Socio-political Structures Research Articles

An Eteocypriot-Greek bilingual inscription and the meaning of Cypriot eupatridai

Abstract This paper investigates the eupatridai of Cyprus and their roles on the island. It examines the only two attestations of the Greek term eupatridēs in inscriptions from Amathous and Kafizin, namely IG XV 1.1 n° 7, an original Eteocypriot- alphabetic Greek monumental decree and IG XV 2.1 n° 67, an alphabetic Greek private dedication. Contrary to previous scholarship, which claims that Cypriot elites easily assimilated into the emerging Ptolemaic administrative apparatus, a deeper analysis of the title eupatridēs demonstrates that the integration process was protracted and uneven. While the assimilation of the upper class did occur, it only happened at a later stage. The study shows that this title was introduced to the island in the late Classical period, likely from Greece, retaining primary meanings it had in Classical Athens. It designates members of local elites who fought to maintain their superior status and preserve the traditional Cypriot socio-political structure - which entailed their great prestige and privileges - during a transitional period from the end of the 4th century BCE until the second half of the 3rd century BCE. During those years, the wars among the diadochi, who aimed to take possession of Cyprus, threatened the traditional subdivision of the island into city-kingdoms, which ultimately dissolved under Ptolemaic rule (c. 294-258 BCE). The appearance of the title eupatridēs in late Classical and early Hellenistic inscriptions may be a significant testimony to the Cypriots’ initial reaction against contemporary political upheavals and the introduction of a new administration.

Exploring worker subjectivity: shaping industrial and organizational psychology in post-apartheid South Africa

This article critically evaluates the role of industrial–organizational psychology in post-apartheid South Africa, advocating for a transformative framework that addresses the socio-political and historical inequalities in the workplace. The article highlights how industrial–organizational psychology has traditionally focused on organizational efficiency, often aligned with capitalist interests, while overlooking the socio-historical forces shaping worker experiences, particularly related to race, gender, and class. By introducing the concept of worker subjectivity, the article calls for a reimagined industrial–organizational psychology that integrates critical perspectives from psychology and management studies to better understand how workers navigate their identities and agency within broader socio-political structures. The author emphasizes the need to address the emotional and psychological dimensions of worker experiences, especially in the South African context marked by the legacies of colonialism and apartheid. By focusing on worker subjectivity, industrial–organizational psychology can move beyond traditional quantitative methods and engage with the complexities of workplace inequality. This approach aligns industrial–organizational psychology with the broader mission of the Psychological Society of South Africa to promote socially just and inclusive practices. The article also calls for interdisciplinary collaboration and the reformation of industrial–organizational psychology education to better equip practitioners with the tools needed to address the realities of post-apartheid workplaces.

Therapy in turmoil: Russian psychotherapists navigate war and ethics

This ethnographic study explores how Russian psychotherapists are navigating professional ethics and politics after Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Analysing a conversation between an instructor and students at a psychotherapy training centre in Russia, the study examines how therapists negotiate neutrality, values and therapeutic approaches in a shifting sociopolitical landscape. The author identifies four approaches to delineating the boundaries between professional practice and political engagement and explores how the boundaries between therapeutic and political realms are constantly negotiated through social interaction. These processes highlight tensions within Russian therapeutic culture and offer insights into professional subjectivity formation amid political turmoil, revealing the complex interplay between individual subjectivity, professional identity and sociopolitical structures in contemporary societies. The research contributes to anthropological understandings of professional communities as mediators between individuals and states. The study also shows how cultural norms adapt to political pressures and illuminates the role of therapeutic practices in shaping societal responses to political events in authoritarian settings.

Sustainable Local Operation of Chin Woo Athletic Association in Singapore and Malaysia

This study analyses the literature produced by the Chin Woo Athletic Association to shed light on the process of localization and development in Singapore and Malaysia since 1970 and investigates the strategies it employed for sustainable growth. The Chin Woo Athletic Association in Singapore and Malaysia replicated the lineage model from China between the 1920s and 1960s, navigating several challenges such as the Japanese invasion, temporary cessation of activities, gradual recovery, eventually leading to its subsequent localization in the 1970s. The localization strategies included the Malaysian Chin Woo Association’s promotion of Chin Woo martial arts to younger generations through a membership system and integrating it into schools’ educational framework; the Singaporean Chin Woo Athletic Association’s role in national development, tourism, and cultural diplomacy, in alignment with the government’s call to foster physical fitness, determination, and unity among the populace; and the organisation of martial arts instructors, training, and competitions through the network of Chin Woo Athletic Associations in Singapore and Malaysia to foster mutual understanding and integration. This study identifies the Chin Woo Athletic Association’s role as a guardian of traditional Chinese culture and a medium for nurturing national identity within the multi-ethnic socio-political structure of Singapore and Malaysia.

