Soviet Oil Research Articles

The Impact of Russia-Ukriane War on Indian Stock Market

War, the most exceedingly terrible calamity, obliterates nation-building and social union. Fights are horrible to the point that they can become around the world, influencing the whole globe. War attacks all nations. After the unexpected strike of the COVID-19 infection, the world’s significant economies were attempting to recuperate. North of three years after the fact, broad inoculation crusades saved individuals from the destructive infection. The most terrible times appeared to be past, and the world’s driving economies started to recuperate. Be that as it may, something should occur. The morning of February 24, 2022, shocked individuals once more. Russia went after Ukraine on the morning of February 22, 2022.Russia’s activities in Ukraine have brought Western condemnation and weighty punishments. North of 2,700 limitations have frozen $300 billion in Russian gold and unfamiliar trade holds. American and associated bans of Soviet oil caused record-high crude oil prices in the months that followed. Notwithstanding cultural expenses, the fight impacted essentially all significant economies around the world. Influence is felt in India too. Thump on impacts arrived at India. Stock prices declined, inflation arrived at new highs, the rupee fell against the dollar, unfamiliar trade saves dwindled, and that’s only the tip of the iceberg, as per outside markers. Since the 2020 COVID-19 pestilence, the worldwide economy has endured twice. This paper looks at what the Russia-Ukraine war might mean for Indian imports, exports, trade rates, stock market, and inflation.

Oil after the revolution: Contextualizing the development of the Soviet oil industry with Mexican nationalization, 1918–1938

From 1920 to 1938, petroleum represented much of the raw potential of both Soviet and Mexican states. Each state, despite ostensive ideological differences, would eventually utilize a comparable mix of foreign cooperation and investment as well as state and private intervention to promote revenue generation from oil across the interwar era. By 1938, Mexico, like the Soviet Union, would seek full state control of its respective industries to address a parallel point of impasse in its industrial development, but this would only come after a combination of both its unique political circumstance and a clear and comparable divergence with the Soviet Union in terms of production outcomes.

How the Fuhrer and Others Like Him Forced out Soviet Oil from the German Market

Based on diplomatic documents, a detailed picture of driving oil product suppliers — the Soviet companies, Derop and Derunaft — out from the German market during 1933 is restored. Soviet intelligence materials prove that one of the inspirers of this process can be considered the major Anglo-Dutch oil t ycoon Henry Deterding, who in the course of the alleged «crusade» against the USSR, among other things hoped to seize the Caucasian oil fields.

Economic Rationality and Socio-Technological Fantasy Soviet Oil and its Geochronological Formation (A. Konchalovsky’s The Siberiade, 1978)

The contradictions in the development of the late Soviet oil industrial complex can be described as a gap between the energy concentrated in this natural resource and the entropy it generated in the context of the planned socialist economy of the 1970s and 1980s. The tension that arose from this gap between the modernization potential of oil and the conservative economic and socio-political trends that arose in connection with the growing dependence on resources produced unexpected effects in the space of Soviet culture. These effects were associated with intense mythologizing and fetishization of oil, numerous examples of which can be found in Soviet literature and cinema of that era. In consequence of the enormous pressure that drove ideas and conceptions regarding oil out of official political and economic discourse and into the social imaginary, the products of their cultural refining broke the artistic and ideological norms of official Soviet culture, concentrating in themselves various forms of utopian and mystical, historiosophical and metaphysical meanings. As one of the most powerful symptoms of these phenomena, we analyze the film by Andron Konchalovsky The Siberiade (1978).

National Security, Security of Supply. Finlandisation as a Diplomatic Practice and the Finnish Energy Dependency on the Soviet Union, 1948–1992

This article examines the intermingling of national security and security of oil supply in Finland through the Finnish oil policy, 1948–1992. During the Cold War, Finland built its oil economy based on Soviet oil instead of diversity and multilateral cooperation. That was closely related to the Finnish overarching Cold War policy that prioritised political and economic relations with the Soviet Union, referred to as finlandisation. The article scrutinises the ubiquitous influence of Soviet relations in Finnish society through the oil policy and shows how finlandisation as a policy strategy transformed into political practice. Two factors explain why Finland became dependent on Soviet oil: the double-coupling of national security and welfare and the quest for stability in Soviet relations. Two factors explain the longevity of Finnish dependency on Soviet oil: the intermingling of oil imports and export revenues and finlandisation as an established pattern of reasoning and decision-making. However, Finland was not a passive actor but managed its oil supply security through extensive socio-technical systems, including infrastructure and relations with other suppliers.

