South Yemen Research Articles

Breaking the Strategic Glass: The Carter Administration and Oman, 1977–1980

Abstract When Jimmy Carter became the U.S. president in January 1977, the United States and Oman did not have any formal security arrangements, apart from occasional landings of U.S. military aircraft on Oman's Masirah Island. Although Oman's leader, Sultan Qaboos bin Said, hoped to establish closer security ties with the United States, the Carter administration chose to continue President Richard Nixon's policy of relying on the “twin pillars” of Iran and Saudi Arabia to reinforce Western security in the Persian/Arabian Gulf region. Oman remained mostly a strategic afterthought until a series of crises unfolded in the greater Middle East: a Communist coup in Afghanistan in April 1978, the fall of the Shah of Iran in January 1979, and a war between Marxist South Yemen and North Yemen shortly thereafter. In November 1979, Iranian terrorists backed by the Islamic regime stormed the U.S. embassy in Tehran and seized dozens of hostages. This was followed a month later by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. With the fall of the Shah and the collapse of the “twin pillars” policy, the Carter administration began a sustained effort to create a Rapid Deployment Force for the Middle East and to gain access to Oman's strategic military facilities. After several months of arduous negotiations, Carter and his team were able to conclude a Facilities Access Agreement with Oman in June 1980, a transformative process that gave Washington the ability to insert U.S. military personnel into the Gulf and Indian Ocean on a contingency basis. The Carter administration's effort stands as a significant achievement, converting Oman into the most reliable U.S. ally in the Gulf region in the 1980s.

The Tradition of Henna Night in the Hadrami Arab Community in Jakarta

The Hadhrami Arab is a community comes from Hadhramaut, South Yemen, and they still practice their traditions, one of which is the henna night tradition. This is an Arab tradition that is usually observed at weddings. The bride do henna the night before the wedding ceremony in this tradition. The Hadhrami Arab community in Tanah Abang district Jakarta is the subject of this study. The objective of conducting this research was to help the community understand the context of the henna night by providing new information about how the henna night tradition is still practiced by the Arab Hadhrami community in Tanah Abang Jakarta. A qualitative descriptive approach, a literature review, and interviews were used in this study. In this study, data was collected by processing library data and data from direct interviews with sources using seven questions related to the existing problem formulation. This study addressed two issues: first, what is the role of henna night in the tradition of the Arab Hadhrami community in Tanah Abang, Jakarta; and second, how is henna night conducted among the Arab Hadhrami community in Tanah Abang, Jakarta.

Nostalgia in Social Media and the Construction of the “Southern” Identity of the Adenis

Changes in political sentiment among the inhabitants of the former South Yemen, an increase in calls for independence, and rethinking of the Southern identity are accompanied by a rise in nostalgia for the past among the inhabitants of the former South Yemen. Based on the materials collected by the methods of digital ethnography, the article analyzes the role of nostalgic processes in the construction of local identities among Adeni social media users. Nostalgic moods are mainly focused on the time of the British presence (1839–1967) and the existence of the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (1967–1990). Through a nostalgic prism, these historical periods are often perceived by the Adenis in the same way and merge into one image of the lost «Belle Epoque», while the socio- political contradictions and economic diffi culties that existed back then are being forgotten. The image of the unattainable past becomes a space for the construction of the Southern identity in the present with the Adenis comparing their current reality with bygone times, uniqualizing their historical experience and opposing themselves to the inhabitants of North Yemen.

The Saudi‐UAE Divide over the Yemen Quagmire

AbstractThe expansion of Iranian influence through the Houthi rebels in Yemen alarmed Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, leading them to intervene in the civil war. However, this only prolonged the conflict, in part because the two Gulf neighbors failed to coordinate—indeed, they often followed divergent policies. One reason for this was ideological, as the Saudis favored Yemen's al‐Islah party, an offshoot of the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood movement. The Emiratis rejected this group and opposed Saudi‐backed President Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi due to his links to it. The other area of dispute was the UAE's support for secessionists seeking an independent South Yemen, largely driven by Emirati economic interests. Saudi Arabia strongly resisted separation and prioritized the fight against the Houthis. The article analyzes the many facets of the divide over Yemen and shows how the rift is affecting other parts of the region.

