Sons Of Liberty Research Articles

Subjugated to Free Independent States of America, Boston Tea Party by Sons of Liberty and Declaration of Independence

This article explores how Native Americans and Africans have historically been treated by Europeans, with a particular emphasis on how both groups have been portrayed as barbaric and primitive in a variety of media, including literature, minstrel shows, newspapers, and advertisements. We'll talk about Native Americans' difficulties and how they gained their independence in this section. European colonization of North America resulted in the displacement of these tribes, who were then forced into reservations and subjected to assimilation strategies that were often violent and betrayed treaties. European assimilation efforts aimed to erase Native American culture, history, and identity through the establishment of boarding schools that forced Native American children to adopt European habits, attire, and language. The method was intended to "kill the Indian, save the man," as institutions such as the Carlisle Indian School illustrated. Despite the hardships and cultural loss inflicted on Native Americans, their experience in boarding schools was critical in developing future Native American leaders and building a sense of pan-Indian identity, thereby refuting the notion of them as a dying race. The article also delves into the influence of British colonial rule on Native Americans, as well as the imposition of taxes without representation, which sparked riots such as the Boston Tea Party. The Continental Congress and the following Declaration of Independence were watershed points in the American Revolution. Furthermore, the Coercive Acts meant to punish Massachusetts for the Boston Tea Party, stoked colonial discontent and aided in the commencement of the American Revolutionary War. The article finishes by underlining the significance of these historical events in establishing the identity of the United States and the ongoing struggle for Native Americans' rights and acknowledgment. This in-depth examination of historical events and their interconnectivity sheds light on the complicated and often brutal interactions between Europeans, Native Americans, and Africans, which ultimately influenced the establishment of the United States and its values (Volo, 2003).

Playing with Phantoms: Decoding the Ludic Language of Metal Gear Solid V

Playing with Phantoms: Decoding the Ludic Language of <i>Metal Gear Solid V</i>

The Weathersfield Affair

The Weathersfield Affair

Рождение американской прессы: исторический опыт и проблемы развития

The article reviews the origin of American press as an essential idea in genesis of the state power. The author demonstrates a strong correlation between domestic policy and evolutionary changes in local press, also analyzes the key events in chronicle order: printing the first paper “Publick Occurrences”, the Trial of Zenger, consequences of the Stamp Act and the acting of “Sons of Liberty”. The conclusion is made that American press is one of the most influential moments in organizing the national democratic liberation movement over the British Empire, which could not stop or assume control of expansion in the number of printing offices. The article states that the most important factor which leads colonies to unite is the fight against the Stamp Act. It is gone through in attempts to regulate the press and overcome the budget deficit, generated by The Seven Years’ War. As a result American press becomes the main attribute in the American Revolution.

Proposing a Gaming Language Analysis Procedure to Reveal Video Game Ideology through Ludic Linguistics

This study proposes a procedural analysis on the implementation of ludic linguistics to analyze gaming language with wordplays, the core of focus in ludic linguistics, as the point of departure. To formulate the procedural analysis, theories of language play by Crystal ideology of influence and ludonarrative model by Aarseth, wordplay in gaming context by Paul, intended meaning level by Stiles, wordplay transmission by Winter-Froemel, game interface types by Stonehouse and indexical storytelling by Fernández-Vara were applied as the theoretical foundation. To provide a vivid application of the proposed procedural analysis, wordplays appearing on game assets from Konami’s Metal Gear Solid, Metal Gear Solid 2: Sons of Liberty, and Metal Gear Solid 3: Snake Eater were taken as examples of analysis. The five steps procedure is able to show how wordplays in gaming context are designed as mechanical cues to help gamers complete the games and as narrative cues to help them comprehend the story. Further, this proposed procedure is able to indicate that the mechanical and narrative cues have particular ideology of influence, which affects gamers in reacting and responding to particular problems presented by the games. The result of this study discloses future research on the roles of wordplays in gaming context, signifying the importance of ludic linguistics as a bridge between language studies and game studies. Keywords: Wordplay; Gaming Language; Ludic Linguistics; Game Dtudies; Metal Gear Solid

From Fort George to the Fields: The Public Space and Military Geography of Revolutionary New York City

Drawing on the literature of public space and military geography, this article explores the martial and civilian places of New York City on the eve of the American Revolution. Whereas martial and civilian places were largely undistinguished in New York before 1750, the arrival of British troops and the repositioning of New York as the center of British military power in North America initiated a process whereby New Yorkers debated if these two should be separated. While military commanders and local officials attempted to protect private spaces like the home through a joint martial-civilian occupation of public spaces with the construction of barracks, the Sons of Liberty contested this use of space and sought to evict the British soldiers. Ultimately, the Battle of Golden Hill and other clashes between soldiers and civilians forced leaders to segregate the city’s places, thereby removing all military geography from the city.

