Sort Of Commentary Research Articles

Status niekonotowanych fraz celownikowychwe współczesnej polszczyźnie a delimitacja jednostek języka

The author describes a certain type of non-obligatory dative phrases, interpreted as dativus ethicus, dativus possesivus, dativus commodi and dativus incommodi, cf. Ładny mi przyjaciel., Syn nam się rozchorował., Ugotowałam ojcu obiad. The analysis of dative phrases does not include the multifunctional Polish expression sobie.
 Most common usage of dative in the Polish language (as an obligatory valency slot ) is to refer to the real recipient or beneficiary of an action. It is also used as some sort of commentary, when one wants to show their commitment to the action and when one feels like a quasi-recipient of this action (as an non-obligatory valency slot). The author provides her own interpretation of the function of non-obligatory dative phrases in Contemporary Polish Language.
 The author also considers a number of problems with interpreting dative forms in sentences as non-obligatory phrases or as required arguments (immanent parts of language units). In the article, units of language are understood as separate entities (continuous or discontinuous) to which (in most cases) a single meaning is assigned. As regards valency slots, they are treated as immanent parts of expressions, unlike lexemes filling these slots in an utterance. The procedure of language-unit delimitation aims at identifying exactly those elements, the detachment of which would result in the unit losing its semantic properties.

Eve-Marie Becker, Helen Bond, and Catrin Williams, eds. John’s Transformation of Mark.

Eve-Marie Becker, Helen Bond, and Catrin Williams, eds. <i>John’s Transformation of Mark.</i>

A Newly Discovered Annotated Partimento Manuscript : "Rudimenti di Musica per Accompagnare del Sig. r Maestro Vignali" (1789)

The partimento tradition of eighteenth-century Italy developed within a musical culture that prioritized oral pedagogy. While these teaching methods were successful in producing generations of great composers, they have left scholars with vexing questions concerning the precise manner in which partimenti should be realized. The recent appearance of a remarkable and previously unknown manuscript—"Rudimenti di Musica per Accompagnare del Sig. Maestro Vignali," dated 1789—promises to shed invaluable new light on the oral tradition of partimento instruction. The manuscript's likely author is Gabriele Vignali (c. 1736– 1799), a maestro di cappella active in Bologna; it is unique in the presently known canon owing to the detailed footnotes that accompany each of its twenty-four Bassi (one in each major and minor key). Vignali's annotations provide precisely the sort of commentary that was ordinarily restricted to real-time explanation, teaching the student to recognize keys, scale degrees, modulations, cadences, typical bass progressions, and significant motives. The present article and accompanying English-language edition examine this exceptional partimento collection in detail, offering modern partimentisti the opportunity for the first time to listen in, as it were, on a series of lessons between an eighteenth-century maestro and his student.

