Space For Public Participation Research Articles

Public Participation in the Process of Forming Law No. 3 of 2022 concerning the National Capital

This research is normative research to answer questions about how the Pancasila legal state provides space for community participation and to what extent community participation is carried out in the process of forming Law Number 3 of 2022 concerning the State Capital. This research is normative research using a statutory approach and a conceptual approach with the method of writing descriptive analysis. The data collected is collected using text review which is then compiled and analyzed with a deductive mindset The conclusion in this study is the lack of community involvement in the formation of Law Number 3 of 2022 concerning the State Capital. This is certainly not in line with the principles and values contained in Pancasila as an ideology and philosophy of life for the nation, which opens up space for public participation in the process of forming a legal product. In line with the conclusions above, each authorized institution needs to provide a wider space so that the community can contribute to the formation of a law and regulation, besides that it is also important that the community is not apathetic in contributing to it. So on the part of state institutions and society, there is a shared principle that public involvement is very important to create a legal product that is in the interests of the people.

IMPLEMENTASI PORTAL JAKARTA OPEN DATA DALAM MENDUKUNG PEMBANGUNAN BERKELANJUTAN

This paper is the result of research on the implementation of the Jakarta Open Data portal in supporting sustainable development in DKI Jakarta. The approach in this study use d descriptive qualitative methods to provide a clear picture of the problems studied, identify and explain the existing data systematically. The main theory used in this research is the Van Meter and Horn implementation theory with its indicators and the theory of open government, open data and sustainable development as supporting theories. The results show that the implementation of the Jakarta Open Data portal as a portal that provides data information generated from regional apparatus organizations in the DKI Jakarta Province has been going quite well because it makes it easier for people to find and access data information. Utilization of data on the Jakarta Open Data portal can open up space for public participation and input for the DKI Jakarta Provincial Government in improving governance and supporting sustainable development in the realm of public information disclosure. However, there are still obstacles because regional apparatus organizations that have data and information officers in the process of managing data in their work units that will be uploaded to the Jakarta Open Data portal system are not yet optimal, causing inequality in the data presented in each regional apparatus organization and affecting the availability of collections data on the Jakarta Open Data portal. Keywords: Jakarta Open Data Portal, Implementation, Open Government and Sustainable Development.

Public Opinion Disclaimer on Enforcement of Public Activity Restrictions (PPKM): A Content Analysis

The high increase in Covid-19 in Indonesia is a concern for many parties. Thus, the policy taken by the government is the Imposition of Emergency Community Activity Restrictions (PPKM). The policy reaped the pros and cons in the community. This study aims to analyze the community's perspective (netizens) expressed through social media in assessing the implementation of emergency PPKM. This study utilizes qualitative descriptive methods and uses secondary data through social media in the form of Twitter and is analyzed using a content analysis approach. This study focuses on analyzing the trend of public perception (citizens) regarding the topic of conversation about rejection and demonstration (Tolak & Demo) of PPKM through the results of Social Network Analysis (SNA) obtained through Drone Emprit. The results show that most PPKM policies get widespread rejection in the community because the impacts are mostly negative, such as getting poorer people because of limited access to work. The domination of the denial was driven by pro-opposition accounts that campaigned against PPKM in the form of demonstrations. The contribution of this research shows that Twitter can be a space for public participation in responding to government policies (democracy). This research has limitations because it only focuses on Twitter, so further studies need to look at the use of other social media such as Instagram and YouTube.

Cultural pluralism and democratic survival in Nigeria

ABSTRACT This paper explores the cultural imperatives to determining democratic survival in Nigeria. It observes that the general notion that cultural inequality may systematically obstruct democratic participation by the members of subordinated groups is trite. It argues rather that the current crisis faced by democracy is linked essentially to the lack of a space capable of dealing with both social complexity and cultural pluralism. The paper is a desk study borrowing heavily from secondary sources of data and review of extant literature. While not pretending about the potential for ethno-cultural and religious violence imminent in Nigeria’s attempt at democratic consolidation, findings, however suggest that in a multicultural society like Nigeria, democracy has the potential to flourish if the different cultural groups understand and tolerate one another by enlarging the space for public participation and debates naturally encapsulated in the principle of popular rule. It recommends that a practical engagement with federal democracy, rooted in the principle of federalism, remains an attractive model for the survival of Nigeria.