The Soviet position on political developments in South Yemen 1980-1990

This study came to shed light on the nature of Soviet relations and their position on political developments in South Yemen during the eighties of the twentieth century, which represented the last stage of the Cold War, and the resulting collapse of the Soviet Union and the countries of the socialist system in the world, and during that period 1980-1990, the Soviet foreign policy towards South Yemen witnessed a remarkable development in the political relations between the two parties. This study focused on the nature of the diverse support of political, economic and military aid provided by the Soviet Union to South Yemen, all of that support is in order to establish a fertile ground for it in the part The southwestern part of the peninsula and the Arabian Gulf, to establish its position within the framework of the Soviet-American competition for spheres of influence in the world, as well as the mutual visits that initiated the responsibility of two countries in the Soviet Union and South Yemen between them, through which the Soviet Union succeeded in establishing its position in South Yemen. Especially his supportive stance on the events of the civil war that erupted between the wings of power in South Yemen in January 1986, Despite all the various support provided by the Soviet government to South Yemen, the country continued to suffer from poverty, backwardness and division. As soon as the countries of the socialist system collapsed, led by the Soviet Union,

The Political Orientation of the Hadhrami Community in the 2019 Presidential Election in Palembang City (A Study in Al-Munawar Village and Assegaf Village)

Historically, the Hadhrami community originated in the Hadhramaut region of South Yemen, where in the 19th century, they migrated throughout Asia for trade and to spread Islam. Evidence suggests that the Hadhrami community has been present in Palembang through trade routes since the establishment of the first Hadhrami Arab community village in the Kuto Gawang area in 1659, as indicated by a Dutch-made map. In addition to acculturating with indigenous people, they are actively involved in political activities, including elections. Tis study investigates the political orientation of the Hadhrami community in Al-Munawar Village and Assegaf Village during the 2019 presidential election in Palembang City, along with the factors influencing their political stance. The research approach adopted in this thesis is descriptive-qualitative. Primary data were gathered through direct interviews with representatives from each village, while secondary data were obtained from literature reviews and documents. Findings reveal that during the 2019 presidential election in Palembang City, both Al-Munawar Village and Assegaf Village of the Hadhrami community upheld the principle of freedom of choice without external or internal interference. While the overall political orientation of the Hadhrami community remained largely consistent, nuances were observed between the two villages. Al-Munawar Village demonstrated an evaluative political orientation, emphasizing the importance of scrutinizing the background of presidential candidates. Conversely, Assegaf Village's political orientation was cognitive, focusing on the perceived image of the candidate. The factors influencing the political orientation of the Hadhrami community in Al-Munawar Village and Assegaf Village during the 2019 presidential election in Palembang City vary slightly. Al-Munawar Village's political orientation is attributed to a lack of political education and prioritization of economic needs over active electoral participation. Meanwhile, Assegaf Village's political orientation is influenced by an understanding of the prevailing political landscape and the desire for economic stability, which shapes their political stance.

The Union of Soviet Friendship Societies and its Cultural Centres in the 1970s: Orientalism and Soft Power in the Middle East

ABSTRACT: "Arabs are eager to read the works of Tolstoy or of Dostoevsky, but these are not what they are offered. They would find at the Soviet Publishing House in Cairo the collected works of Lenin for as little as 30 piastres, but this is not what they want". Thus Mohamed Heikal, one of Nasser's closest advisors, described the Soviet ineptness in cultural exchanges. This paper will assess the ineffective Soviet cultural outreach t to the Arab world by analysing documents from the Union of Soviet Societies for Friendship and Cultural Contacts (SSOD) collected at the GARF (R-9576). In contrast to its predecessor, "Vsesoiuznoe Obshchestvo Kul'turnoi Sviazi s zagranitsei" — Всесоюзное общество культурной связи с заграницей (All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries) VOKS, the SSOD is far less researched. The material under scrutiny comprises communications between the officials of Soviet Cultural Centres in the Middle East and the presidium of the SSOD, reports on events, lists of Soviet literature, schedules of film screenings, and minutes of meetings. The selection of documents focuses on the period between 1972 and 1979 relating to the activities in North and South Yemen, Lebanon, Egypt, and Syria. Adopting Edward Said's notion of Orientalism, the analysis uncovers how Soviet pragmatism (Vasil'ev) is reflected in individual officials' choices, their interactions as well how infelicitously they represented the USSR in the Arab World, undermining Soviet "soft power" in the region.

Yemen: South Yemen's Independence Struggle: Generations of Resistance, by Anne-Linda Amira Augustin (book review)

South Yemen's Independence Struggle: Generations of Resistance, by AnneLinda Amira Augustin. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2021. £50.

