Socio-political Participation Research Articles

Tecnodiscursos subversivos. Militantismo digital no contexto da pandemia da covid-19

In the framework of the coronavirus pandemic, aroused different activisms crossed by the digital in a relationship of support/conflict with the mass media in the face of government measures to control the outbreaks. When investigating the new modes of socio-political participation, the study focuses on a practice of urban activism attached to the logic of techno-discourse (Paveau, 2021a) to understand the functioning of a subversive discourse materialized in militant posters with the sayings #YoMeQuedoSinCasa (Barcelona, May/2020). The case was analyzed in relation to the techno-discourses that it subverts: the government propaganda #QuedaTeEnCasa and the massive response, #YoMeQuedoEnCasa, a virtuous techno-discourses (Paveau, 2015). Based on the theory of resignification (Paveau, 2021a) —about the technodiscursive practices of subversive repetition via web 2.0— the study reflects on the militantism of the hybrid world (Castells, 2017) and analyzes the aspects of pragmatic, interactional, enunciative, semantic-axiological, discursive, socio-semantic and political pragmatic of that discourse. It is concluded that the case of activism is anchored in techno-discourses (Paveau, 2021b) to produce a resignified discourse with revolutionary features, because by subverting massive techno-discourses, it strips its virtuosity, exposing a social wound of state negligence and allows it to produce both resistance and demands repair.

Региональные аспекты политической коррупции: методы и технологии

The purpose of the article is to analyze modern methods and techniques for implementing political corruption. To achieve this goal, the authors rely on a neo-institutional methodological approach. The negative consequences of corruption are observed in various spheres of public life. Corruption is especially destructive for political and socio-economic systems. When analyzing the political manifestations of corruption, it is necessary to take into account the economic and geopolitical situation. Thus, in conditions of partial international isolation of Russia, external threats to economic security are significantly increasing, the volume of shadow entrepreneurship is increasing, which can negatively affect the economic security of the region, the country and national security in general. This article examines the possibility of the presence of objective needs of subjects of management decisions in the processes of institutionalization of corruption relationships. Problems of integration of political corruption into the managerial and political-legal subsystems are addressed, which, according to the authors, leads to multiple functional distortions in the system of state institutions in the interests of latent structures. The authors note that real achievements in the fight against corruption become possible only through the interaction of civil society with the bodies and institutions of state power, the actualization of the values of civil activism in the sociopolitical participation of citizens.

Does Family Material Affluence Affect the Future Socio-political Participation of Adolescents and Their Concerns About Social Issues? An Approach From Structural Equation Modeling and Gender Invariance

Civic engagement is crucial in order to uphold democratic societies, however there is growing concern about a progressive decrease in youth sociopolitical participation and the existence of socioeconomic and gender inequalities, and therefore, an unequal distribution of political power. This study analyzes the influence of family socioeconomic level—both directly and indirectly through social concerns—on the adolescents’ expected sociopolitical participation as adults, from a gender perspective. The sample included 4,448 adolescents 13 to 18 year old, selected through random multistage sampling stratified by conglomerates. Results showed family material affluence to have a limited direct influence on expected sociopolitical participation, however a significant indirect impact through their concerns about social issues. Adolescents with a low socioeconomic level were more concerned about social issues, and therefore had higher expectations of socio-political participation than adolescents with a high socioeconomic level. In addition, these effects were similar for both boys and girls. Understanding how family socioeconomic status influences adolescent civic engagement and how these inequalities are reproduced among boys and girls will aid in designing interventions that promote knowledge and opportunities for participation—especially among the more disadvantaged groups—, which can reduce gender and socioeconomic gaps.

Interpersonal ethnic-racial discrimination and tobacco products: The moderating role of critical action.

The present study aimed to understand the role of critical action, sociopolitical participation, an essential form of consciousness in the relationship between interpersonal discrimination and the use of tobacco products. The present study was part of a more extensive longitudinal study on students' genetic and environmental experiences. To examine these associations, 164 racially minoritized college students (Mage = 19.86, SD = 0.28) were surveyed for this study. Findings indicated that the relation between interpersonal ethnic-racial discrimination (IERD) and tobacco products was moderated by critical action. Specifically, IERD was associated with greater use of tobacco products when students had low critical consciousness-critical action. The relation between IERD and the use of tobacco products became nonsignificant when students had high critical action. Critical action was protective in mitigating increased tobacco use in the context of discrimination experiences. Research, clinical, and policy implications are discussed in efforts to reduce tobacco-related disparities among racially minoritized college students. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Essentialist traps and how to avoid them

