South African Politics Research Articles

Julius Malema, from Masupatsela to the Formation of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF): Historical Narrative

Julius Malema was born in 1981 during the apartheid era in South Africa and began his political journey at an early age. As he rose in the political space, he became prominent, playing a critical role in reviving the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). He was exposed to formal politics from the age of nine when he joined Masupatsela (Trailblazers), the youth brigade of the African National Congress (ANC) at the time. He rose to positions of power through joining the ranks of the Congress of South African Students (COSAS), the ANCYL, and post his expulsion from the ANCYL, established his own organisation, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), of which he is the current president, also known as the commander in chief (CiC). The article interrogates Malema's role in South African politics, and how he contributed to growing factionalism in the ANC. First, the article discusses Malema's early stages of joining politics, and his gradual growth, until he became the president of the ANCYL in 2008. Second, the article discusses his role in the politics of the mother body, the ANC, that is, in policies. Third, the article scrutinise why Malema was expelled from the ANCYL and, last, the emergence of the EFF in 2013 and its radical stance in the politics of South Africa.

On Opposite Sides of the World – South African Expats’ Observations of the Society, Economy, Education and Ethics in South Korea

Abstract In this paper, a Comparative Historical Analysis (CHA) is made between South Korea and South Africa for the improvement of the South African politics, economy, society, and ethos. Through a mixed-methods approach, this study is making use of four case studies and a literature study to learn from the most prominent differences between RSA and ROK experienced by South African expats living in ROK (confirmed by other expats in ROK). The issues that form the basis of discussion of prominent differences between South Africa and South Korea are 1) the respect basis of society (the Korean focus on respect for others is viewed as a counter for racial superiority theories in RSA), 2) work ethics (the strong Korean commitment to hard work and proper remuneration corrects the lack of work ethics in small RSA enterprises), 3) education and innovation (the educational system in Korea is under less strain than in RSA because it receives high priority funding and support from the government), and 4) national cohesion (RSA’s diversity can be detrimental if leads to a lack of cohesion in the society). These issues are discussed from a CHA perspective for the purpose of contributing to the ongoing debate for the improvement of the South African society, economy and politics. By presenting case studies, this paper is limited in scope but makes an invaluable contribution to the wider debate on the improvement of RSA. The novel contribution of this paper is that it adds to the debate the observations of expatriates living in a country that has some similarities with RSA, but different from RSA, managed to improve their economy since their democratization in 1987.

Violent protests as language of agency in a post-apartheid South Africa – A theological pastoral study

The South African political and social landscape has been dominated and characterised by, among others, a growing number of protests in recent years. Protesting and marching are allowed by the constitution of the country, provided the required permission is granted by relevant authorities. Unfortunately, very few protests and marches end peacefully. Most lead to the destruction of property and even loss of life. Recent violent protests demanding the release of the jailed former President, Jacob Zuma, were estimated to cause losses of not less than a hundred million rand, with shops looted and trucks burnt. Violent protests have become the norm – similar to the period of contestations against the apartheid government. The point of departure of this article is that destructive protests need to be investigated to determine the causes while unveiling the challenges such protests bring to the community and the nation at large. The critical reading of post-apartheid academic and non-academic texts relevant to the topic will be read within the South African context, to determine the causes as we seek ways to minimise or even eradicate the violence that is destroying South Africa. The article will also advance the role of theology, particularly practical theology, in the elimination of such practices.Contribution: Working towards eliminating and arresting the social ills that are destroying South Africa cannot be achieved without addressing the destructive protests, which are delaying and even reversing the achievements of democracy. It is the role of practical theology, through its pastoral care and counselling, to engage with broken communities in trying to teach, counsel and show them the importance of avoiding vandalism and cruelty when seeking service delivery from their leaders.