Cuba, Soviet Oil, and the Sanctions that Never Were: An Archival Investigation of Socialist Relations

AbstractIn the winter of 1968, tensions between Cuba and the Soviet Union boiled over as the Cuban leadership's mouthpiece, Granma, accused the Soviet Union of imposing oil sanctions on the island in order to subjugate it. Those accusations went on to become inscribed into the historiography of Soviet–Cuban relations. This intervention into that historiography is two-fold: on the one hand it uses recently declassified documents from the Soviet archives to show that there were no oil sanctions on Cuba, but rather a continuum of logistical and infrastructural challenges that created delays and tensions in the relations between these two socialist allies. On the other hand, the article contextualises the relationship within the capitalist institutions of exchange that in effect mediated it, finding in these not only part of the reason for the setbacks and tensions, but also a wider framework for better understanding the Soviet–Cuban economic relationship.

Projects of Mobilization of Oil Resources for the Needs of Forced Industrialization

Using on published and unpublished documents, the problem of “searches” at the turn of the 1920s and 1930s is investigated. Mechanisms to achieve growth of oil production and oil exports to meet the needs of forced industrialization in the USSR are a central theme. The documents studied suggest that there were projects in this period that provided various options for the reorganization of the management of the oil industry and the use of mechanisms to ensure the implementation of five-year plans. While the management of Grozneft proposed strengthening cost accounting, expanding independence, and expanding the rights of each business unit and to increase the pace of technical reconstruction, representatives of the most important Azerbaijani oil region at that time insisted on the need to send significant financial resources to the government, complained about staff shortages and equipment. However, for central authorities, deficiencies in trust management seemed to be a preferable explanation for the failure to fulfill plans. The documents also indicate a very difficult situation for the Soviet oil trusts that developed on the world energy market during this period. The study concludes that projects that assumed greater independence of oil regions and an increase in government funding could not be arranged by the central government. The stake was placed on an ever-increasing centralization of management, strict submission to dictated from above plans. Their failure was accompanied by the arrests of a cohort of brilliant oil workers. Despite the repressions, a very difficult geopolitical situation, thanks to experienced specialists and previously gained positions in the world energy market, it was possible to force production and oil export of Soviet oil products. Moreover, the share of crude oil export in the late 1930s was very minor.

Nationalization, Oil and Political Regime: a Comparative Analysis of the Experience of the Soviet State and Latin American Countries

Introductions. Oil production is historically an important part of government revenues in many developing countries. The Gulf monarchies are traditionally considered as typical ‘rentier states’, while the Soviet Union is usually not classified as a Petro-state, although the USSR was an important oil producer for the global economy. The Soviet Union created a unique economic model, which was based on the administrative command methods of the national economy operation. Unlike the capitalist countries of the developing world, the Soviet Union did not create giant national oil companies to manage its oil resources, but the absence of such companies did not prevent Soviet oil industry from becoming an important source of revenue for the Soviet state. Methods. The article is organized as a comparative analysis of the Soviet Union, Mexico, and Venezuela, three countries, the governments of which nationalized their oil industries at some points in the 20th century. Results and Discussions. The article shows that oil revenues played an important role in the collapse of the political regimes of all three countries after the dramatic decrease of international oil price in 1986.

Alexandr Serebrovskiĭ and the Modernization of the Soviet Oil Industry—1924 to 1929

Abstract Baku, the center of the Russian and then Soviet oil industry, represented the raw economic potential of early Soviet industry. At the head of the industry was Alexandr Serebrovskiĭ, head of Azneft, the largest Soviet oil trust, and a pivotal figure in reviving Soviet oil production across the 1920s. His trip to the United States in 1924 and his subsequent plan to restore Baku’s productive capacity via American technology and methodology would not only improve the industry’s output but allow Azneft to directly compete with American oil companies on the international stage, thus demonstrating the latent potential of the Soviet Union for exportation. However, while this project seemed initially successful, it created a difficult fiscal legacy as Azneft became increasingly financially insolvent across the 1920s.