Through the monolingual bias and essentialist understandings of language in education, multilingual youth across the globe have consistently been portrayed as deficient based on their linguistic practices. Deficit approaches in education stem from a colonial project meant to silence the voices and erase the experiences of the Other, and although there is a long tradition of pedagogies that try to counteract this form of discrimination, these attempts are typically built on principles and assumptions that reproduce essentialism and dynamics of marginalization. In this position paper, I argue that it is necessary for educators to engage with non-essentialist understandings of language and multi-sided perspectives on multilingualism to develop pedagogies that are empowering for multilingual youth in Sweden. By engaging with the decolonial notion of linguistic citizenship, educators in Sweden can allow fluid understandings of multilingualism to enter the classroom, creating spaces for socio-political participation and dialogue at the margins of institutional arenas in which language can be negotiated. This measure creates opportunities for empowerment for all students, engaging them in the reconstruction of language and giving voice to stories that would otherwise remain silent.

Social and political participation using digital services: An empty ritual or a genuine participation?

This article focuses on how modern digital services can involve citizens in socio-political processes. Based on a survey of residents of the Tyumen region, an assessment was made of the participation of citizens in socio-political processes, the demand for digital services by the population for the manifestation of socio-political activity, as well as the ability of these services to provide citizens with genuine political participation. The study found that only 40 % of respondents use modern services and technologies to display their socio-political activity. In the great majority of cases, the use of digital services or platforms is apolitical (solving one’s own life problems, getting information, informing the authorities). The needs of citizens related to participation in social and political processes through digital services are fully satisfied, but these services do not provide citizens with genuine participation and don’t give the opportunity to influence ongoing social and political processes. Only a few services today enable citizens to reach a high level of sociopolitical participation. Most digital services provide only symbolic political participation, but their presence improves the system of public administration and interaction between the authorities and the population. We tend to see, even in the non-political nature of digital service usage, latent political participation that can become real. The use of digital services is important for society, as they significantly expand both the audience and the repertoire of citizens’ participation in socio-political processes; have a learning effect; contribute to increasing the openness and accountability of authorities to citizens. By properly analyzing the weaknesses of digital services and the demands of citizens for their improvement, one can make significant improvements.

The politicizing clinic: insights on ‘the social’ for mental health policy and practice

PurposeIn this paper, we explore how Brazilian socially sensitive therapy can respond to care-users’ desire to change the social and political forces shaping their lives. We use this case to demonstrate the limits of the “social determinants of health” agenda which, when operationalized, tends to leave questions of lasting structural change aside.MethodsWe report on mixed methods ethnographic and epidemiological results from the 1982 Pelotas (Brazil) birth cohort study, a prospective study of 5914 children. Ethnographic analysis explored the cyclical relationship between schooling, mental health care, conceptualizations of mental distress, social and political engagement, and experiences with diverse forms of discrimination. Epidemiological bivariate and multivariate analyses examined differences in socio-political participation and the reporting of discrimination at different time-points for participants who used therapy with those who did not. Effect modification analysis tested the hypothesis that the socially empowering effects of therapy were greater for marginalized and minoritized youth. ResultsMost young people living in situations of precarity experienced therapy, particularly when based in schools, to be a blame-inducing process. A more fulfilling and impactful therapeutic experience took shape when young people were able to shift the focus away from symptom reduction and behavioral management toward narrative life analyses, social debate, and political agency. Use of socially sensitive therapy was statistically associated with increased political participation and reporting of discrimination after controlling for confounders. The empowering effects of therapy were greater for those with less formal education and family income, but not for young people who identified as black, brown, or non-white.ConclusionThe findings underscore the importance of considering agency, sociality, and politics when theorizing “the social” in clinical practice, and health and social policy.