Mengembalikan Tahapan Uji Publik Pada Pilkada

The writing of this article is intended to evaluate the urgency of revising the Pilkada Law, on eliminating public examination points. The DPR removed public test points in the revision of the Election Law No. 1 of 2015, and was replaced by the Election Law No. 8 of 2015. Until the current election law No. 10 of 2016 there has been no re-discussion regarding the stages of public testing. The public test is a stage of competency and integrity testing for candidates for regional head and representative in an open manner which is independently formed by the Provincial / Regency / City KPU. Public test points were removed on the grounds that they were inefficient and time consuming. Based on this, the authors identify that the elimination of public testing can limit public participation in deliberative public spaces. And if the public test is returned at the election stage, it can improve the quality of democracy. As a theoretical review in this article the writer uses the concept of public space. While the research method uses qualitative through literature study. The results of this paper indicate that it is important to maintain a public test mechanism to restore the public space for the implementation of the elections. The existence of this public space ensures that there is space for public participation, the public can find out the track record of the candidates, build communication between candidates and voters and that public trials can be used as a deliberative campaign. Therefore, the public test can be returned to the election mechanism by adding a committee from various elements of society (farmers, laborers, entrepreneurs, village heads, educators, students and other elements of civil society). So that the public test becomes the preliminary election before the election day takes place.

Making climate public: energy monitoring and smart grids as political participation

This article presents the findings of ethnographic research in the UK with a network of engineers, activists, and citizens involved in developing smart energy monitoring systems and community smart grids. The paper explores how everyday uses of data, material evidence, and sensory information on material and thermodynamic processes that appear in such projects, are opening up new spaces for public participation in climate change politics. Here, familiar discursive and deliberative forms of democratic participation are supplemented by what I term material diagnostics�a practice of public participation that revolves around a collective effort to unpack and rethink infrastructures as sites of climate action. Building on these findings, the paper suggests that everyday digitally informed experiments with urban infrastructures have the potential to extend the kinds of political subjectivities and participatory politics that are possible, as governments seek to transition to a net-zero future.

Making climate public: energy monitoring and smart grids as political participation

This article presents the findings of ethnographic research in the UK with a network of engineers, activists, and citizens involved in developing smart energy monitoring systems and community smart grids. The paper explores how everyday uses of data, material evidence, and sensory information on material and thermodynamic processes that appear in such projects, are opening up new spaces for public participation in climate change politics. Here, familiar discursive and deliberative forms of democratic participation are supplemented by what I term material diagnostics�a practice of public participation that revolves around a collective effort to unpack and rethink infrastructures as sites of climate action. Building on these findings, the paper suggests that everyday digitally informed experiments with urban infrastructures have the potential to extend the kinds of political subjectivities and participatory politics that are possible, as governments seek to transition to a net-zero future.

Spaces for Public Participation: valuing the cross-border landscape in North West Ireland

Landscape is no respecter of territorial or administrative borders and is a highly pertinent policy-praxis arena within which cross-border cooperation can progress. Although a supportive soft policy space for cooperation on landscape exists on the island of Ireland through the European Landscape Convention (ELC) and the key bilateral spatial planning framework, two interrelated imperatives have not featured substantively on cross-border agendas: engendering active public involvement in landscape management, and harnessing digital technology as a means of enabling such participation. Thus, this paper elaborates upon the findings of #MyValuedPlaces, an online map-based pilot survey aimed at capturing the perceptual values attributed by the public to the places special to them in the cross-border cultural landscape of North West Ireland. Public Participation GIS (PPGIS) offers one accessible method of engaging with the multiple, subjective understandings of landscape, including in the Irish Border region. To this end, the methodology and potential uses of the place-based data generated by the #MyValuedPlaces survey are discussed, including challenges encountered with survey completion. The article concludes with critical reflections on how such ‘soft’ approaches to public participation in the cross-border landscape on the island of Ireland can be mobilised better in future, particularly through embedding them within official public consultation processes.