Mirror Gazing by Warren Motte

Reviewed by: Mirror Gazing by Warren Motte Andrew Sobanet Warren Motte. Mirror Gazing. Champaign, Illinois: Dalkey Archive Press, 2014. 295pp. When I was an undergraduate, I had a professor who pointed out to my class on twentieth-century French theater the importance of mirror scenes. I do not remember the specifics of the lesson, either its theoretical underpinnings [End Page 308] or the specific mirror scene we were studying. But I did internalize the central point of the matter: that mirror scenes are noteworthy. So in the 20-plus years since I took that class, I have paid special attention to mirror scenes in books, films, plays, and television shows. And it is indeed true: mirror scenes, across genres and media, often mark or coincide with a crucial narrative moment. Be it an instance of self-awareness, a pivotal moment of transformation, or a marker of alienation from the self, mirror scenes frequently indicate to the reader or viewer a key element about the mirror-gazing character in question. Often some sort of commentary on the narrative itself, mirror scenes can “reflect” a thematic or formal element central to a story. Take, for example, three mirror scenes in L’Etranger: one in Meursault’s apartment, when we don’t see him in his mirror at all; a second, in his prison cell, when his reflection in his pannikin (“ma gamelle de fer”) won’t smile at him, despite his efforts; and a third, when Meursault (by looking in that same tin cup a moment later, this time with the help of the sun’s last light) acknowledges his current state of seriousness as a prisoner. The first two scenes complement other elements in the text indicating that Meursault is, in many regards, unknowable and other, even to himself. The third scene suggests that Meursault’s sense of self is evolving, an evolution that continues through the final lines of the novel. I have used such scenes in almost all of my literature classes—while teaching works by Camus, Sartre, Colette, Queneau, and Marie Redonnet, among others—to show my students how mirror scenes can serve as gateways into understanding how narratives function and how characters are formed. Warren Motte, in his most recent book, Mirror Gazing, delves deeply into the topic that he brought up in that French theater class in which I sat as an undergraduate more than two decades ago. His book is based on more than three decades of reading, collecting, and categorizing mirror scenes. The full scope of the project renders clear what a voracious reader Motte is; over the years, he has read and categorized approximately 10,000 such scenes. That is not a typo: ten thousand scenes, an incredible number. Those roughly 10,000 scenes appear in around 1,500 books from a wide range of periods and genres. The set of authors covered in Mirror Gazing is huge and diverse. Ovid, for instance, lies in close proximity to William S. Burroughs. Barack Obama, Christine Montalbetti, and Agatha Christie share space with Proust and Whitman. In one paragraph, chosen more or less at random, Motte analyzes scenes in books by William DeAndrea, Len [End Page 309] Deighton, Harold Bloom, Carlos Fuentes, Alejo Carpentier, Patrick Deville, and Harry Mathews (208–09). From start to finish, Mirror Gazing has a pleasant ludic quality to it. Motte employs abundantly the first-person singular in order to continually remind the reader that his book is about him looking at himself as a reader and cataloguer, and that this text is the reflection of an activity that has been a part of his distinguished readerly life since he was a graduate student. Indeed, Motte’s engaging, playful, and highly self-referential investigation involves considerable doubling and multiple layers of self, as do many of mirror scenes he so brilliantly analyzes and so ably situates into context (both in his book, and in the books from which they came). Incredibly, Motte manages to distill the thousands of mirror scenes he has catalogued into three basic categories, all of which revolve around degrees of self-recognition: simple recognition; difficult recognition; and failed recognition. Now, those categories as I have just outlined...

Reims, Bibliothèque Carnegie, 806: a little‐known manuscript of Benedict of Aniane's Concordia regularum

Benedict of Aniane is usually portrayed as the major instigator of a series of monastic reforms undertaken by Louis the Pious in the early years of his reign, which attempted to impose the Rule of Benedict of Nursia as the sole monastic standard across Francia. Based on information provided by Ardo, Benedict of Aniane's biographer, the Concordia regularum has been seen as Benedict's main instrument in his attempt to convince or compel others to accept the Rule as a superior norm. The Concordia itself is a sort of commentary on the Rule, where almost the whole of St Benedict's Rule is explained by texts drawn from other monastic rules. However, a number of fragments from a copy of the Concordia, apparently written a decade or more before the accession of Louis, contests Ardo's chronology, and challenges our traditional understanding of both Benedict of Aniane's role in monastic reform and of the Aachen reform councils. An edition of these fragments is included in an Appendix.

De ortu sancti Bartholomei. Legenden über Herkunft und Bekehrung des heiligen Bartholomäus

On the basis of the legendaries of Petrus de Natalibus and Petrus Calo Astrid Kruger examines the largely unknown legends about the origins and conversion of the apostle Bartholomew. Whereas the legend of his conversion is closely related to the Martyrium and serves as a sort of commentary on it, the story of the apostle’s origins is based on the motif of the apocryphal legend of the “girl without hands”, which made its way into international fairy-tale literature.