IDENTIFICATION OF TEUNGKU CHIK MUHAMMAD AMIN'S LEGACY

Teungku Chik Muhammad Amin is a scholar from Aceh who is descended from South Yemen's Arab community. Along with promoting society's understanding of Islam and the fight against Dutch forces, he is a person who is quite tenacious. This study's objectives were to learn more about Teungku Chik Muhammad Amin's life, identify his remains, and assess their state of preservation. The explicative (explanatory) or descriptive methods used in this study give a general overview of the archaeological data discovered in terms of time, form, and space as well as demonstrating the correlation between various research variables. In Meunasah Mancang Village, Tiro Truseb District, Pidie Regency, data were gathered by direct observation, interviews, literature reviews, and documentation. Aspects of the data's morphology, technology, and stylistic composition were characterized and examined. The identification has revealed various Teungku Chik Muhammad Amin relics, including Zawiyah Cut, a study hall, an old pond or ablution site, and an old well. Teungku Chik Muhammad Amin's remains have similarly gotten less attention from the parties involved, as seen by their current state. The government of Pidie Regency and other relevant parties are urged to be able to preserve this historical legacy as the cultural heritage of the Acehnese people.

Pandemonium in Yemen: A Historical Analysis of Yemen's Socio-political State

Pandemonium in Yemen:A Historical Analysis of Yemen's Socio-political State Naif Al Bidh (bio) Introduction In 2011, the domino effect of the Arab Spring had finally reached Yemen, initiating the mobilization of the peaceful youth within the capital, Sana'a. The frustrated Yemeni youth and women kindled the flames of socio-political change after decades of rule under Ali Abdullah Saleh's kleptocracy. Initially, the Yemeni uprising and other Arab uprisings were perceived as events that would instantly engender democratic transition after the ousting of their respective dictators. However, in hindsight, the 'Democratic Domino Theory' is irrelevant in the case of the Arab Spring. The Yemeni uprising was the result of the culmination of political and economic events that involved internal and external actors during the past two to three decades of Yemeni history. Hence, the Arab Spring should be viewed as a catalyst, and not the principal cause, for the Yemeni uprising. The West miscalculated the uprising in Yemen and elsewhere by failing to notice that the Yemeni socio-political infrastructure could not yet accommodate democracy. Thus, the events signaled the start of liberalization rather than democratization within Yemen. [End Page 84] This article argues that the Yemeni uprising and crisis stemmed from several factors. First, the injustices inflicted by Saleh's praetorian regime upon the Southern population before, during, and after the war of 1994, which allowed the Southern Secessionists to penetrate the political arena. Second, the consecutive wars against the Houthi movement and its gradual rise to power. Third, a self-destructing tribal-elite patronage system that led to rampant unemployment, inequality, and corruption, infuriating an already exhausted youth, and paving the way for the emergence of a counter-revolutionary opposition led by General Ali Mohsen and Sheikh Abdullah Al-Ahmar, which is the fourth crucial element to the events that led up to Yemeni uprisings. Diverse Historic Experiences Among the many misperceived concepts about Yemen is the notion of a united Yemeni state and identity. Prior to the union of the Yemeni Arab Republic (YAR or North Yemen) and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY or South Yemen), these two lands had never united under one polity for centuries.1 The multiple identities existent within Yemen today is the result of regionally distinct historical experiences. Arabia Felix2 was the name given to the ancient lands of Yemen and South Arabia. Within ancient Greek and Roman texts, it is evident that Arabia Felix was made up of several kingdoms and not a unified polity.3 The works of the Greek geographer Eratosthenes of Cyrene perhaps provide an idea of the diverse identities that exist within Yemen's history. Eratosthenes speaks of four distinct peoples residing within Yemen–namely, the Sabaens, the Minaeans, the Hadhramis and the Qatabanians who he named the Sabaioi, the Minaioi, the Chatramotitai and the Katabaneis.4 Today, this division is still noticeable, and there is a pattern about the polities within the regions comprising the Yemeni territory. The conquest or unity of Yemen, although rarely successful throughout history, was common by the hands of the northern polities, especially within the highlands, due to their more massive demographic structure and their aggressive nature. The existence of two or four civilizations, kingdoms, or states has predominated Yemen's history. These polities form within specific regions, namely, the northern [End Page 85] highlands (Sana'a and Sa'ada), the canyons of Hadhramaut, the Red Sea coast, and the Desert of Marib. This is mainly due to the diverse geographic terrain within Yemen, which is a vital factor in accumulating various distinct identities within a region smaller than most ancient civilizations. The geography of Yemen allowed for multiple societies to develop in isolation from one another and thus created diverse regional identities, cultural traits, and languages.5 These facts are crucial in understanding the socio-political issues within contemporary Yemen since the existence of a prolonged centralized united polity was rare. As the Ottoman and European Empires scrambled for influence and land, Yemen turned into a battlefield as various groups aligned themselves with one another to secure their interests. During the age of empires, cynicism became the status quo. As the Turks...

