NELL IRVIN PAINTER'S INVESTMENT OF TIME AND INTEREST redeems my speculations and places me in her debt. Specie and Species grew from a study of counterfeiting and racial passing, and, since the parallel discussion of money and citizenship that characterized Reconstruction offered an especially clear example of the shared language of money and race, most of my essay focuses on the 1 870s. We agree that slavery, the commodification of racial difference, must be central to any future ventures in this line. Slaves, Painter points out, simultaneously as an embodied currency and a labor force. As workers and as the basis of the economy in which they toiled, slaves circulated like legal tender. Fetishized as commodities, they embodied their owners' social prestige. The point is well taken; slaves occupied a unique and crucial role in antebellum political economy, and American historians cannot be reminded of this often enough. Acknowledging slavery's centrality, I would argue that slaves circulated not like legal tender but like specie. Legal tender, deriving its value from law, pointed away from essentialism and toward the social and associative construction of meaning and value. But when they served as collateral for loans and embodiments of their owners' prestige, slaves served the same function as gold: their existence as valuable commodities anchored speculative enterprise, and their commodity value depended on fantasies of racial essentialism. On page 388, I suggest that the apparently chaotic antebellum financial system might only have been feasible in a society containing racial slavery. Would Painter agree that this might be true in the South-that racial slavery anchored speculative enterprise and that slaves helped stabilize a volatile, highly mobile, and economically expansionist society both socially and economically? This suggestion locates slavery at the core of American political economy and reconnects it to debates about money and banking. In his famous message vetoing the Second United States Bank's recharter, Andrew Jackson linked a specie economy to a law meritocracy. Distinctions in society will always exist under every just government, he insisted, because equality of talents, of education, or of wealth can not be produced by human institutions. Some citizens enjoy natural and just advantages, which a good government should do no more than help reveal. The bank and its paper money,
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