US Bipartisan Consensus on China: The Making and the Implementation

According to the most experts, there is a bipartisan consensus in the United States regarding China: both parties recognize that China poses an existential threat to the United States, its economy, socio-political structure and the role as a global leader. This core conceptual consent represents a clear contrast with the endless battles between Democrats and Republicans in the domestic political arena, blocking any legislative initiatives and the development of a unified sociopolitical agenda for the country. This rare unity has made many observers to claim the emergence of a new external enemy, in the face of which America will be able to overcome its identical crisis and to come back to national unity. The political elite also actively uses the image of the enemy, calling on the Nation for unity. This article is aimed to understand what lies behind political slogans and the bipartisan concept of confronting China. The study is based on the analysis of several sources that make it possible to judge the attitude towards China in the United States along party lines, specific to each level of the party-political system party platforms at the federal level, legislative initiatives at the state and city levels, public opinion polls at the level of the society. The research hypothesis is that Democrats and Republicans, who agree on the conceptual vision of the Chinese threat, offer different ways to counter it. The difference in methods of struggle stems from different ideological and value models that manifest themselves in the implementation of both the socioeconomic agenda within the country and foreign policy strategies in the international arena. The unity of the parties ends exactly by the developing of a conceptual framework for confrontation with the opponent. The implementation of specific steps of the anti-Chinese agenda at the state and city levels is taking place in accordance with the ideological and political guidelines of each party, and the public attitude towards the Chinese threat demonstrates a clear split along party lines. The conceptual positioning of a new external enemy instead of unification brought to the United States anti-Chinese hysteria among conservative politicians at the state level, which was realized in the adoption of discriminatory laws in Republican states against Chinese citizens and a new wave of anti-Chinese sentiment in society, manifested in outbreaks of violence against Asian minorities.

Bodies Never Forget: The Case of Lived Bodily Experiences of Iranian Women

This qualitative research examines the lived experiences of Iranian women under the mandatory hijab law, utilizing a sophisticated theoretical framework that merges Foucault’s concept of bio-power with Merleau-Ponty’s embodiment theory. It further enriches this perspective by incorporating feminist theories of embodiment, providing a comprehensive lens to understand the multifaceted dynamics of these experiences. The research explores how women’s bodies have historically been a battleground for both oppression and resistance in Iran. By examining women’s socio-political circumstances, the study sheds light on the primary mechanisms and strategies the political power employs to regulate and control women’s bodies. Utilizing heartfelt narratives from in-depth interviews with eight Iranian women aged 25 to 45 focusing on bodily experiences, this research weaves together the experiences and resistances of these women in the face of compulsory hijab laws. This research uncovers the profound implications of disciplining and politicizing bodies on individuals’ daily lives. It delves into the nuanced effects ranging from societal pressures and institutional power exerted by the educational system to the emotional repercussions and unfulfilled pleasures resulting from such suppression. It highlights how Iranian women navigate, perceive, and push back against socio-political structures that attempt to regulate their bodies and expressions.

Abortion, Reproductive Justice, and Justice-Based Sexual Ethics in the Episcopal Church

This article offers a critical theo-ethical reflection on abortion from a reproductive justice (RJ) perspective. Focusing on the socio-political structure that shapes abortion discourses and legislation and affects women’s agency over their reproductive ability, I complicate the ways of thinking about abortion. The abortion debate reveals what we, as the church, value, how we embody God’s love and justice, and how we should live. In search of the answers to these questions, the article engages in women of color’s theory and activism for RJ through the theological, the political, and the sexual. Finally, the article suggests that the Episcopal/Anglican church reconsider abortion as a social justice issue and meditate on its commitment to God’s justice in light of RJ.