Chinese Ports Blockade by the Nationalists Navy, Background to the 1954 Capture of the Tanker Tuapse

In 1949, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army drove Chiang Kai-shek’s followers from the mainland to the island of Taiwan, but the Chinese Nationalists did not resign themselves to defeat. Enlisting the support of its American allies, the Kuomintang tried to impose a naval blockade on the People’s Republic of China and detained foreign cargo ships on their way to the communists. The Nationalists announced the closure of the ports taken over by the CCP-led military forces, which gradually turned into an economic and military blockade of the entire China coastline. As a result, foreign and Chinese merchant ships that were carrying cargo to the PRC were shelled, destroyed, or detained by Nationalist naval ships. The notorious one was the seizure of the Soviet oil tanker Tuapse in 1954. The author, referring to the prehistory of the Tuapse detention, investigates the Nationalists’ justification of the closure policy, its goals and objectives. The paper reveals also the rules adopted by the government of the ROC Navy's interaction with foreign vessels, and touches upon the extent of the US involvement in maritime operations, using unexplored documents, and comments of senior ROC government officials.

ПОВЫШЕНИЕ ЭФФЕКТИВНОСТИ РЕМЕДИАЦИИ НЕФТЕЗАГРЯЗНЕННЫХ ПОЧВ В ПРИРОДНО-КЛИМАТИЧЕСКИХ УСЛОВИЯХ СЕВЕРА ТОМСКОЙ ОБЛАСТИ И СОПРЕДЕЛЬНЫХ РЕГИОНОВ С ПРИМЕНЕНИЕМ АБОРИГЕННЫХ МИКРООРГАНИЗМОВ

Актуальность исследования. Наибольшая антропогенная нагрузка, связанная с эксплуатацией природных ресурсов в Томской области, приходится на нефтегазодобывающую промышленность. Геоэкологический анализ территории показал, что наиболее уязвимыми участками являются северные административные районы, при этом основной фактор нефтяного загрязнения почв – аварии на трубопроводах. Биоремедиация является низкозатратным и экологичным методом восстановления нарушенных территорий. Эффективный подход к биоремедиации нефтезагрязненных почв заключается в выделении аборигенных микроорганизмов-деструкторов углеводородов и создании биопрепаратов на их основе. Цель: разработать промышленный консорциум на основе аборигенных углеводородокисляющих бактерий из почв Севера Томской области и оценить его эффективность для биоремедиации нефтезагрязненных почв. Объекты и методы. Культуры аборигенных углеводородокисляющих микроорганизмов получены в селективных условиях из образца почвы Советского месторождения нефти Томской области, загрязненной сырой нефтью. Выделенные штаммы идентифицировали с использованием молекулярно-генетических методов на основе анализа последовательностей гена 16SрРНК. Изучение физиологических и биохимических свойств изолятов выполняли стандартными методами, морфологию клеток изучали микроскопически. Для оценки эффективности биопрепарата на основе выделенного штамма проводили полевые испытания на нефтезагрязненных участках. Количественный химический анализ на суммарное содержание нефтепродуктов в почве выполняли флуориметрическим методом. Результаты. В ходе исследования из нефтезагрязненных почв в Томской области выделены и охарактеризованы 3 новых штамма углеводородокисляющих бактерий, принадлежащие к родам Acinetobacter и Oleomonas. Аборигенные микроорганизмы характеризуются сниженными оптимумами температуры и рН по сравнению с типовыми штаммами. На основе выделенных микроорганизмов разработан коммерческий биопрепарат «Абориген», предназначенный для биоремедиации нефтезагрязненных почв и ветландов. Экспериментальное восстановление нефтезагрязненных почв с помощью препарата аборигенных микроорганизмов-биодеструкторов позволило значительно сократить сроки по сравнению с самостоятельным восстановлением почвенного покрова в ходе естественных процессов. Полевые испытания показали высокую эффективность деструкции нефти под действием биопрепарата – в среднем по восьми опытным участкам суммарное содержание нефтепродуктов в почве было снижено в 12,4 раз за три месяца.