Surveillance and Spies in the Civil War: Exposing Confederate Conspiracies in America’s Heartland by Stephen E. Towne

Reviewed by: Surveillance and Spies in the Civil War: Exposing Confederate Conspiracies in America’s Heartland by Stephen E. Towne Kelly Mezurek Surveillance and Spies in the Civil War: Exposing Confederate Conspiracies in America’s Heartland. By Stephen E. Towne. (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2015. 430 pp. Paper $34.95, isbn 978-0-8214-2103-1.) Stephen E. Towne, in Surveillance and Spies in the Civil War: Exposing Confederate Conspiracies in America’s Heartland, reassesses the role of military intelligence on the Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois home front. In doing so, he challenges the assertions made by Frank L. Klement and other historians that the opposition to the Union war effort in those areas posed no real threat, and that any claims otherwise were concocted for and by Republicans in order to maintain political control. Towne convincingly shows otherwise. He also helps move the discussion of Civil War military surveillance beyond the battlefield to southern regions under Union occupation, and the more “thrilling” exploits of amateur spies. As a result, Surveillance and Spies in the Civil War demonstrates the “widespread reach of the army’s espionage efforts during the war” (3). Towne argues that many in the lower Midwest believed that “upheaval and violence were close to the surface” (6). Citizens, angered by conscription, organized secret political groups with connections to the Democratic Party that assisted deserters, encouraged men to avoid the draft, plotted prison escapes to free Confederate captives, and “threatened large-scale unrest” (6). State officials, who lacked the number of soldiers necessary to put down any significant challenges, failed to adequately squash the growing threats to the Union war effort. As a result, military leaders took control and implemented widespread surveillance. Although haphazard at times and without direct supervision from the federal government, the army worked with state provost marshals to spy on citizens and politicians suspected of membership in, or having support for, these secret groups. They used military officers and soldiers, hired detectives, and enlisted civilian informants whom they placed at recruiting stations, rendezvous camps, prisons, and draft offices to gather intelligence. They also examined private telegraphs and written correspondence. As a result, several plots were thwarted, conspirators were arrested, and some were tried. Towne attributes the overall failure of groups such as the Sons of Liberty, first called the Knights of the Golden Circle and later the Order of American Knights, to these wide-reaching espionage practices. The author, an archivist at Indiana University–Purdue University Indianapolis, utilizes to the full extent state archival material that few have used so closely before, and along with newspapers and federal records provides an abundance of evidence for the wartime threats and responses to them by the military and state officials. [End Page 91] He convincingly portrays Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and areas around the state borders as a region that faced more serious challenges than those posed by Clement L. Vallandigham and his Copperhead followers. Towne claims the actions used to foil these challenges serve as a precedent for later government surveillance, but his analysis of these events ends in 1865. One area missing from an otherwise thorough analysis of the wartime reactions to the Enrollment Act and the draft is a closer examination of issues related to race, particularly the Emancipation Proclamation, the Union Army’s use of black soldiers, and the Democrats’ insistence that former slaves would cross the Ohio River in droves and wreak havoc on wages and move into northern communities. Despite Towne’s characterization of Lincoln’s decree as having “a stunning effect on politics in the North” (46), there is little discussion of how groups and individuals who sought to disrupt the federal and state war efforts used—or did not use—the issues related to African Americans to garner support, or if they had any impact on attempts at surveillance. Also, at times the geographic terminology used when referencing Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois can be confusing; Old Northwest, Midwest, Northwestern, and lower Midwestern are not necessarily interchangeable. Overall, though, Towne has produced a well-researched monograph that provides a much-needed reexamination of military intelligence during the Civil War in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. His work demonstrates the value of...