La parabole des mines (Lc 19, 12-27) dans le De centesima pseudo-cyprianique

The Pseudo-Cyprianic Sermo de centesima, sexagesima et tricesima contains a rather peculiar form of the Parable of the Ten Minas (Luke 19:12-27). This text is examined closely for the first time here. The Parable of the Ten Minas is viewed as a sort of commentary on the Parable of the Lost Sheep (Luke 15, 4-7) and the Parable of the Lost Coin (Luke 15:8-10). The distinctive feature of the De centesima is its use of the Parable of the Ten Minas to deal with the spiritual progress of one who does more than what is explicitly called for in the Ten Commandments. Such an ascetic interpretation is specific to the De centesima but all the peculiarities of the presentation and interpretation of the Parable of the Ten Minas (e.g. the omission of the wicked servant) are found in ‘orthodox’ Late Antique texts, especially the commentaries of Origenes and Ambrose of Milan.

Celtic Football Club, Irish Ethnicity, and Scottish Society

Celtic Football Club, Irish Ethnicity, and Scottish Society Joseph M. Bradley John Hoberman observes in Sport and Ideology (1984) that "sport has no intrinsic value structure, but it is a ready and flexible vehicle through which ideological associations can be reinforced,"1 and Eric Hobsbawm asserts that "the identity of a nation of millions seems more real as a team of eleven named people."2 Implicit in these comments is the belief that sport has the capacity to embody and express identity and community—in its national, cultural, ethnic, religious, social, political, and even economic dimensions—in a way that few other social manifestations can match. Celtic Football Club in Scotland, a professional soccer team based in Glasgow, offers a vivid case study of these observations and assertions, including aspects of the nature of community and supporter associations involved in Scottish football. For countless supporters, Celtic is far more than "merely" a football club.3 As an institution founded by and for the Irish Catholic immigrant diaspora in the West of Scotland, the role of the Celtic Football Club in the cultural and ethnic identity of this part of the Scottish population warrants attention for a number of reasons. As Thomas Devine notes, the Irish community in Scotland has not, until recent years, "been effectively integrated into the wider study of Scottish historical development."4 Nevertheless, what has been overlooked in academic research has received extensive attention in the domain of popular commentary, particularly within the Scottish sports media. Sport can echo and reproduce ethnic and national distinctiveness, as well as reflect social tensions [End Page 96] and cleavages. While the dominant discourses present the idea of Scotland as "one" people on a range of cultural and identity indicators, the case of Celtic partly demonstrates how that dominance is manufactured as a social reality and norm by discounting, marginalizing, demeaning, or corrupting minority distinctiveness and difference: in effect, by disempowering a minority community. Among second- and third-generation Irish populations for whom white skin, local accents, and assumed cultural similarities have traditionally been taken to reflect a community effortlessly assimilated to the "white" Scottish (British) majority,5 the resolute Irish identity of Celtic and its fans challenges those assumptions. The act of supporting Celtic is involved in the reproduction, maintenance, and expression of Irishness in Scottish society, and thus, important to understanding the processes of identity formation in a multi-ethnic Britain. This occurs within the context of ongoing debates concerning multiculturalism in Britain as a whole, as well as within animated, and occasionally acrimonious, deliberations regarding the contested subject of "sectarianism" in Scottish society.6 Much of the research reported on here arose from the Irish 2 Project conducted in the first years of the present decade, a sociological inquiry that looked at questions and issues of identity among people born in Britain of at least one Irish-born parent or grandparent. In addition, a web-based review of all mainstream Scottish newspapers over the period of research since 1990 shows that the discourses and narratives appearing in the print media problematize the Irishness of the Celtic Football Club and its supporters. Several hundred direct and indirect references and comments on Celtic—as well as hundreds in other media outlets—leave no doubt that a particular sort of commentary is dominant, all-encompassing, and recurrent, threading through editorials, letters pages, popular articles, news columns, and radio and television discussions.7 In other print media, the commentary on Irishness in Scottish society unambiguously demonstrates the links between sport and cultural and national identities. [End Page 97] In a word, discourse that is deeply critical of the club's Irish identity is embedded in Scottish society. The interview-based research centered on ideas of self, family, community, and nation among persons living in Britain for whom some, most, or all of their family originated in Ireland. Questions on sport and football formed a portion of the overall study, along with examinations of notions relating to history, religion, politics, health, work, family, and social life. Regardless of gender, age, and social class, all respondents in Scotland—with only one exception—reported that Celtic was their favored football club, and further, that this...