Execution of decisions of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine: separate doctrinal approaches

It is indicated that the key problem in the activity of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine is ensuring the implementation of its decisions. Without solving this issue, it is impossible to guarantee the supremacy of the Constitution, the principle of separation of powers and the existence of an independent judicial branch of government as a separate institution. Ignoring the decisions of the constitutional control body undermines the very system of checks and balances, the authority of the Basic Law and the constitutional order in the country in general. These principles underlie the implementation of decisions of constitutional courts, the purpose of which is to ensure constitutional legality. In Ukraine, the mechanism for the implementation of the decisions of the Central Committee of Ukraine has already been developed in general, but there are problems related to the non-implementation of some of its decisions for a long time. Therefore, the task of further improvement of this mechanism and its proper legislative regulation remains relevant. The authors claim that Ukraine has already developed a mechanism for implementing decisions of the Constitutional Court. However, this system is not perfect, which is evidenced by the fact of non-execution of individual court decisions. Therefore, the issue of continuing the work on improving the existing mechanism for implementing decisions of the body of constitutional jurisdiction, securing it properly at the legislative level, remains urgent. At the same time, the problem of the quality of such execution comes to the fore, for the solution of which it is necessary to develop criteria for the effectiveness of the execution of court decisions, which will allow to assess the quality of the legal acts that are introduced and the work of the responsible entities. Both outlined problems definitely need further thorough scientific research. In addition, according to the authors, it should be noted that the issues of the legal nature of the legal positions of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine and the criteria for the effective implementation of its decisions remain interacting categories and, therefore, require thorough scientific study. At the same time, clarifying the legal force of the Court’s legal positions is complicated by the lack of their legislative definition, by a certain difficulty in understanding the role and place of the body of constitutional jurisdiction in the system of state power. At the same time, the legal positions have a normative and mandatory character, reflected in the acts of the KSU. The need to ensure their immutability follows from the principles of legal certainty and stability of the Constitution. However, the possibility of revising some legal positions in connection with the change in the socio-political structure of the state is gaining relevance.

Human Rights in the Context of Global Migration

Purpose: The general objective of the study was to explore human rights in the context of global migration. Methodology: The study adopted a desktop research methodology. Desk research refers to secondary data or that which can be collected without fieldwork. Desk research is basically involved in collecting data from existing resources hence it is often considered a low cost technique as compared to field research, as the main cost is involved in executive’s time, telephone charges and directories. Thus, the study relied on already published studies, reports and statistics. This secondary data was easily accessed through the online journals and library. Findings: The findings reveal that there exists a contextual and methodological gap relating to human rights in the context of global migration. Preliminary empirical review revealed that global migration is deeply intertwined with significant human rights issues that vary across different regions and migrant populations. Migrants, regardless of their reasons for moving or legal status, frequently faced exploitation, discrimination, inadequate access to essential services, and social exclusion. The study emphasized that these human rights violations were often systemic and influenced by broader socio-political and economic structures. It highlighted the pervasive nature of rights violations at multiple stages of the migration process and pointed out substantial gaps in the implementation and enforcement of international frameworks designed to protect migrants. Specific groups, such as women, children, and undocumented migrants, were identified as particularly vulnerable, necessitating tailored interventions. The study argued that protecting migrants' human rights was both a moral and pragmatic necessity for fostering inclusive societies and called for a renewed commitment from all stakeholders to work collaboratively towards this goal. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The Human Rights Theory, Push- Pull Theory of Migration and Social Capital Theory may be used to anchor future studies on global migration. The study recommended further development of migration and human rights theories to account for the complexities of contemporary migration flows, suggesting interdisciplinary approaches to enhance theoretical frameworks. Practically, it underscored the need for targeted support services for vulnerable migrant groups, the creation of safe migration pathways, and the establishment of specialized services addressing their unique needs. Policy recommendations included the adoption of comprehensive national and international policies that uphold the rights of all migrants, the enforcement of anti-discrimination laws, and the establishment of independent monitoring bodies. The study advocated for enhanced international cooperation to address migration challenges and suggested investing in data collection and research for informed policy-making. It also recommended promoting public awareness and education campaigns to foster inclusive attitudes towards migrants and counteract negative stereotypes, aiming to create a more just and humane global migration system.

