Spanish-Moroccan Relations Research Articles

Recuerdo del arabista tangerino Ricardo Ruíz Orsatti en el centenario de la muerte de Galdós

Se suele confundir la historia del arabismo español con la del gremio universitario pero debe tenerse en cuenta también el papel desempeñado por los traductores e intérpretes del árabe, en el que debe recordarse a los hermanos Ruíz Orsatti, Ricardo y Reginaldo. Ricardo Ruíz Orsatti desempeñó un papel importante en las relaciones hispano-marroquíes en la primera mitad del siglo XX. Pero su nombre es especialmente conocido por la correspondencia que mantuvo con el escritor Benito Pérez Galdós entre 1901 y 1910, que sería decisiva para la redacción por el novelista de dos de sus episodios nacionales, Aita Tettauen y Carlos VI en la Rápita. El centenario de la muerte del escritor canario parece una ocasión propicia para situar esta correspondencia en su contexto y rescatar la figura de Ricardo Ruíz Orsatti.

Anticolonial Colonialism

Abstract Between 1931 and 1936 the democratic Spanish government overthrew the monarchy and established the Second Spanish Republic. It was a volatile period for Spanish-Moroccan relations. Fascists were in favor of the Spanish Protectorate of Morocco, whereas Republicans were typically against it. Aurora Bertrana (1892–1974) was a Republican Catalan writer who moved to Morocco in 1935 to write about Muslim women living under the Spanish Protectorate. A close examination of her novel El Marroc sensual i fanàtic (1935) reveals an anticolonialism based on her preoccupation with Spanish nationalist dignity rather than with Moroccan independence. Instead of concluding that Spain’s colonization of Morocco is not good, Bertrana concludes that it is not good enough. Her writing perpetuates centuries-old Spanish Orientalist stereotypes, thus complicating the glorified history of Spanish Republican anticolonialism and feminism in the 1930s.

Mediterranean crossroads: Spanish-Moroccan relations in past and present

Tariq b. Ziyad's conquest of al-Andalus in 711, the travels of Maimonides from Cordoba via Fez and Tunis to Cairo during the twelve century, the acquisition of the presidios of Ceuta (1415/1668) an...

Narratives on the margins of history: memory and the commemoration of the Moriscos

ABSTRACTThis article explores the resonances of the Morisco past in present-day Spain and the connection between the commemoration of the 1609 expulsion and Spanish-Moroccan relations today. It looks at the different forms of remembering the 400 years since the Decree of Expulsion was issued, its critics, and how these public memory projects intersect with colonial narratives, before investigating how the conflicting pasts converge and are reinterpreted in current discussions about the place of Islam in Europe. By examining the claims about history and memory made by different actors reacting to the commemoration of Spain's expulsion of the Moriscos, the article shows how the Muslim subject is acknowledged as part of the country's historical past, yet is hardly accepted as part of Spanish society today.

THE PROBLEM OF CEUTA AND MELILLA IN SPANISH FOREIGN POLICY

The article is dedicated to one of the most important problems of Spain’s foreign policy, namely the problem of the two Spanish enclaves located on the territory of Morocco - Ceuta and Melilla. The historical and legal provisions form the basis of arguments of the Spanish and Moroccan parts justifying their claim to these disputed territories. A comparison is made between the problems of Ceuta and Melilla and Gibraltar.Particular attention is paid to the question of whether they are covered by NATO’s security guarantee. The author substantiates that Morocco is using the issue of Ceuta and Melilla as a means of pressure on Spain to get benefits in other areas, including trade, immigration, and fishing. Rabat also seeks to force Spain to change its position on the Western Sahara. The current situation of the Spanish cities in the light of their current economic, migratory and political problems is analyzed. It isemphasized that illegal immigration mostly from sub-Saharan countries is one of the main problems of the Spanish-Moroccan relations, complicating the situation in Ceuta and Melilla. This problem is far from being resolved. The main task of the Western countries regarding this issue is the maintenance of stability in the region, which perfectly meets the interests of Spain. Madrid’s efforts are focused primarily on prevention of such development of political and economic situation which would put the country before the need to strengthen its southern border by military means. This strategic objective has become particularly relevant in light of recent events in North Africa.