Советский нефтяной экспорт 1950-1960-х гг. на фоне изменений на международной арене и деятельности СЭВ

Советский нефтяной экспорт 1950-1960-х гг. на фоне изменений на международной арене и деятельности СЭВ

Роковой рейс танкера «Туапсе»: хроника задержания

The capture on 23rd June 1954 of the Soviet oil tanker “Tuapse” by the Republic of China (ROC) Navy became one of the most dramatic episodes in Cold War history. The Soviet vessel heading from Odessa to Shanghai was transporting, as indicated in the Bill of Lading, lighting kerosene. In the neutral waters of the Luzon Strait, north of the Philippines, the tanker was shelled, detained, and the crew were arrested, then escorted to the port of Kaohsiung in the south of Taiwan. This event which was developing into an international sensation almost provoked an armed clash between the United States of America (USA) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). The aggravated confrontation overflowed onto the pages of the press, concentrating in diplomatic debates at the United Nations (UN) meetings during which the accusation raised respectively against Taiwan of “violating freedom of navigation on the high seas,” and to the USA of aiding to piracy. The detention of the tanker “Tuapse” in 1954 became a pretext for fierce debates and conflicts between Taiwan and the USSR at the UN. Thirty years later, in the second half of the 1980s, the discussion about the consequences of this incident resumed the fragile political contacts between Taiwan and the USSR, which became a noticeable sign of a thaw in their relations, though no one had yet imagined at that time how far the process of rapprochement could go. Based on recently declassified documents from the archive of the ROC Ministry of Defense, especially the reports of Navy officers who performed the operation to their commanders, this paper reveals the chronology of how the interception of the “Tuapse” Soviet oil tanker was implemented.

Soviet Oil and Gas Dependence: Lessons for Contemporary Russia

ABSTRACT This article examines the origin and development of Soviet dependence on oil and gas. We show that the country’s dependence on oil (and gas) exports is largely explained by its relatively low domestic consumption compared to more economically developed countries and conclude that the institutions that took shape within the Soviet planned economy were poorly adapted for neutralizing the negative consequences of its oil and gas dependence.

ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN THE USSR AND THE FRANCOIST SPAIN IN THE 1960-S

Relations between Spain and the Soviet Union in the XX century had periods of rapid development and quick decline. During the civil war in Spain the ties intensified unprecedentedly, but the rule of Francisco Franco was marked by the transformation of the two states into ideological and political opponents. The period of World War II can be considered as the lowest point in the relationship, when Spanish volunteers fought in the Wehrmacht on the Eastern Front. The situation did not improve after the war, when the Soviet Union proposed the most stringent measures to influence the Franco regime. Nevertheless, since the second half of the 1950s, when both regimes experienced a period of relative liberalization, direct channels of communication, primarily economic, have begun to appear. Together with symbolic steps that the sides exchanged, the development of economic relations contributed significantly to the change. The Soviet Union supplied aluminum, cellu-lose and tractors, Spain exported agricultural products and copper. Since the middle of the 1960s, the range of goods has become more diverse: in Soviet deliveries, oil and oil products have played an increasing role, and Spain has provided more and more consumer goods. In the second half of the 1960s a new sphere has opened for the trade relations between Madrid and Moscow - fishing. Active development of the fishing industry in the USSR required new fishing areas, and the Spanish ports were convenient for basing Soviet fishing vessels. In the end of the decade, the sides signed a number of bilateral treaties regulating the mutual use of coastal infrastruc-ture. Economic ties between the USSR and the francoist Spain began to pave the way for establishing normal relations between the two countries.

Structural features and formation of lower Cretaceous AV1 layer in the Soviet oil field (Tomsk Oblast)

The analysis of the collected geological and geophysical information on AV1 layer known as Ryabchik formation is carried out. The facial conditions of this formation which define structural features of «Ryabchik» sandstones formations are considered. Maps characterizing permeability and porosity of reservoir are plotted. Areal tracking technique of sand streaks is given.