Terrorist Attacks in the Middle East: A Counter-Terrorism Medicine Analysis.

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has been, like many parts of the world, a hotbed for terrorist activities. Terrorist attacks can affect both demand for and provision of health care services and often places a unique burden on first responders, hospitals, and health systems. This study aims to provide an epidemiological description of all terrorism-related attacks in the Middle East sustained from 1970-2019. Data collection was performed using a retrospective database search through the Global Terrorism Database (GTD). The GTD was searched using the internal database search functions for all events which occurred in Iraq, Yemen, Turkey, Egypt, Syria, West Bank and Gaza Strip, Israel, Lebanon, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, North Yemen, Qatar, and South Yemen from January 1, 1970 - December 31, 2019. Primary weapon type, primary target type, country where the incident occurred, and number of deaths and injuries were collated and the results analyzed. A total of 41,837 attacks occurred in the Middle East from 1970-2019 accounting for 24.9% of all terrorist attacks around the world. A total of 100,446 deaths were recorded with 187,447 non-fatal injuries. Fifty-six percent of all attacks in the region occurred in Iraq (23,426), 9.4% in Yemen (3,929), and 8.2% in Turkey (3,428). "Private Citizens and Properties" were targeted in 37.6% (15,735) of attacks, 15.4% (6,423) targeted "Police," 9.6% targeted "Businesses" (4,012), and 9.6% targeted "Governments" (4,001). Explosives were used in 68.4% of attacks (28,607), followed by firearms in 20.4% of attacks (8,525). Despite a decline in terrorist attacks from a peak in 2014, terrorist events remain an important cause of death and injuries around the world, particularly in the Middle East where 24.9% of historic attacks took place. While MENA countries are often clustered together by economic and academic organizations based on geographical, political, and cultural similarities, there are significant differences in terrorist events between countries within the region. This is likely a reflection of the complexities of the intricate interplay between politics, culture, security, and intelligence services unique to each country.

South Yemen’s Independence Struggle, Generations of Resistance by Anne-Linda Amira Augustin & South Yemen: Gateway to the world? by Abdul Galil Shaif

South Yemen’s Independence Struggle, Generations of Resistance by Anne-Linda Amira Augustin & South Yemen: Gateway to the world? by Abdul Galil Shaif

Socioeconomic Changes in South Arabia in The First Half of The Sixteenth Century.

One of the world’s largest humanitarian crises that have been going on in Yemen for the last ten years has highlighted the growing tensions within its society. To better understand the rising antagonism between the North and the South, it is necessary to analyze the significant historic events that influenced the development of the Yemeni identity. For the inhabitants of South Yemen and Hadramaut, many of such events took place in the first half of the sixteenth century. The following article presents an analysis of these events focusing on the available Yemeni sources, especially the “Tārīkh al-Shiḥr wa akhbār al-qarn al-‘āshir”, the annals by Muḥammad b. ‘Umar al-Ṭayyib Bā Faqīh al-Shiḥrī (d. 17th cent. AD). The comparison of this chronicle with other sources reveals how the clash between Hadramaut, the Portuguese and the Ottoman empires, as well as an attempt by the Kathīrī Sultan Badr Bū Ṭuwairiq to establish a centralized South Arabian state, caused deeper integration of this region into global politics. Ironically, it was the Sultan’s loyalty towards the Ottoman Empire meant to ensure the rise of al-Shihr as one of the main trade centres of the Arabian Peninsula that soon contributed to its decline. Lastly, the sources reflect the spread of firearms that had an impact on the stratification of South Arabian society and gave more power to the tribes, allowing them to subjugate the sultans, thereby preventing the creation of a unified state in the following centuries.