Review: The Court-Martial of Paul Revere: A Son of Liberty and America’s Forgotten Military Disaster

Review: The Court-Martial of Paul Revere: A Son of Liberty and America’s Forgotten Military Disaster

We Too Are Sons of Liberty: Franco-American Ethnic Advocacy in Joseph P. Choquet's Under Canadian Skies , a Historical Novel of the Rebellion of 1837

We Too Are Sons of Liberty: Franco-American Ethnic Advocacy in Joseph P. Choquet's <i>Under Canadian Skies</i> , a Historical Novel of the Rebellion of 1837

Suffering Childhood in Early America: Violence, Race, and the Making of the Child Victim (review)

Reviewed by: Suffering Childhood in Early America: Violence, Race, and the Making of the Child Victim Lesley Ginsberg (bio) Suffering Childhood in Early America: Violence, Race, and the Making of the Child Victim. Anna Mae Duane. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2010. 211 pp. The recent special joint issue of Early American Literature and American Literary History offers a glimpse of not only how the field of early American literature sees itself but also how it might reconfigure its relations to American studies and American literary history writ large. As editors Sandra Gustafson and Gordon Hutner assert in the introduction, the mission of their joint venture is not ". . . merely to observe the great changes that the field of early American studies has undergone in the last twenty years." Rather, the aims of the project are stated in strikingly pedagogical terms: ". . . Americanists of all specialties need to know more about the work done in the early period since we felt sure it could and ought to stimulate their understanding of the field as a whole, just as early Americanists need to see their work as also contributing to a reintegration of American literary studies" (Early American Literature 45.2 [2010], 211-16). Yet the question of pedagogy, or, more forcefully, its most powerful trope— the figure of the child—is mostly absent from the call-and-response short essay format that marks this foray into disciplinary self-consciousness. Here and there, however, the figure of the child, as both a literal being and as a metaphor, leaves its traces in these accounts of early American studies: the eleven-year-old "Barbary captive" (Gordon Sayre, "Renegades from Barbary: The Transnational Turn in Captivity Studies, 325-38: 331) or Margaret Fuller's claim that periodicals are "'the only efficient instrument for [End Page 221] the general education of the people,'" an assertion that posits "the people" as a group who, like the young, are in need of "general education" (Frances Smith Foster, "Genealogies of Our Concerns, Early [African] American Print Culture, and Transcending Tough Times," 347-59: 357). Even the fascinating suggestion that "Judith Sargent Murray's writings on republican motherhood and childrearing . . . are of course about gender but might also be considered as a major formulation of republican thought" seems to elide the extent to which conceptions of childhood might also be at the center of "the political sensibilities" of the Revolutionary "moment" (Ed White and Michael Drexler, "The Theory Gap," 469-84: 480-81). As Anna Mae Duane's deeply nuanced study suggests, children were everywhere in early America: as the "'fatherlesse children'" (22) whom John Smith hopes will people the colonies; as Natives, including Pocahontas, whose "youth, [and] her ability to move between cultures . . . demonstrates the importance of children to the colonial enterprise" (26); as captives, apprentices, or others who were caught up in "an economy of child exchange" (19); as African children who suffered through the middle passage or were subsequently born into slavery (141-42). For Duane, children are present in metaphorical and symbolic language as well. They appear as symbols of servitude for the generation that first emigrated to the New World from Europe; after the era of immediate contact, they become "the colonial child"—a being "whose ability to move deftly between English and Indian cultures functioned as both threat and promise" (15). Duane analyzes other metaphorical children, including "the revolutionary child," those Sons of Liberty who legitimately rebel against Thomas Paine's monstrous mother England (127), "a child not limited to the United States, but rather a symbol circulated throughout the Atlantic during the Age of Revolution" (17). As an early Americanist whose peers span the disciplines of English and history (the book is blurbed by two professors of English and one professor of history), Duane is a self-conscious theorist of her own reliance on metaphorical and symbolic language; in her own words, she is "asserting that metaphor, far from being divorced from historical reality . . . emanates from the very meanings history makes available to the speaker or writer" (9). The symbol that she focuses on with the most sustained attention, as her title suggests, is that of the "suffering" child. Introducing her book with...