‘Thin’ loyalty and declining attachment to the African National Congress

ABSTRACT The African National Congress (ANC) has been an electorally dominant party in South African politics since 1994, with its vote share peaking in 2004 before falling to a low in the most recent 2019 general elections. Simultaneously, there have been much sharper declines in levels of ANC partisanship and assessments of government performance among the party’s own voters. This presents a puzzle: Why do a significant share of ANC voters continue to support a party that they do not ‘feel close’ to and do not believe is adequately managing the economy or the delivery of public goods? Based upon original qualitative data from semi-structured interviews with 111 intended ANC voters, I argue that there is a sizeable portion of ANC voters whose connection to the party is characterised by a conditional loyalty that falls short of a more thoroughgoing partisanship. The persistence of ‘thin’ loyalty alongside habitual and strategic voting for the ANC – especially among the ‘born free’ generation – has obfuscated the extent of decline in the perceived efficacy of voting and overall satisfaction with the outcomes of democratic politics.

South African Politics and Online Electioneering Discourses in Selected Social Media Sites in Phuthaditjhaba

This study analyses electioneering discourses in selected social media sites of Phuthaditjhaba in South Africa. It focuses on political messages and images posted by political parties on selected Facebook Pages and X handles in Phuthaditjhaba. Using critical discourse analysis as a method and netnography as an instrument to collect data from selected sites, I analyse the packaging and language of political communication and highlighting socio-economic issues used by political parties to persuade voters and undermine messages of their competitors. The theoretical underpinnings of the study are drawn from Kubin and von Sikorski’s (2021) notions of ideological and affective polarisation, and Entman’s (1995) idea of social media constructions of poverty. Their ideas guide my analysis of how political rivals capitalise on existing socio-economic issues in Phuthaditjhaba to mobilise sentiment among disgruntled residents. Data was collected from ten social media sites namely, four Facebook group pages, four X group handles and two individual X handles. Ten images and accompanying texts were sampled from the selected sites. Thematic analysis was used to categorise the data. The findings of the study show that while politicians used social media for campaign purposes, residents of Phuthaditjhaba used it to contest, and challenge messages of political parties.

Radikaal versus beskeie: Die vroegste vrouestemme teen patriargie in die Suid-Afrikaanse literatuursisteem

This article explores similar social experiences of South Africa in the English and Afrikaans literary systems respectively. It investigates the reflection of patriarchy as an ideological presupposition of South African society in the earliest writings of two South African writers, Olive Schreiner (1855-1920) and Maria Elizabeth Rothmann (1875-1975) (known as M. E. R.). In doing this, it offers a discussion of how these women's involvement in South African politics sought to address the situation that political rule during the late 1800s and early 1900s created for South African women in the broader context of the South African War. The practice of gender politics as a response to these social experiences is discussed, while the contribution of Schreiner's radical voice to the stereotyping of the Afrikaner woman is compared to the modest voice with which M. E. R. fought for the rights of these stereotyped women. The article concludes that the nature of, and similarities and differences between their feminist voices determined Schreiner's and M. E. R.'s contribution to their respective literary systems, as well as their contribution to English and Afrikaans prose.

Development And Service Delivery in Post-Apartheid South Africa: “Quality” Versus “Quantities” of the Pre and Post-Apartheid South Africa

This paper intends to determine the contestation between the quality and quantity of service delivery in comparison between pre-apartheid and post-democratic South Africa. There are relative arguments that persist that quality and better service was provided in South Africa during the apartheid government era as compared to the current democratic system era. Contrary to these arguments, post-apartheid South African politicians boast about the service they are providing at the best quality and having closed the segregated service delivery system that was provided and practiced by the apartheid regime. This paper is conceptual, and it uses a desktop methodology to argue and compare the two perspectives in an attempt to find a truthful answer to it. This paper concludes that within the midst of the contestation of such arguments, the current beneficiaries perpetuating such scale of comparison are ignorant of the different contexts of eras of development and challenges and opportunities within which the two regimes operate.

Reading the Belhar Confession in a Wounded World

This paper was presented by the author as the annual Belhar Confession lecture at the University of the Western Cape on 21 April 2022. First, the paper presents what the Belhar Confession is, as well as how it has evolved in the church. The South African political, economic, social, religious and cultural landscape is portrayed as representing the “wounded world.” Second, the message of the Belhar Confession is applied to the situation, and attention is given to how this triune message can be read in the midst of emerging societal challenges.