The Origin and First Steps of the Yemeni Press (19th - mid-20th Centuries)

The article examined the origin and development of the Yemeni press. The article systematically analyzed the history of the Yemeni press, its origin its development trends. The establishment of the Yemeni press was taking place against the backdrop of the country's historical development under the influence of various political regimes, as well as political and social events that the Yemeni press went through, as it faced and interacted with national, social, and cultural events. The press covered the periods of ebb and flow that the national movement went through, the crises that the country and the people of Yemen went through during the periods of national movements, uprisings and revolutions. The article studied the history of the birth and the first steps of the Yemeni press (XIX — mid XX centuries) in what was known in North Yemen, South Yemen and "before the unity of Yemen" at various historical and political stages, up to the revolution, liberation and independence. In general, in an integrative structure that confirms the dialectical connection between journalism and the social, cultural, national and revolutionary movement, confirming the unity of the Yemeni land, people and destiny. The author concluded that the Yemeni press is one of the oldest in the Arab region and in many countries around the world, not to mention its prominent role in opposing the Turkish presence and imamate rule in northern Yemen, and British colonialism in southern Yemen, where the Yemeni press became the mouthpiece of the national liberation movement. However, mass communications in Yemen are primarily driven by political goals, they are usually influenced by political and economic circumstances, and international mass media coverage.

Constraints and Adjustments in the US–Yemeni Relations

This article analyzes the course of US–Yemeni relations from the 1940s to the present and aims to explain the reasons for the twists and turns in bilateral relations. It argues that the US government never developed a unique “Yemen policy” and that its attitude toward that country was determined largely by its ties with Saudi Arabia. Yemen began to loom large in US foreign policy in the early 1960s when Egyptian President Gamal Abd al-Nasser intervened on behalf of the Republicans who staged a coup against the Royal imamate regime, which relied on Saudi support. The article shows that President John Kennedy looked favorably on the new Republican regime in Yemen despite the robust relations that existed between the United Statesand Saudi Arabia. In addition, it argues that despite the war in Yemen, which lasted from 1962 to 1970 and caused instability in this region, this country did not loom large in US foreign policy. This was largely due to the British presence in south Yemen and especially in the port of Aden, which lasted until 1967. The article shows how the British withdrawal from Aden increased Yemen’s value in the eyes of US policymakers, but even then, no effort was made to fashion a unique policy toward this country. In addition, the article demonstrates how Washington’s attitude changed in 1969 when the country was divided into North Yemen, which tended to regard the Soviet Union as its protector and South Yemen, which continued to rely on US aid. And lastly, the article traces US–Yemeni relations from 1990, when the country reunited, until the present. It demonstrates how the bilateral relations were affected by the superpowers’ rivalry during the Cold War, the fight against terrorism, and disagreement between the Republican and the Democratic parties in the United States.

Symbiosis and Revolution: The Soviet Encounter with the War in Dhofar

This article discusses how the Soviet Union perceived and related to Middle Eastern revolutionary movements, using a case study from South Yemen and the War in Dhofar. This specific Soviet encounter will be analysed through selected Soviet material from published and archival sources. The article highlights how Soviet representatives assessed prospects for socialism in Yemen, and how they interacted with their partners on the ground. The article is divided into three parts: the first discusses the theoretical debates in Soviet academia and the press, the second section contrasts these theoretical views with Middle Eastern ‘socialist’ theories during the Cold War and the third shows how a symbiosis developed between Soviet and Yemeni institutions and organisations. The article argues that due to an Orientalist take on South Yemen and Dhofar, the Soviet side could not appreciate the political importance and potential of socialist currents in the region, reducing cooperation to ‘pragmatism’.

A Greek-speaking Jew in the land of the Ḥimyarites?