Spaces for Public Participation: valuing the cross-border landscape in North West Ireland

Landscape is no respecter of territorial or administrative borders and is a highly pertinent policy-praxis arena within which cross-border cooperation can progress. Although a supportive soft policy space for cooperation on landscape exists on the island of Ireland through the European Landscape Convention (ELC) and the key bilateral spatial planning framework, two interrelated imperatives have not featured substantively on cross-border agendas: engendering active public involvement in landscape management, and harnessing digital technology as a means of enabling such participation. Thus, this paper elaborates upon the findings of #MyValuedPlaces, an online map-based pilot survey aimed at capturing the perceptual values attributed by the public to the places special to them in the cross-border cultural landscape of North West Ireland. Public Participation GIS (PPGIS) offers one accessible method of engaging with the multiple, subjective understandings of landscape, including in the Irish Border region. To this end, the methodology and potential uses of the place-based data generated by the #MyValuedPlaces survey are discussed, including challenges encountered with survey completion. The article concludes with critical reflections on how such ‘soft’ approaches to public participation in the cross-border landscape on the island of Ireland can be mobilised better in future, particularly through embedding them within official public consultation processes.

Embedded Activism 2.0: Re-shaping the Space for Civil Society in Russia and China

NGOs have been seen as an integral part of civil society and a necessary feature of democratic transition. It has been argued that depoliticised NGOs in China ‘embedded’ in existing political structures would eventually bring about democratic changes through incremental actions, as they did in post-Soviet Russia. Both countries, however, recently witnessed the shrinking of political and legal space for public participation, especially for foreign-funded civil society organisations. This article analyses the impact of the NGO laws on civil society in Russia and China to update the embedded activism hypothesis. It draws on empirical data to describe the strategies that the NGOs use to adapt and how the future of the sector is perceived by young people in both countries.

Democracy as a transitional compass: women’s participation in South Africa and Kerala, India

ABSTRACTIn this article I explore the attempts by the states in South Africa and Kerala to create spaces for public participation by specifically focusing on women’s involvement in local spaces. Democracy is a crucial part of any emancipatory future that seeks to challenge and overcome inequality. I show that both states have ‘invited’ participation by women in various ways, but that the transformative potential of this participation is limited by national political economy, bureaucratization, and the lack of political will. In South Africa, the invited spaces eventually transformed into avenues for delivery and in response the women in this study shifted to inventing ways to engage in development in their personal lives. By using a double comparison – South Africa over time and South Africa compared to India – I argue that transformative politics requires a combination of invented and invited spaces.

Resilience, trust, and civic engagement in the post-CCSVI era

BackgroundScientific and financial investments in chronic cerebrospinal venous insufficiency (CCSVI) research have been made to address both the hope for and scepticism over this interventional strategy for MS. Despite limited evidence in support of the CCSVI hypothesis, the funding of clinical research was responsive to a demand by the public rarely seen in the history of medicine. We characterize patient perspectives about the CCSVI research trajectory, with particular attention to its impact on other non-pharmaceutical areas of MS research with a focus on stem cell interventions.MethodsSemi-structured interviews with 20 MS patients across Canada who did not have CCSVI interventions. Interviews were analysed for recurring themes and individual variations using the constant comparative approach.ResultsParticipants had a critical view of the divestment of funds from longstanding research to support CCSVI trials. They retain a sense of optimism, however, about emerging evidence for stem cell interventions for MS, and highlight the need for greater caution and conscientious communication of advances in medicine and science.ConclusionsThe unrealized hopes for CCSVI challenged but did not undermine the resilience of patient communities. The narrative that unfolded highlights the importance of drawing a socially-minded space for public participation in science.

Using the capability approach to analyze contemporary environmental governance challenges in coastal Brazil

Conservation and development are often framed as a dichotomy, requiring trade-offs. But trade-offs can be due to the particular political situation and to relationships of domination, and are not necessarily the inevitable result of intractable situations. Amartya Sen’s capability approach, which centers on human development, has enjoyed increasing applications in the environment area, but little in the commons literature. This article applies the capability approach framework to analyze human development in Trindade, Brazil, by answering key questions that are central to this approach (1) What kind of lives are people able to live? Are they able to be or do what they have reason to value? and (2) What is the quality of economic, social and political relations in Trindade? Three main 'shocks' emerge: (a) Conflict with external commercial developers, (b) Paving of access road into community, and (c) Enforcement of protected area regulations on historical community land and sea space. Capability priorities were established for women, men, older adults, and people with disabilities. The impacts of development and conservation policies are different for the four groups, as are the priorities for capabilities. The case demonstrates that space for public participation is not sufficient to ensure that the people who are trying to improve their wellbeing, and be the author of their own lives, can influence the outcome. It also shows that regular contact through public participation does not necessarily create empathy, as Sen assumed in The Idea of Justice.