Civic Participation of Young People in Small Territories of a Russian Large Industrial Region

Recently, the public discourse on the search for opportunities and sources of development of small territories has been updated. A significant role is assigned to young people involved in various practices of socio-political participation and solving urgent social problems. The aim of the work was to highlight the features of civic participation of young people in small territories, which can and should be considered for effective interaction between authorities and civil society institutions. Empirical data were collected through a questionnaire survey of the youth of the Sverdlovsk region aged 14-35 years, conducted in October 2022 (n = 2500 people). In the study, a subset of young people from small territories (1,091 people) was compared with the youth of a large city (784 people). Descriptive analysis methods and nonparametric tests were used for the analysis. The results showed that young people from small towns and rural settlements show less interest in politics, but at the same time, they are more involved in the problems of local communities, feel more responsible for what is happening in their hometown, compared to the young residents of a large city, and are also more optimistic in assessing their capabilities. Considering similar forms of civic participation, young people from small territories demonstrate greater activity and willingness to do something for their hometown, and its residents; they also have a higher involvement in patriotic actions. The youth of large cities and small territories differ in the ways they participate in voluntary activities, as the latter prefers collective rather than individual forms of participation. The problem of distrust of young people of small towns and rural settlements towards non-profit organizations with a higher level of interpersonal and institutional trust is outlined. The obtained results contribute to the understanding of the problems and possibilities of using the youth resource for the development of small territories.

Политический анализ проблемы соотношения феноменов рыночной и институциональной коррупции в современном обществе

The article explores the possibility that the subjects of managerial decision-making have an objective need for the institutionalization of corruption. The authors consider the issues of integrating institutional corruption into the managerial and political-legal subsystems, which leads to multiple functional distortions in the system of state institutions in the interests of latent structures. The purpose of the article is a comparative analysis of the two main types of corruption in modern society. The authors use a neo-institutional methodological approach characterized by the principle of methodological individualism and a number of scientific methods. Although market corruption exerts a certain financial burden on business, it does not violate the principles of market competition. Institutional corruption may hypothetically not impose additional financial burden on business, but it introduces significant restrictions on the competitive environment itself. Progress in the fight against corruption is possible only if civil society interacts with state authorities and institutions, and the values of civic activism are actualized in the socio-political participation of citizens.

Translating critical reflection into collective action: The mediating role of Asian American racial identity ideological values.

Throughout U.S. history, Asian Americans engaged in various forms of collective action to challenge systems of oppression. Despite this, few studies challenge the stereotype that Asian Americans are apolitical and uninterested in collective action and focus on psychological correlates of Asian Americans'collective action. Collective action may be motivated by critical reflection on racism and inequality, which may induce shifts in racial identity ideological values that lead Asian Americans to align with minoritized groups. The current study examines whether Asian American racial identity ideological values-specifically, Asian American Unity, Interracial Solidarity, and Transnational Critical Consciousness-help explain why critical reflection is linked to collective action among Asian Americans. Multiple mediation analyses suggested that, among Asian American college students in the Southwest United States(N = 272), beliefs about Interracial Solidarity and Asian American Unity mediated the relationship between critical reflection (i.e., Critical Reflection on Racism and Perceived Inequality) and collective action (i.e., Support for Black Lives Matter and Sociopolitical Participation). Transnational Critical Consciousness did not mediate the relationship between critical reflection and collective action. This study highlights how Asian American unity and interracial solidarity beliefs underlie Asian Americans'critical reflection and collective action.

Looking beyond the impressions of algorithms and fact-checking in fighting online misinformation: A literature review

Misinformation is a global pandemic, fueled by the sophistication of the human intellect, algorithmic systems among other factors. Enhanced by the proliferation of algorithms optimized for engagement and reactions on social media, misinformation has ignited or hampered sociopolitical participation and movements and dissuaded citizens from being vaccinated, for example. Observations have shown that efforts to contain misinformation have largely been tech-based, with ubiquitous impressions that it can be coded into extinction and/or fact-checked with automated tools. This paper, therefore, contributes to the debate that there are mechanisms that should be explored beyond algorithms and fact-checking in the fight against misinformation. The paper adopted an integrative literature review approach, using purposive selection of 22 full texts from Google Scholar, JStor and other sources as captured in Table 1. The PRISMA flow diagram was used to show the search process. Findings from the literature reviewed showed that algorithms and fact-checking have made significant impacts in identifying, verifying and correcting misinformation. Nonetheless, they have drawbacks that should be complemented with information literacy programs/services and information ethics. The study suggests that information literacy and information ethics be made integral parts of educational modules and awareness should be increased about non-algorithmic approaches to solving misinformation problems in order to proactively build a more informed public.

On the use of citizen science in the agricultural sector

You The development and active introduction of computerized technology and information and communication technologies into the agrarian sphere contribute to the emergence of new forms of active e-participation and rural citizens in the socio-political processes of their regions. The article examines the concept of citizen science and theoretical approaches to assessing the effectiveness of e-participation projects. In the stack of smart agriculture tools and technologies, citizen science is an approach that has great potential as a tool that can provide timely and relevant data to improve the well-being of the agricultural sector, by keeping the entire population engaged and informed. The study will be of interest to government and business representatives involved in the development, implementation and improvement of existing information and communication technologies for socio-political participation of citizens.