DEVELOPMENT REFINING INDUSTRY VOLGA-URAL REGION DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR

The Great Patriotic War could not be won without winning the front. Volga-Ural region during the war, called Second Baku, provided the front significant amount of gasoline, ammonium nitrate, nitric acid and toluene. Refineries Soviet Union, located in a large part of the Ural-Volga region, provided the processing of almost all the oil produced in the country (93-97%). Processing volume in 1940 amounted to 29.4 million tons, and in 1945 - 17.7 million tons. During the war, oil refining, for example, in the Bashkir ASSR has almost doubled gasoline in 1945 was produced 3.5 times more than in 1940. The region has become a place of evacuation of many enterprises from the occupied areas of the Soviet Union. In 1944, important discoveries were made Devonian oil in the Ural-Volga region, led to the development of the oil industry, including oil refining in the region in the postwar period. For Soviet oil refining industry in the years of the Great Patriotic War was characterized by a combination of both new technologies and more intensive development of the capacities of the base, which was created as a result of Stalin's modernization in the prewar period. One of the innovations in the war years was the development of a pure gas fields in some areas of the Ural-Volga region. It was built in a number of local gas pipelines for gas fuel oil refining. Refining industry Volga-Ural region during the Great Patriotic War, due to objective historical circumstances received a powerful impetus to the development and to a great extent provided in the technical and technological victory against the Soviet army.

Breach of Faith? Italian-Soviet Cold War Trading and ENI's 'International Oil Scandal'

By the late-1950s, Soviet oil exports to Western Europe caused widespread concern in a number of Western countries as these feared that Moscow could use oil to weaken their economic interests. At the same time though, other Western countries had no hesitation in developing trade relations with the Soviets, seeing this as a good commercial opportunity. The paramount example of such political nonchalance was Italy’s oil company, ENI. In 1960, ENI signed a barter contract with the Soviets, causing a scandal in the Western oil world: the Italian company’s act was seen as a serious breach of faith by its international allies. As a consequence, ENI’s contract became a serious bone of contention in the country’s bilateral and international relations. This paper analyzes the origins and development of the ENI-Soviet deal, and focuses on the reactions of Italy’s Western allies and the debate it generated at the European Economic Community.

Data on Fiscal Systems of Countries Represented in the ICES Model, with Focus on Fossil Fuel Subsidies and First Test Run

This study details the first experiment conducted to couple the information relative to fossil fuel subsidies with the database and structure of the ICES CGE model developed at the CMCC, and to test the general performance of the model simulating their potential removal. Data for multi country and multi-fuel analysis derive from a “reconstruction process” based upon the price gap method, created by the IEA. The policy exercise consists in an instantaneous phasing out of existing subsidies in 2050. Removals are implemented imposing an ad valorem tax exactly equal to subsidies estimated by IEA (2009). We also compare our results with Burniaux and Chateau (2011) which conducted a similar analysis with the OECD ENV-Linkages model. Both models predict the expected decrease in CO2 emissions which is more pronounced in countries where the subsidy size is larger (Russian Federation, Former Soviet Union Countries and Oil exporting Countries). On the contrary the EU, where subsidies are small, increases its emissions due to a leakage effect. In the next phase of the research fossil fuel subsidies will be introduced explicitly in the price structure of ICES model.

The Future Is Not What It Used to Be – Climate Change and Energy Scarcity

The future is not what it used to be because we can no longer rely on the comforting assumption that it will resemble the past. Past abundance of fuel, for example, does not imply unending abundance. Infinite growth on a finite planet is not possible. In this book, Jorg Friedrichs argues that industrial society itself is transitory, and he examines the prospects for our civilization's coming to terms with its two most imminent choke points: climate change and energy scarcity. He offers a thorough and accessible account of these two challenges as well as the linkages between them. Friedrichs contends that industrial civilization cannot outlast our ability to burn fossil fuels and that the demise of industrial society would entail cataclysmic change, including population decreases. To understand the social and political implications, he examines historical cases of climate stress and energy scarcity: devastating droughts in the ancient Near East; the Little Ice Age in the medieval Far North; the Japanese struggle to prevent starvation from 1918 to 1945; the totalitarian retrenchment of the North Korean governing class after the end of Soviet oil deliveries; and Cuba's socioeconomic adaptation to fuel scarcity in the 1990s. He draws important lessons about the likely effects of climate and energy disruptions on different kinds of societies. The warnings of climate scientists are met by denial and inaction, while energy experts offer little guidance on the effects of future scarcity. Friedrichs suggests that to confront our predicament we must affirm our core values and take action to transform our way of life. Whether we are private citizens or public officials, complacency is not an option: climate change and energy scarcity are emerging facts of life.