Some scholars believe that ‘genuine’ Jews were present in Yemen as early as the 10th to the 6 th century BCE. The Ḥimyarite Kingdom saw another phase of Judaization between the 4th and 6th centuries CE. The history of Judaism in Southern Arabia is interlinked with the other two major religions of our time, namely Christianity and Islam, both of which were also practised in the area. The spread of the religions was inevitable as the interconnectedness of cultures and religions increased through political and trade relationships. This paper focuses on the nature of the ‘non-converted’ Jewish community in Yemen. The discovery of a Greek inscription in the ruins of a synagogue at Qanī (South Yemen) adds additional knowledge about the nature of the Jews of Ḥimyar. Is this an isolated case? When and where were the Jews exposed to the Greek culture? In 1936 and 1937, Mazar revealed a remarkable system of tombs in Bĕţ Śĕ̕̕̕ ‘ārīm (Qiryat Tib’on) in northern Israel (near Haifa) and showed that these tombs were those of the Jews of Ḥimyar. The cemetery served as a burial place for Jews from various regions after the diaspora in late antiquity. It is furthermore ‘notable that the inscriptions at the Ḥimyari tombs in Bĕţ Śĕ̕̕̕ ‘ārīm are in Greek, next to an interlacing of Epigraphic South Arabian script. Apparently, it often happened that Jews of Ḥimyar sent the bodies of their relatives to be buried in Israel. A review and analysis of the historical literature will be employed. An epigraphic and archaeological approach illuminates this investigation.

NILAI-NILAI DALAM KESENIAN HADRAH DI KOTA PONTIANAK

This study describes the values contained in Hadrah art in Pontianak, West Kalimantan. Hadrah is closely related to Islamic art because the poetry that is sung contains praise for the Creator and Prophet Muhammad Sallallahu Alaihi Wasallam and advice. Using qualitative research methods with an anthropological approach. Data collection techniques used interviews, observation, literature study, and data validity testing by extending observations and triangulation. Based on the data analysis, it can be concluded that Hadrah art has existed in Pontianak since the 17th century. This art was brought by traders from Hadramaut Arabian Peninsula, South Yemen. Initially, this art was used as a means of spreading Islam in the city of Pontianak. Along with the development of the times, this art is used as a spectacle to entertain the audience. In Hadrah art there are several values, among others, the value of truth, beauty, morals, and religion. Through the values contained in the art of Hadrah, it can form human beings who believe and fear Allah Subhanahu Wa Ta'ala, have noble character according to the example of the Prophet Muhammad Sallallahu Alaihi Wasallam and become good citizens.

Flora and Phytochorology of Lahij Governorate of Yemen: 1- Systematic Revision of Wild Legumes of the Family Fabaceae

The current study presents a revision of the family Fabaceae in the flora of Lahij Governorate, South Yemen. The recorded taxa were systematically revised and life form, lifespan, and phytogeographical affinities were analyzed. 63 taxa belonging to 20 genera of three subfamilies (Caesalpinioideae, Faboideae, and Mimosoideae) were recorded. For each species, accepted name, synonyms (if any), and local distribution are given. Keys to subfamilies, genera, species, and infra-specific taxa of polymorphic species are provided. The recorded taxa consist of 76.19% perennials and 23.81% annuals. Phanerophytes, chamaephytes, and therophytes were the most frequent life forms. Phytogeographical analysis revealed that the Sudano-Zambezian elements are the most dominant, forming the major constituent (¼ of the recorded plants) of the legume floristic structure. The most diverse genera were Acacia s.l. (13 taxa), Indigofera (12 taxa), Tephrosia (7 taxa), Crotalaria, and Senna (6 taxa each), accounting for about 69.84% of the total taxa recorded. Two species (Acacia hunteri Oliv. and Zygocarpum yemenense (J.B.Gillett) Thulin & Lavin) are endemic to Yemen. Besides, six species (Acacia edgeworthii T. Anders., Acacia johnwoodii Boulos, Cadia purpurea (Picc.) Ait., Crotalaria saltiana Andrews, Indigastrum costatum subsp. goniodes (Hochst. ex Baker) Schrire, and Tephrosia heterophylla Vatke) are considered near endemics.

Struktury KGB na Bliskim Wschodzie w latach 1954-1991. Retrospekcja i jej współczesne implikacje

W artykule zaprezentowano w zarysie podstawowe struktury Komitetu Bezpieczeństwa Państwowego (przy Radzie Ministrów) ZSRR prowadzące działania operacyjne na terenie trzynastu państw Bliskiego Wschodu ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem: Libanu, Egiptu, Syrii, Iraku oraz Jemenu Północnego i Południowego. Ponadto przedstawiono specyfikę regionu, a także jej oddziaływanie na profil podejmowanych tam przedsięwzięć, zwłaszcza w zakresie operacji realizowanych w ramach jednostek organizacyjnych 1. Zarządu Głównego KGB odpowiedzialnego za prowadzenie wywiadu zagranicznego, jak również ich możliwy wpływ na późniejsze działania Służby Wywiadu Zagranicznego FR na tym obszarze.