Resentment and Revolution

Resentment and Revolution John M. Lund (bio) J. Revell Carr . Seeds of Discontent: The Deep Roots of the American Revolution, 1650–1750. New York: Walker and Company, 2008. xi + 385 pp. Illustrations, maps, appendix, notes, and bibliography. 28.00. Press gangs forcing unsuspecting colonials to serve in the Royal Navy, British arrogance and indifference to provincial pleas, and numerous British military blunders combined with the staggering loss of provincial blood and treasure generated enormous strain between Great Britain and its mainland North American colonies. Festering provincial grievances, resentments, and tensions caused by British abuses between 1650 and 1750 "prepared the minds of the colonists for revolution" in the 1770s (p. 2). So runs the argument advanced by J. Revell Carr in Seeds of Discontent: The Deep Roots of the American Revolution, 1650–1750. Written in the grand narrative style of Francis Parkman, Carr presents a dramatic popular history of eighteenth-century British imperial conflicts. The book succeeds in bringing to life imperial military campaigns, especially the successful June 1745 expedition against the French fortress at Louisbourg on Cape Breton Island. Yet in this streamlined, linear history, the crown's subjects living in the British American colonies, harboring their accumulated resentments, march forward, inevitably, toward American independence. The author, who served as director and president of Mystic Seaport, does not immediately address the colonial wars that comprise the centerpiece of his study. He instead begins with the familiar and, in this retelling, romanticized tale of the founding of England's North American colonies. In the beginning, English transplants to the Chesapeake colonies and the New England plantations "exercised their 'rights' of self-determination and began to develop a distinctive, 'independent' character" (p. 11). Such sweeping generalizations should make serious students of history wary. Legal historians, most notably Mary Sarah Bilder, have recently pointed out how the complicated seventeenth-century English legal system allowed flexibility and innovation. 1 English adventurers operated within an elastic arrangement. They made full use of their supple system rather than, as Carr implies, whatever particular genius or desire for independence they may have had. There is no mention [End Page 175] in Carr's founding chapters of the English West Indian islands, even though these outposts came to have far greater economic and strategic importance than any of the mainland colonies. In an uncomplicated New World, Englishmen, and presumably women too, nurtured independence. In his early chapters, Carr briefly addresses English "liberties," connecting liberty with a nascent, but distinctive American spirit. "A sense of independence and right of self-governance," Carr writes, "had become cherished components of the emerging American character" (p. 13). Certainly the English cherished their constitution, which protected their "liberties," such as trial by jury and representative government. As the colonists knew very well, their beloved English constitution provided them with a firewall against arbitrary, unjust power. (For this reason, Voltaire celebrated England in his 1733 Letters Concerning the English Nation.) Liberty had to be defended, and generations of English men and women had risen to the occasion when necessary, as did Bostonians and other provincials in 1765 when they tellingly styled themselves "Sons of Liberty." Carr's streamlined discussion of liberty, however, does not delve deeply into the meanings that liberty held in the English Atlantic, and he avoids the conceptual link between liberty and slavery. Yet as David Waldstreicher's Runaway America illustrates, Anglo concepts of liberty cannot be understood apart from the reality of slavery. 2 Slavery meant the absence of liberty. In this study, defending revered English "liberties" anticipates the American Revolution rather than being a response to specific episodes when colonists and other Englishmen protested corruption within a system of government they dearly cherished and celebrated. Rather than showing "American character," defending liberty was a thoroughly English reaction. The Restoration of Charles II in 1660 and the subsequent imposition of ever greater imperial controls in English America culminated with the creation of the hated Dominion of New England in 1685, the super-sized colony that included all New England and eventually New York and New Jersey. For Carr, the colonial phase of the Glorious Revolution that toppled the Dominion constitutes "the first American revolution" (p. 26). Though the author...

Dr. Joseph Warren: Leader in Medicine, Politics, and Revolution

Dr. Joseph Warren: Leader in Medicine, Politics, and Revolution

Son of Liberty: Johnny Tremain and the Art of Making American Patriots

Johnny Tremain, a figment of the writer Esther Forbes’s imagination, has become real enough over the years. Created by Forbes to inspire American readers with the need for patriotic service during World War II, he was reincarnated by Walt Disney a decade later to perform that same task for the Cold War generation. Disney kept the basic story line intact, with Boston on the eve of rebellion his backdrop, just as Forbes had depicted it. Forbes emphasized the intangible, as befitted her medium; Disney, not surprisingly, concentrated on the visual, turning Forbes’s introspective rite-of-passage tale into something of an adventurous romp. Although Disney’s film lacked the subtlety and polish of Forbes’s book, both seem to have performed their didactic intent quite well: Johnny became and remains the quintessential young American going to war, ready to fight and die in the just cause.