Perception of Politics and Voting Behaviour among Healthcare Students in Chennai: A Cross – Sectional Study

Background : For the progress of a nation, active participation of healthcare professionals in decision making is important. Aim : To evaluate the political awareness and voting behavior among the students belonging to various streams of healthcare profession. Materials and Method : This cross-sectional survey was conducted among 381 students aged between 17-28 years from various Healthcare Educational Institutes in Chennai by means of a self-administered questionnaire comprising 20 questions. Results : On analysis, the mean knowledge score was found to be 4.189±1.45. The participants from the lower socio-economic class had a higher mean knowledge score of 4.38±1.72. The psychology of participants towards political participation revealed a disparaging opinion regarding the veracity and transparency of Indian political system. Conclusion : The true spirit of patriotism had been dampened over years with the false political propaganda due to widespread political illiteracy. Active socio-political participation from healthcare professionals can aid in the progress of the nation.

한국의 사회 예언자적 성령운동, 카리스마적 성령운동, 그리고 통합적 성령운동에 대한 고찰

Throughout Korean Christian history, scholars have distinguished two patterns in Holy Spirit: ‘Paternal’ and ‘Maternal.’ The former promotes outward socio-political participation based on Confucianism, and the latter emphasizes internal faith and healing under the influence of shamanism. Using these categories, Ryu Tong-Shik classifies Gil Seon-Ju’s Pyongyang Revival in 1907 as the ‘Paternal movement.’ However, in this article, the movement emphasizing socio-political participation is named the ‘Socio-Prophetic movement’ and distinguished from the ‘Charismatic-Pious movement’ that emphasizes internal faith and healing. Moreover, this paper claims that there has been the ‘Holistic Holy Spirit movement’ in Korean history that includes both socio-political and charismatic elements. Gil Seon-Ju’s Pyongyang Revival will be classified as the ‘Holistic movement,’ and Lee Hyun-Phil and Kim Ik-Du’s ministry will be examined as ‘Socio-Prophetic’ and ‘Charismatic-Pious movement,’ respectively.

Digitalization of the public sphere as the basis for the institutionalization of socio-political activity online

Socio-political participation online is of great importance for the development of democracy, so the study of the institutionalization of online activity is extremely relevant. Given the digitalization of all spheres of life, it is advisable to study the processes of institutionalization of online activity taking into account the features of metamodern society, as well as taking into account the transformation of social values and norms. A significant role in the legitimization of online activity is played by citizens' appropriation of the public sphere, as well as its dynamic digitalization, which directly affects the expansion of public participation and involvement of a much wider audience in the socio-political process. Therefore, the article analyzes the role of the digital public sphere in the development of online activity is analyzed, the research approach to the concept of institutionalization as a whole is defined. The process of institutionalization of social and political online activity in Ukraine is also analyzed. The article also notes that the institutional infrastructure, as well as the legality of socio-political online activity, is provided by the state, but the question is whether Ukrainians accept new social requirements, rules, and norms that are formed in the conditions of digitalization of social life.

Установки и ориентации современной молодежи и возможности формирования ее политической лояльности

The formation of political loyalty of young people is one of the key tasks to ensure the stability of the political system of the state. The article presents the results of a study on this problem based on focus groups conducted among young people in Yaroslavl, Kostroma, Vologda, Voronezh and Belgorod regions. The authors reveal the peculiarities of the perception of the processes of involvement and socio-political participation by young people of different ages, as well as attitudes towards authorities and political loyalty.

Sociopolitical Participation Among Marginalized Youth: Do Political Identification and Ideology Matter?

Engaging youth in the political system has promise for creating social change and ensuring the future of our democracy. Sociopolitical participation—individual and/or collective action to facilitate change—may be biased towards more liberal or Democratic views, which emphasize reform to create social equity. The aim of this study is to test if youth who vary in political ideology (i.e., conservative, liberal) and political identification (i.e., Republican, Democrat) participate at different levels and whether this measurement of sociopolitical participation is in fact biased. These issues were examined among 237 youth attending a large Midwestern high school who generally identified with historically marginalized groups. Results suggest that youth identifying as Republican exhibited slightly higher levels of participation, and that items were not biased by political ideology or identification. Further, political ideology and identification explained less than 5% of the variance in sociopolitical action, suggesting it is largely independent of political leaning.