Environmental Impact Assessments, local power and self-determination: The case of mining and hydropower development in Guatemala

Environmental and Social Impact Assessments (ESIAs) are instruments required to facilitate large development projects. In this article, we take a closer look at how such processes unfold in the case of hydropower and mining investments in Guatemala. Our findings suggest that here, with ESIAs, the responsibility of engaging with affected communities and citizens is left to the private sector, often with poor public follow-up. This has resulted in companies manipulating processes and strategic engagements with communities and local people to advance corporate interests. We discuss ESIAs as both technical devices as used by the corporate sector, and as possible spaces for public participation. Furthermore, we explore how communities can influence ESIAs for mining and hydroelectric projects in Guatemala, and examine the power relations that determine who are excluded and included in the process. Finally, we analyze how affected communities in Guatemala use ESIAs as means to subvert the order that has been imposed on them.

Enacting an Equitable Agenda: Exploring Community Strategies in Milwaukee's Inner-City Redevelopment1

Due to the increasing importance of alternative visions and practices for redevelopment and difficulties with enacting these agendas, scholars call for more examination of progressive practices in the current constraining economic and political environment. By focusing on a major redevelopment initiative in Milwaukee's inner city, I explore how a coalition of local groups managed to represent the interests of disadvantaged residents in this project. I show how Good Jobs and Livable Neighborhoods (GJLN) successfully responded to multifaceted challenges to fostering organizing capacity and community engagement in the redevelopment of the 30th Street Industrial Corridor by forging extra- and intra-local multisector alliances, manipulating spaces for public participation, and positioning its efforts at both the project- and city-wide scales. I argue that this politics of scale eventually fostered an altered space of mutually beneficial engagement between social action groups and local government agencies that allowed GJLN to advance its equitable agenda in the Corridor.

Civil Society and Regional Security: Tensions and Potentials in Post‑Crisis Southeast Asia

This article delineates the areas where there might be same consonance between the dynamics underlying the present interest in Southeast Asia in the nation of civil society and those linked to the current reassessment of the discourse and practice of security in the region. The areas where tensions can be expected between these two sets of dynamics are also considered. An attempt is then made to establish the policy parameters which, under such circumstances, should guide the regional debate on these issues. The central argument advanced in this context is that it is now possible to create in Southeast Asia mechanisms allowing for a degree of synergy between the development of civil society and that of regional security which will be beneficial to both of these processes. Introduction Civil society has traditionally been conceived of by its proponents as a site of resistance against two forces: that of the state and that of the market. [1] In societies where the state apparatus and the nature of economic development are seen as creating forces of social inequality and exclusion, the exponents of civil society have argued that it can help constitute a space where critiques of these forces can be formulated and alternative trajectories of political and economic development propounded. This explains the wide appeal of the concept in current debates on the different scenarios for the reconstruction and development of Southeast Asia in the aftermath of the Asian economic crisis. If the current period is to mark a reassessment of the prevalent models of economic and political development in the region, the argument goes, then civil society represents an ideal standpoint from which to ensure that the reconstruction of regional and domestic politico-economic frameworks gives pride of place to more participatory and egalitarian processes and institutions. The rising demand for more participatory and egalitarian models of governance is also very much at the heart of the ongoing reconceptualization of domestic and regional security, as required by the recent upheavals in the region. [2] Security in Southeast Asia has been framed conventionally and quite exclusively in terms of the strength and sustainability of state-building and economic development, which have been at the top of the agenda of the countries in the region. The multi-level crisis which unfolded in mid-1997, however, appears to have ushered in a broader understanding of the different underlying factors which come into play in these processes and must, therefore, be considered part of the security equation. The importance, for example, of widening the space for public participation in development planning and implementation is now better recognized as one of these factors, which the crisis revealed as a necessary precondition to further economic and political growth. There are also dissimilarities, however, between the inner logic pursued by the proponents of civil society and that animating current debates on the reformulation of security in Southeast Asia. For its supporters, civil society is both a process and a goal: it is through the development of civil society that political and economic frameworks in the region can be made more democratic, and it is the presence of a strong and effervescent civil society which will, in the end, be proof of the success of that enterprise. The process of security reformulation, however, has, first of all, involved a much more disparate set of actors. Concepts of security are, of course, being debated within official channels, and these channels also bring into play a series of more informal networks which involve, for instance, academics, linked tacitly or more overtly to official circles. In turn, this structure, whereby Track One (official) and Track Two (unofficial) actors interact on issues of security, offers points of contact with civil society actors (dubbed Track Three in this milieu). …