Beyond the backyard: Scaling up of resistance to wind power in Sweden

Since 2009, when a municipal veto right was established, wind power in Sweden has become intensely politicised and questioned. Having been considered the key technology to drive the energy system transition by all parliamentary parties before 2010, the 2022 elections brought into power a government that promised an end to the “steel forests of wind turbines”. Based on a comprehensive analysis of media coverage of wind power conflicts on national and local levels, the study explains these developments as a discursive struggle. It shows how localised and fragmented resistance groups evolved into generalised opposition to wind power per se. These shifts are explained as enabled by political, legal and discursive opportunity structures.The study shows how political, legal and discursive opportunities allow for the scaling up of localised resistance to wind power. It explains wind power resistance as embedded in socio-political structures by analysing the relationship between resistance claims on different institutional and geographic scales. While previous research has identified a need to look beyond formal planning processes and at wider sociopolitical contexts to understand the formation of wind power resistance, there is a lack of comprehensive, longitudinal studies of how local resistance shift scales into national resistance. We provide a theoretically informed and empirically grounded analysis of a national case of growing wind power resistance. By showing the speed with which a counter discourse was able to shift scales and gain an entrenched position in Swedish energy politics, the paper enables an understanding of similar developments around Europe.

Aristotle Meets Augustine in Fourteenth-Century Liège: Religious Violence in the Chronicon of Jean Hocsem

As William Cavanaugh has remarked, the scholarly notion of religion “should often be surrounded by scare quotes. Its flexibility and occasional nebulousness make evaluating its role in conceiving of, effecting, and justifying violence even more difficult. At the same time, it sticks around and remains a vital category of contemporary analysis. What if getting behind the Wars of Religion—the period to which Cavanaugh traces the emergence of his “myth of religious violence”—could plant the seeds for a new paradigm in understanding the relationship between religion and violence? In this article, I analyze the Chronicon of Jean Hocsem, a fourteenth-century canon from Liège. Untranslated into English and rarely written about, Hocsem’s text offers an unexpectedly political perspective on this question. Combining insights from Augustine’s City of God as well as Aristotle’s Politics and basing his ideas on his own experience of nearly constant conflict, Hocsem develops the idea that class antagonisms and human frailty make violence—especially political violence—inevitable. He takes this approach within a polity ruled by a prince-bishop, though one he would not have thought of as “religious”. Hocsem’s solutions are thus avowedly political. His pessimism about such questions leads to an emphasis on mitigating violence through the institution of proper socio-political structures. This reading of Hocsem and his politicizing of the question of violence opens new possibilities for scholars, further calling into question any easy relationship between the modern categories of “religion” and violence.

Postcolonial perspectives in the 21st Century: a critical analysis of modern theories and methodologies

The article is devoted to the analysis of modern theories of postcolonial perspective and methodologies applied for their research. The aim of the research is to analyze modern theories and methodologies in studying cultural and social postcolonial phenomena. Also, this research aims to outline methodologies used to investigate postcolonial theories; to introduce practical applications of postcolonial studies across cultural and social dimensions. The research is predominantly interdisciplinary and implies the use of a range of theoretical research methods (theoretical analysis of literature and scientific texts, historical research, discourse analysis, comparative analysis as well as synthesis and interpretation). The article provided the recent interpretation of the concepts of colonialism and postcolonialism. It was found that the mid-20th century marked a shift in focus from colonial to postcolonial studies. The theoretical framework of postcolonial studies is analyzed from diachronic and synchronic tiers. The specifics of six main theories were revealed (postcolonial theory, critical theory, site-specific theory, decolonial theory, and creolization theory). They offer both strengths and weaknesses when analyzing the impacts of colonialism. The methodology of postcolonial studies is usually interdisciplinary and prefers examining the impacts of colonialism based on literary sources and cultural analysis. Other methodologies include: historical research, textual analysis, ethnographic methods, interviews, observations, and comparative analysis. The implications include improving the understanding of the existing socio-political and economic structure and developing effective strategies to overcome the contemporary issues that emerged as a result of colonialism and postcolonialism.

Hierarchy and Typology of Political Culture

This article discusses political structure and culture with a focus on several key dimensions, namely the physical structure of politics, the social structure of politics, and various types of political culture. The physical structure of politics refers to the formal institutions and political mechanisms that influence the process of political action. The socio-political structure includes the distribution of power and social hierarchies that influence political dynamics in society. Furthermore, this article outlines the different types of political culture, including a political parochial culture that shows minimal involvement in national political affairs, a political subjective culture that reflects individuals' political attitudes and orientations towards power and political participation, and a political participatory culture that encourage active participation in the political process. Through an analysis of the physical and socio-political structures, as well as various political cultures, this article provides a more accurate understanding of the complexity of politics in modern societies. The implications of this understanding for public policy development and political system development are also discussed in depth.

Суспільно-політичний лад і економічний розвиток Етрурії у 8–3 ст. до н. е.