‘The Wind of Change’: a rhetorical political analysis of Harold Macmillan’s 1960 ‘decolonization’ speech

This article contributes to the literature on Conservative Party politics through an exploration of the political rhetoric of former Prime Minister and Conservative Party leader, Harold Macmillan in relation to decolonization and the end of empire. Macmillan’s Wind of Change speech has been analysed in the existing literature as purely a historical moment in relation to imperial decline. This article contends that Macmillan’s arguments for and defence of decolonisation in fact remain relevant for modern understandings of contemporary Conservative Party politics because residual affections for imperialism remain within some conservative audiences, as well as the ongoing processes of decolonisation. He sought to address such sentiments at the time of delivery, yet they remain today amongst similar audiences who remain committed to imperial notions. As such, simply considering the speech as a historic moment is inadequate given its value as an enduring argument relevant to contemporary conservative debates. Because of the language and justification used, I re-evaluate the speech through the process of ‘Rhetorical Political Analysis’ (ethos, pathos, logos). By doing so, I will demonstrate how Macmillan’s historical speech remains relevant as a living argument for scholars and practitioners of Conservative Party politics, which is a perspective presently absent in the scholarship. This methodological approach is also augmented by an analysis of archival materials helping to shed light on the embeddedness of the speech within the broader context of the tumultuous South African politics of the time, and by doing so show why a speech delivered in the 1960s remains relevant to UK domestic policy, foreign policy, and conservative studies in the 2020s.

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The presentation of South African politicians in The Times newspaper column “On the Contrary”: 2012-2017

This paper examined South African politicians' (re)presentation in Tony Leon’s regular column, On the contrary, which appeared in The Times newspaper from 2012 to 2017. This period in South African politics is made interesting by the fact that it coincides with the time when there was mounting pressure for the then president, Jacob Zuma, of the ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), to step down, especially between 7 January 2015 and 21 March 2017. Tony Leon, who also once served as a councilor for the Democratic Party (DA), one of the major opposition parties in South Africa is the columnist who at the time authors the on the contrary column. This creates interesting research on how the columnist and the newspaper are able or not to maintain ethical journalism. In conducting the study, this article employs the framing theory and critical discourse analysis (CDA) as research tools to assess the columnists’ objectivity and bias in his depiction of the then president and several prominent politicians during the examined period. Data analysis constitutes six newspaper articles which were purposively selected to obtain a representative sample. The results indicated that these articles were well-researched in respect of the information they presented. At the same time, biased tendencies were noted in favor of the political party aligned to the columnist.

The Economic Freedom Fighters of South Africa:What do they Stand for, and who Votes for them?

The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) have emerged as a significant force in South African politics during the past eight years. Still, only a few scholarly studies have been published analysing its ideology, strategy, and tactics, who is voting for the party, and why. The authors argue that the EFF had emerged as a challenger to the African National Congress (ANC) by positioning itself to the left of the ruling party with a set of ideas and policy proposals that emerged from the ANC Youth League when current EFF leader Julius Malema led it. Survey and exit polling data analysed by the authors indicate that the EFF is gaining traction election by election with younger black voters in the townships on issues of land and jobs and, in the process, threatens the single-party dominance of the ANC in future South African elections. However, despite a good start, the party appears to have lost some momentum after the fall of former President Jacob Zuma and made some tactical mistakes.

Schreiner family narratives: Written and oral sources in biographical research

This article reflects on the research required in biographical studies. The biographical focus is on the role of three generations of the Schreiner family: W.P. Schreiner (one-time Prime Minister of the Cape Colony), Justice O.D. Schreiner (judge of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court) and Professor G.D.L. Schreiner (scientist, academic, liberal and early conceptualiser of alternative models to apartheid). All three were involved in developing, defending and sustaining liberal policies and values in South Africa from the late 19th century until the advent of democracy in 1994. The clarifications and contradictions within and between oral and written sources are examined, and individual cases are discussed in which they are highlighted. The research sources include family papers, official archives, publications and, crucially, oral testimony. The oral testimony includes formal and informal interviews. This study is a contribution to the history of a family, a university and a set of values. It covers a long period in South African history during which colonialism tightened into apartheid, resistance developed and the eventual vision of a democratic South Africa came to fruition.Contribution: The primary scientific contribution is the exploration of liberal policies and values in South African political and academic history through the prism of biography. Methodologically, the article discusses possible shortcomings with oral testimony when relied on as a sole source and examines how oral evidence can be utilised in conjunction with research based on archival and published sources to develop a fuller and more nuanced picture in biographical research.