Before the Bombs There Were the Mobs: American Experiences with Terror1

Terrorist studies rarely discuss activities before the invention of dynamite, which made modern terror possible. One important, interesting, and forgotten form is the mob terror campaign. Two significant successful American examples are examined and compared, “The Sons of Liberty” which ignited the American Revolution, and the Ku Klux Klan, which “won the peace” the South wanted after it lost the Civil War. The study concludes by briefly comparing modern with mob terror.

Samuel Adams, Son of Liberty, Father of Revolution

Samuel Adams, Son of Liberty, Father of Revolution

Means and Ends in the History of Rural Rioting in Colonial New Jersey

Sixty years ago, Dixon Ryan Fox in his book, Yankees and Yorkers, identified rural rioting between Dutch and New England farmers in the Hudson River Valley as a key component of an emerging revolutionary crisis in New York colony. The same year Irving Mark blamed prerevolutionary, rural rioting on a host of factors. Mark contended that illegitimate or questionable claims by colonial families, including the Phillipses and Livingstons, abetted by corrupt governors, angered small and tenant farmers. Huge land holdings translated into immense political and legal power until the great rural riots of 1766. Then, levelers in the countryside alarmed even the Sons of Liberty. Among the most radical were colonists in the northern New York colonies who broke

Racism for Sale

Abstract Publications sold via catalog by the American racist organizations Noontide Press, Sons of Liberty, and National Alliance are studied for subject and media type. Of 1941 titles sold by the groups, only twenty appear in all three catalogs, and 134 titles appear in two of the three catalogs. A majority of materials sell with Jews and Zionism, conspiracy theories, religion, race, and the Second World War, print is the predominant media type. This study points to the existence of a wide body of literature supporting modern racist opinion, and that particular organizations sell those items that support their own specific ideologies.

Sons of liberty and their silenced sisters: “Ladies' Magazines” and women's self‐representation in the early republic

Sons of liberty and their silenced sisters: “Ladies' Magazines” and women's self‐representation in the early republic

Discontinuities in Milton's Early Public Self-Representation

heroism of Milton's timely stand against tyranny of Bishops during 1641-1642 is a romantic story. As Masson in his monumental Life records, Milton, untitled Englishman, still in his 'green years,' had come forward to denounce Prelacy, and, in doing so, to oppose traditions of his country, and 'contest with men of high estimation'.' Milton returns to England from Italy unknown to either tyrant or oppressed: Without as yet knowing fact, Root-and-Branch party had a possible leader at hand in one Englishman who, neither in Church nor in Parliament, and though with a character and thoughts of his own which might have made his party services at any difficult to obtain or to keep, yet did at assent with his whole soul to Anti-Prelatic movement (2: 203). When at last this unknown but utterly self-possessed individual speaks, his voice sounds like a trumpet-blast (2: 239): The very opening [of his first pamphlet, Of Reformation], if had been accustomed to pamphlets of day, would have astonished you (2: 240). What in particular would have astonished you, according to Masson, is sound of freedom, sound of an individual raising his voice against authority of past: One is struck here by perfect freedom, amounting to irreverence, with which writer speaks of Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, and others, remembered as worthies and martyrs of their time (2: 241). Milton's opposition to Bishops means nothing less than denial of all those who uphold the right of past to control present (2: 242). freedom explicit in what he says is implicit in way he says it: at end of his first tract, Milton 'bursts all bounds of ordinary literary form (2: 245). People naturally wished to know who this son of Liberty (2: 262) was: Who are ... that talk in this high strain? Masson imagines them asking, Come forth and show yourself (2: 383). In his fourth pamphlet, Reason of Church-Government, he did come forth and there he revealed his

L'année 1789 dans la Gazette de Montréal

The beginning of the French Revolution led, in Quebec, to a general questioning of its «feudal » society that the British conquerors had preserved and the Sons of Liberty had been unable to alter. The Montreal Gazette, edited by the printer Fleury Mesplet (1734-1794), a friend of Benjamin Franklin, reflected the Canadians' favourable reaction to the revolutionary movement. The storming of the Bastille became a sign of hope for the middle classes and caused panic among the church dignitaries and the nobles who had survived the British conquest in 1760. A study of the Montreal Gazette in 1789 reveals the acceleration of the movement for political and social reform in the former «Nouvelle France ».