The purpose of the article is to highlight key issues of the socio-political system and economy of Etruscan civilization as factors influencing both its rise and decline. The research methodology is based on the use of general scientific principles: historicism, objectivity, and a systemic approach in analyzing historical processes considered in this article. Special historical methods such as descriptive, problem-chronological, historical-systemic, and comparative-historical have proven to be effective. The scientific novelty of the research is determined by the authors' attempt to comprehensively reveal the topic of the socio-political system and economy of the Etruscans in the 8th–3rd centuries BC by utilizing the achievements of foreign and domestic researchers. Conclusions. The key factors determining the might of the Etruscans were the fertility of the land and the richness of the region's natural resources. However, their socio-political structure undermined this potential as Etruscan cities existed independently from each other and did not strive to unite into a centralized state, further weakening themselves with constant internal conflicts and internecine wars. The lack of unity and the Roman military superiority ultimately led to the loss of independence for the cities, and eventually, to the complete disappearance of the Etruscan ethnic group. The rapid growth of the Etruscan economy through international trade did not contribute to the unification of Etruria into a single centralized state due to the incomplete process of dissolution of tribal relations and the Etruscans' orientation towards the Greeks, including adopting their model of state organization. The formal unification of twelve city-states into the Etruscan League was a religious confederation but did not promote their cohesion. For a long time in Etruscan society, there were only two main classes – the aristocracy, in whose interests the state apparatus operated, and the class which was to varying degrees dependent on the aristocracy. At the same time, the indistinctness of the middle class may be associated with the fact that the ancestors of the Etruscans, who according to one version of their origin came from the east, subjugated the indigenous population, turning them into dependents, which was a typical practice in the ancient world.

Gender in Cross-Cultural Encounters: Orientalism and Self-Orientalisation in Chinese-Language Young Adult Fiction

AbstractIn this article, we read and analyse selected young adult novels by Chinese-German author Wei Cheng that address the dilemmas faced by young female Chinese immigrants in Western countries. The aim is to explore the ways in which the construction of femininity and gender are inextricably bound up with categories of race and ethnicity in China-West encounters, and to probe the dynamics of such encounters embedded in the larger socio-political power structures. Through a critical analysis of the representation of Chinese femininity vis-à-vis Western masculinity, the essay interrogates the workings of the “Orientalist gaze” in relation to patriarchy and gender politics. The portrayals of the cross-racial encounter in Shaonv de Hong Chenyi (The Girl’s Red T-Shirt), which reiterate received ideas about the Orient, may be read as a product of self-Orientalisation, where the intriguing position of the adolescent Chinese girl prompts a rethinking of postcolonial gendered subjectivities. While self-Orientalisation may work to legitimate the discourse of Orientalism, the reading of Shaonv de Hong Faqia (The Girl’s Red Hairpin) reveals the ways in which self-Orientalisation could function as strategic essentialism that allows the female “Oriental” Other to gaze back and stand Orientalism on its head. The marriage between gendered and postcolonial approaches to children’s and young adult texts promises to act as a crucial intervention in the global struggle against hegemony.

ҚОҒАМНЫҢ ӘЛЕУМЕТТІК-САЯСИ ҚҰРЫЛЫМЫН АНЫҚТАУДЫҢ ӘДІСНАМАЛЫҚ НЕГІЗІ РЕТІНДЕ САЯСИ БІРЕГЕЙЛІК ТҰЖЫРЫМДАМАСЫНЫҢ МАҢЫЗЫ

Political identity is one of the main aspects of the development of the socio-political structure of society. In the article, the author considers the essence of political identity in the formation of the structure of society and the political structure of society, in the formation of a system of feedback between the authorities and society, in increasing political activity, ways to unite society around certain ideas and programs, as well as in the formation of reference groups capable of uniting and formulating the interests The formation of political identity is influenced by a number of factors, among which the process of socialization of the individual, the level of development of General Civil and political culture, the features of social stratification, the social status of the individual, as well as the level of his education, various material and verbal symbols, the place of residence of the individual, cultural features of the territory, ethnic and racial composition of the population, etc.