Kommunikasie·aantekeninge oor die Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesing

It is a review of the 1994 election in South Africa from a variety of perspectives. The negotiation process from 1990 until 1993 was embedded in the dynamics of negotiation communication. Critical remarks are made regarding voter education and the various other structures organisationally involved with the election. The following statements: that the process was carried by political expectations about the election and not so much by the administration and organisation thereof; that State information must be completely divorced from the political party in power; and that a law in respect of freedom of information is essential. The election campaign is discussed from the perspective of policy communication, political rhetoric, propaganda techniques, the advertising campaign and the way in which the media handled the election. The statement is made that the election results prove that it was a symbolic election a racial election and that theWillem de Klerk is Spesiale Professor verbonde aan die Department Kommunikasie aan die RAU en bekende politieke analis en kommentator.The political climate in the country changed from pessimism to optimism within days after the election, is briefly discussed. Issues expected to receive attention in political discourse over the next three years, are summarised.A few research themes and fields of application for Communication Science in the context of South African politics, are explored

The Circularity of Integrity and the Politics of Complicity in Thando Mgqolozana’s Unimportance

Thando Mgqolozana's Unimportance traces one night in the life of a student on the verge of being elected Student Representative Council (SRC) president of the University of the Western Cape (UWC). Troublingly, though, the protagonist, Zizi, has physically and verbally abused his girlfriend, Pamodi, and he now fears the imminent revelation of this news. But through the course of one night, Zizi undergoes a seemingly dramatic transformation. Where for much of the narrative he is willing to go to great lengths to ensure that what he has done to Pamodi is not revealed to others, by the end of the story he himself discloses his actions to the student body in the form of a speech. He does so because he comes to the conclusion that he lacks integrity and must act to restore it in himself, even if it costs him his political career. In order to do so, Zizi will renounce the "spectacular" political world for the "ordinary" world of people. In this article, I explore the complexity of the vision of renewal (of Zizi and more broadly of South African politics) that Zizi provides and argue that his development is fundamentally flawed because it is premised on the notion of a personal sense of self that is separate and distinct from the social order. I therefore show that it is inevitable that his change of character does not correlate with a meaningful alteration of his relationship to and ideas on women. Instead, I contend that the novel actually is quite critical of Zizi's so-called transformation precisely because of its limited invocation of responsibility. By way of contrast, I discuss the #RememberKhwezi protest of 2016 and focus on the ways in which it confronted then-President Jacob Zuma, his party, and the wider South African public with their complicity with gender-based violence. What most interests me, finally, is the potential of a South African literature that, like Unimportance, moves beyond ideas of personal culpability and agency in order to explore power and its effects in complex and transformative ways.

Images of a nation in crisis

Political cartoonists have, in recent years, faced victimisation for daring to speak truth to power.In December 2010, South African cartoonist, Jonathan Shapiro (Zapiro) was sued for portrayingformer President Zuma as a rapist. In February 2018, his contract of over ten years with TheSunday Times was abruptly terminated. These developments show that cartoons can be effectivetools of undermining and resisting power. This article critically analyses Zapiro’s Rape of LadyJustice cartoons in the context of South African politics under Zuma’s presidency. The ANC-ledgovernment under Jacob Zuma was perceived as corrupt and gravitating away from the ideals ofa democratic state. Underpinned by Bal et al.’s (2009) model of caricature, this article seeks toexamine, firstly, how the cartoon, as a medium of expression, pokes fun at its object of caricature,and secondly, how the broader socio-political context of Zuma’s presidency inspired Zapiro’sLady Justice cartoons.