ГИБРАЛТАР, СЕУТА И МЕЛИЛЬЯ: ТЕРРИТОРИАЛЬНЫЕ ПРОБЛЕМЫ ИСПАНИИ

The article is dedicated to one of the most important problems of Spain's foreign policy – territorial, namely the problem of two Spanish enclaves located on the territory of Morocco – Ceuta and Melilla, as well as Gibraltar. The historical and legal provisions form the basis of arguments of Spain, Morocco and Great Britain substantiating their claims to these disputed territories. A comparison is made between the problems of Ceuta/ Melilla and Gibraltar. Particular attention is paid to the question of whether Ceuta and Melilla are covered by NATO's security guarantee. Morocco is using the issue of Ceuta and Melilla as an instrument to exert pressure on Spain in order to get benefits in other areas, including immigration, trade and fishing as well as to change its position on the Western Sahara. It is emphasized that illegal immigration mostly from sub-Saharan countries is one of the main problems in Spanish-Moroccan relations, complicating the situation in Ceuta and Melilla. This problem is far from being resolved. The Anglo-Spanish dispute over Gibraltar is determined by its important strategic position and the presence of the NATO naval base. The necessity to respect the rights of an absolute majority of its population is empathized. For the UK, the question of Gibraltar is primarily associated with the challenge of maintaining its military-strategic position in the Mediterranean, for Spain – with the problem of its sovereignty and territorial rights. Currently, there is a process of “natural integration” between Gibraltar and adjacent Spanish territory. Spanish experience in resolving the territorial dispute over Gibraltar is important as a practical experience of long-term and complex negotiations. Its final solution must be sought through development of integration processes in Europe. The main task of the Western countries regarding Spanish territorial problems is the maintenance of stability in the region, which perfectly meets the interests of Spain. Madrid's efforts are focused primarily on prevention of such development of political and economic situation, which would force the country to strengthen its southern border by military means. This strategic objective has become particularly relevant in the context of recent events in North Africa.

Impacto del Reglamento 650/2012 sobre sucesiones en las relaciones extracomunitarias vinculadas a España y Marruecos

The increase of cross-border travel has also caused an increase of Spanish-Moroccan inheritance relationships: deaths of Moroccan, who left heritage in Spain or in Morocco, are frequent; also Spanish and Moroccan residents with assets in both countries; Moroccans that acquire Spanish citizenship and have family in Spain and Morocco. These inheritance relationships are regulated very differently in Spain and Morocco. Regulation 650/2012 of 4 July 2012, of the European Parliament and of the Council on jurisdiction, applicable law, recognition and enforcement of decisions and authentic instruments in matters of succession and the creation of an European certificate of inheritances all apply as from August 17, 2015, which will introduce major changes in the succession rules of private international law in Spain and this will affect inheritance Spanish-Moroccan relationships. Does it increase or decrease the chances of applying to the Spanish-Moroccan relationship the national law? Does the renvoi mechanism expand the possibilities that, in all cases, the law of the forum applies equally? These questions justify the opportunity to analyze this issue in order to try to analyze the feasibility of the continuity of the Spanish-Moroccan relations in space.

Испания и конфликт вокруг Западной Сахары

The article provides an overview of the history of this "forgotten" conflict, as well as its current state. The author reveals the position of stakeholders, including the European Union, France, the U.S. and Russia. Particular attention is paid to the position of Spain as a former colonial power, and to the correlation of the conflict with other problems in the Spanish-Moroccan relations.

«Hombre al moro»: fugas del presidio de Melilla en el siglo XIX (1846-1869)

This study of jailbreaks from the Melilla penitentiary is based upon legal documents preserved in the Archivo Central of Melilla. These documents describe the personal situation of the convicts, how they made their escape and which were the legal procedures implemented on this respect. Moreover, they highlight the complexity of the relations between Melilla and the Moroccan «campo infiel». Moroccans, who captured a great majority of the escaped, were also requested as witnesses in many of these procedures. In the general context of Spanish-Moroccan relations during the 19 th century, jailbreaks from Melilla discover hidden aspects of the contacts between both societies, well beyond the warlike conflict.

Sovereignty and international labor migration: The ‘security mentality’ in Spanish–Moroccan relations as an assertion of sovereignty

ABSTRACT The increasing injection of security imperatives into migration policy has presented countries with a new form of sovereignty assertion. In this regard, the politics of ‘securitization’ provides a useful theoretical bridge across two literatures – one focusing on the character of sovereignty and the other devoted to understanding international labor migration, more often situated in the international political economy subfield. Approaching migration politics with a ‘security mentality’ is part of an effort by policymakers and citizens to respond to dynamics that are perceived to threaten a country's sovereign status and societal security. Whether it has served to truly enhance border control and deepen sovereignty claims is a matter of sharp debate, but the symbolic politics associated with the injection of security has gone far to enhance sovereignty claims and justify border control. The case of the Moroccan–Spanish ‘migration system’ illustrates the manner in which post-Franco Spain has used migration politics to assert sovereignty claims vis-à-vis Morocco, deepen the country's sense of societal security, and affirm its status as a full member of the European space.

‘This Stupid Little Island’: A Neighbourhood Confrontation in the Western Mediterranean

In July 2002 Spain and Morocco almost came to blows over a small island in the Strait of Gibraltar. Successive occupations of Parsley Island occurred during a protracted period of tension between the two countries. The sustained expansion of cooperation between the two countries in the 1980s and 1990s ultimately seemed to have failed to produce the regional stability that had been the prime objective of Spanish diplomacy. Increased interdependence between these Mediterranean neighbours had failed to deter them from resorting to pressure and military action. Theories of interdependence, though generally developed in relation to other contexts, suggest that Spanish–Moroccan relations were built upon too narrow an agenda, primarily economic, which failed to address ‘difficult’ aspects of the relationship, such as regime differences and historically based cultural tensions. Changes in the external relations priorities of the two states, both before and after 9/11, also contributed to the crisis, which was thus a product of changed circumstances as well as deficient strategy. Crisis resolution came through mediation by the United States following another CFSP failure for the EU, notwithstanding common Spanish–Moroccan commitment to the Euro–Mediterranean Partnership.