Neoliberal Economic Policies' Effects on Perceptions of Social Justice and Sociopolitical Participation in Portugal.

Contemporary societies challenge long-standing projects of the “good society” and social equality through neoliberal economic policies. Social forms of uncertainty generated by financial deprivation, precarity, and inequality seem to have effects on agency and coping and so socioeconomic and psychological consequences. This study aims to test these relationships, as well as a hypothesis on the potential impact of these constructs on beliefs of sociopolitical control and social dominance, which have implications for social justice. A mediation model explores the effects of financial access (the manifest benefit of work) on psychosocial uncertainty (which reflects the perception of uncertainty in the social context and the experience of its consequences within work, relationships, and the adoption of self-defeating beliefs) and on emotional coping strategies towards uncertainty, and their effects on personal agency, sociopolitical control (SPC), and social dominance orientation (SDO). Data are derived from a study of 633 participants in Portugal. Although personal agency is influenced by financial access and psychosocial uncertainty, it is not proved as a significant mediator for SPC and SDO. Nevertheless, financial access, psychosocial uncertainty, and emotional coping significantly contribute to the model, supporting the hypothesis that financial access protects against psychosocial uncertainty. Both have an impact on SPC and SDO. Therefore, financial deprivation and psychosocial uncertainty potentially contribute to extremism and populism in societies characterised by socially created forms of uncertainty. Implications of results for psychological intervention, namely in vocational/professional counselling, are discussed.

The Influence of Developmental Contexts in Adolescent’s Expected Sociopolitical Participation through the Sense of Unity: An Analysis of the Mediation Model Invariance through Sex, Age, and Socioeconomic Status

Civic engagement plays a positive role in adolescent wellbeing, as well as being the basis for maintaining a democratic society. This research analyzed how perceived support from developmental contexts contributes to adolescent civic engagement –assessed through their expectations of future sociopolitical participation–, mediated by sense of unity, and differences according to sex, age, and socioeconomic status. The sample included 3,715 participants (13–18 years old) from the 2019 OPINA Barometer who were selected using multistage random sampling stratified by conglomerates. The measures assessed sex, age, family, friends, classmates, and teacher support, the expectations of future sociopolitical participation, and sense of unity. Socioeconomic status was assessed by the Family Affluence Scale (FAS). Data analysis was conducted using descriptive statistics, mean comparisons, and structural equation models using bootstrapping and measurement invariance. Results showed developmental contexts to significantly affect expected sociopolitical participation only through the mediator role of the sense of unity. In addition, peer support (both friends and classmates) showed a stronger direct influence on sense of unity –and indirect influence on the expectations of future sociopolitical participation– than family and teachers. The model was invariant across sex, age, and FAS. This research highlights that a sense of unity, derived from feeling part of a larger dependable structure, is crucial for establishing behaviors in the interest of the common good, and that this social connectedness is learned in the most immediate developmental contexts, specifically, that of peers.

Social Media Participatory Development Communication during COVID-19 by Elected Women Representatives (EWRs) of Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) in India

The advancement in technology has mandated many elected representatives to use social media for socio-political participation, participatory development and currently to create awareness about the Covid-19 pandemic. The aim of the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) in India is to develop local self-governments in districts, zones, and villages, with rural development being their main objective. Women's participation in the political arena was ensured, at the local self-government level by the historic 73rd and 74th amendments of the Indian constitution in the year 1992 by granting 33 percent reservation for women in the Indian rural governance processes. It heralded a new era in decentralized governance in India. The landmark amendment has allowed women to step out of their homes and participate in Gram Panchayats and other local institutional level meetings (Phukan, Kumar, and Majeed, 2018). Karnataka was a stellar example, being the first State in the country to implement the Panchayat Raj Act, which had mandated 25% reservation for women, in 1987, prior to the Amendments of 1992. As many as 14,000 women were elected in the first elections held in 1987 (Bageshree, 2009). Use of social networking sites has upgraded the methods and structures of political communication from traditional to digital (Darshan & Suresh, 2017). Local governments in India are increasingly using social media to keep citizens safe and informed while the nation works to flatten the curve of COVID-19. In this scenario, the social media usage by Elected Women Representatives (EWRs) of Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) for participatory development, during the COVID-19 pandemic is explored. Keywords: Women, Politics, Social Media, Panchayati Raj, COVID-19