from the state apparatus.

Chronotopes of exile and loss in Philip O'Sullivan Beare's Zoilomastix (c. 1626)☆

AbstractThis essay explores the relationship between an early modern exile and his native environment, as depicted in Philip O'Sullivan Beare's unfinished natural history Zoilomastix. Writing by turns in Latin, Spanish and Gaelic from the safety of the Habsburg court, O'Sullivan Beare marshalled Ciceronian rhetoric and Plinian wonder to argue for the conservation of interwoven natural and cultural environments. One of the earliest examples of national historiographies written from exile by erudite Irish figures, Zoilomastix has most often been read in terms of its political theology. Though understandable, such readings obscure O'Sullivan Beare's idiosyncratic treatments of self, state and nature. Additionally, such readings only partially consider the author's attempts to engage with the debates on ethnicity, natural law and resource capture which directed the actions of the English state. Adopting the dialogic framework of Mikhail Bakhtin's chronotope, this essay therefore explores the extent to which the genre of natural history was utilized to inform and influence contested narratives. It argues that O'Sullivan Beare's autobiographical account, and its relevance to the forthcoming ‘loss’ of his Gaelic world, has much to tell us in a time of ecological crisis.