An Agenda with no gender: 2021 local government elections and patriarchal domination in South African politics

ABSTRACT The South African opposition political parties went to the 2021 local government elections with one agenda: to push the African National Congress (ANC) – as the majority political party since the dawn of democracy to the opposition bench. This was despite their deep-seated ideological differences that are to date, far from being reconciled. The Democratic Alliance (DA), liberal at core, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) adopting the radical left stance and the Action SA as a new kid on the opposition block, had to sacrifice their differences to ensure that they unseat the ANC from all the major metropolitan municipalities in the Gauteng province and other provinces. While the agenda was clear, the politics has not centred women as part of transformative development. Sprinkling a few women here and there, the political parties continue to consolidate patriarchal dominance through compromised coalitions. The paper draws analysis from the election manifestos of four political parties, the ANC as the majority ruling party, the DA and the EFF as the major opposition political parties and the ActionSA as a newcomer and the kingmaker of the 2021 LGE in Gauteng. I argue that in spite of women accounting for a higher number of voters than men, women continue to be poorly represented in local politics.

A ‘radical reinterpretation’ of South African struggle mythology: from non-racialism to black nationalism

ABSTRACT The Economic Freedom Fighters has, since its creation in 2013, attempted to attract Vot voters from the African National Congress (ANC) by presenting itself as the true hero of the South African struggle for freedom. This article indicates how political mythology can be used to unify a group behind a cause or a hero, or against an enemy. Hereafter a case is made for the use of political mythology by the ANC since 1952. Finally, the EFF's positioning towards the ANC and its reinterpretation of struggle mythology is proposed. This article wishes to contribute to the conversation on South Africa's political future, by analysing the relationship of the EFF and ANC at the deepest level, that of their shared and contested political mythology. The contemporary importance is that these two parties that might well be involved in coalitions at the highest level of South African politics in the near future.

A trio reclaiming blackness and black spirituality: A tribute to Vuyani Vellem

Issues related to racism are still pervasive in global society; and Blackness has dominated identity politics in the South African political and public debates since the downfall of apartheid. Recently, there have been questions on whether skin colour can be used as a generalised indication of being previously disadvantaged with some arguing that skin colour cannot be used as a condition for empowerment. They argue that socio-economic conditions must rather be used as the criteria for empowerment. This contribution draws on the notions of Liminality (Turner) and Third Space (Bhabha) to investigate how the lives of three black intellectuals – Steve Biko, Tambudzo Marechera, Vuyani Vellem – resembled the ‘liminal threshold’ as they underwent ‘initiation’ on black identity. The authors conclude that despite the many years of ‘chanting down Babylon’, black people still have to contend with white supremacy in the same way that Tambudzo Marechera, Steve Biko and more recently, Vuyani Vellem, fiercely challenged it.Contribution: This study is a contribution to keeping the legacy of Vuyani Vellem alive by highlighting the notions of Liminality and Third Space to demonstrate how the lives of the three black intellectuals resembled the ‘liminal threshold’ as they all underwent ‘initiation’ on black identity in their respective times and contexts.

Restoring the ethics of the common good in the South African pluralistic society

The idea of the common good is missing in politics today. Fighting for political ideology and self-interest has replaced finding solutions to problems or practising the ethics of public interest. We urgently need to create a new social contract with proper implementation of the values set out in the national Constitution. This study was undertaken from a reformed ethical perspective, with special emphasis on the ethics of the common good. Methodologically, in researching this article, the author was guided by two related questions: how do ideas, beliefs and norms form? What happens in society to let these norms shape our actions? Conducting research guided by these questions has helped the author to understand that for many communities, stability is maintained by rules, norms, beliefs, convictions and worldview as located in tradition and culture. It is institutions such as those outlined here that still guide attitude and behaviour in the majority of cases. While being sensitive to these institutions and the role they play, through policy and legislation, under constitutional supremacy, the Constitution has become the primary guide and source for community stability.Interdisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: This article brings the disciplines of theology, politics and governance together in defining the ethics of the common good in contemporary South African politics. It proposes that the moral prerequisite for solving the deepest problems our country now face is a commitment to the ethics of the common good. By definition, this will require the engagement and collaboration of all the ‘stakeholders’ – government, businesses, civil society groups, faith groups and especially young people.