Revisiting Interconnection Between Technological Evolution and The Dynamics of Employment and Income Distribution

Technological development has been a continuous process. In fact, this signifies the strength of the process of development. There has been quantitative as well as qualitative changes in the way the human being produces its means of production as well as the means of livelihood. One must say that the development in the means of production (the machines and tools) determines the availability of quality and quantity of means of livelihood. Hence, it may be assumed that the availability of means of livelihood to the common masses should be a direct function of the evolution of the technology of production. But, the benefits of the development of technology spreads among the stakeholders in varying proportions. Distribution of means of livelihood, (income and output) depends on the distribution of ownership of the means of production as well as the number of people and the labor hours utilized in the production process. Distribution of means of production and income and output is a socio-political process. With the advent of the Industrial Revolution, the world faced changing socio-political structure through constitutional and democratic movements. At various milestones of technological evolution, various provisions determining the quality of life of the workforce like the number of working days and working hours and the disbursement of the reward for production kept changing. Different parts of the world experienced a reduction in the number of working hours and days at various stages under pressure of democratic movements. In light of this, the paper attempts to revisit the impact of the technological evolution, particularly, information technology and artificial intelligence, on the distribution of income and wealth and, also its connection with the growth of employment (or, unemployment). For this it takes a journey through the history since the Industrial Revolution in general and the post-liberalization era (since 1990s) in particular, in view of the qualitative changes in the production process owing to the emergence computer and information technology, robotics and artificial intelligence. The paper finds that there has been a mismatch between the rate of growth of production and the allocation of the output among the stakeholder, particularly the workforce. This has resulted into widening inequality of income along with high rate of unemployment.

Cleansing Jewel: A Neural Spelling Correction Model Built On Google OCR-ed Tibetan Manuscripts

Scholars in the humanities heavily rely on ancient manuscripts to study history, religion, and socio-political structures of the past. Significant efforts have been devoted to digitizing these precious manuscripts using OCR technology. However, most manuscripts have been blemished over the centuries, making it unrealistic for OCR programs to accurately capture faded characters. This work presents the Transformer + Confidence Score mechanism architecture for post-processing Google’s Tibetan OCR-ed outputs. According to the Loss and Character Error Rate metrics, our Transformer + Confidence Score mechanism architecture proves superior to the Transformer, LSTM-to-LSTM, and GRU-to-GRU architectures. Our method can be adapted to any language dealing with post-processing OCR outputs.

The Role of Confucian Officials in the Ritual Transformations of the Jurchen Jin State during the Reign of Xi-zong

During the reign of Xi-zong (1135–1149), the third ruler of Jin, the socio-political structure of the young Jurchen State as well as their customs and beliefs underwent many changes. The adoption of new political and religious components transformed the foundations of Jurchen ethno-cultural identification. At that time, Chinese court etiquette and new Confucian rituals were introduced to Jurchen culture. All these new Confucian rules were a form of new relationships and patterns of behaviour and actions. These innovations were needed to form and strengthen imperial power in Jin. This was the reason why the Jurchen autochthonous culture was adapted to the norms of other ethnic cultures. The reign of Xi-zong, for example, is marked by the formation of state cults of ancestor worship and worship of Confucius. A special role in those innovations and changes was played by non-Jurchen advisers, they were the transmitters of Confucian ideas. Non-Jurchen officials have served in Jin since the formation of the Jurchen State, when the Jurchens took over the territories of the Liao State and the Celestial Empire. By the time of, and during Xi-zong`s reign, non-Jurchen officials did a lot for building a new ceremonial system, to strengthen the imperial power, which is why in the last years of Xi-zong's reign, there was the struggle of the Jurchen nobility against the activities of Confucian officials and the new Chinese ceremonial system they built.

Text and Tradition: The Dynasty of Villarvattom among Syrian Christians in Kerala, India

The present paper introduces, inventories and interrogates prevailing narratives about the complex trajectories through which a putative Syrian Christian dynasty named Villarvattom has taken root in communal genealogies and the popular imagination of Kerala. The paper, by examining historical evidence, argues that the existing historical documents compel us to consider it as a retrospectively invented and imagined tradition necessitated and facilitated by the unique socio-political structures of Kerala viz. the ideational complexes wrought by caste and allied practices, the dislocation caused by successive colonial regimes and the overall crisis experienced by the indigenous Christian community. The paper surveys the present state of literature, discusses explanatory models, points to the possibility of cultural introjection and seeks ways in which the study can be taken forward more comprehensively and productively so that we gain perceptive insights into both the ecclesiastical and secular histories of Kerala. The paper argues that it is an invented tradition, a defence mechanism collectively, and perhaps unconsciously, evolved by the beleaguered Syrian Christians under the Portuguese, Dutch and British colonial rule, which had inflicted debilitating blows to the power and glory enjoyed by this community.