Socialist Ideas Research Articles

“Workers in Saskatchewan Now Have a Clear-Cut Bill of Rights”

This paper examines the politics surrounding the construction, implementation, and administration of the Saskatchewan Trade Union Act (stua) between 1944 and 1950. The act is important because it reflects the first attempt by a social democratic government in North America to construct a system of labour law that ostensibly aligned socialist ideas with the rights of workers to form trade union freedoms. This makes the stua unique in Canadian labour and political history because the legislation demonstrated the policy priorities of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (ccf) and the Canadian Congress of Labour as both organizations were attempting to solidify their places in postwar Canada. This history reflects the fact that the ccf and the unions, like the left in general throughout the 1940s and 1950s, defined the working class narrowly, focusing attention on white and male breadwinners with women and racialized workers very much on the periphery. The history also demonstrates the inherent contradiction within social democratic reform politics, as the act extended numerous rights to workers to organize and collectively bargain but when those same workers pushed back against government decision-making during the province’s first public-sector strike in 1948, political tensions found many of those same social democrats acting in similar manners to their private-sector counterparts. These tensions within social democratic approaches to labour relations – so evident in the Saskatchewan experience – have become a central contradiction of the movement throughout the postwar period and continue today.

Raza, funcionalismo y educación

In 1935, Antonio Ruiz painted El maquetista (The Model Maker), a rare depiction of a brown-skinned person as a producer of the most avant-garde architecture of the time. As a portrait of a model maker, a profession seldom portrayed in art history, this painting also offers testimony of Ruiz’s role as a teacher in the Escuela Superior de Ingeniería y Arquitectura (ESIA), where he was head of the model-making workshop since the school was founded in 1932. The current article highlights the importance of the ESIA in professionalizing the lower and racialized classes of postrevolutionary Mexico, as well as the use of functionalist architecture as an instrument to spread socialist ideas. El maquetista helps us understand Ruiz’s political views and the close relationship he held with functionalist architects of the 1930s, fellow professors whose projects students used to create models to scale.

Islamic Socialism and Communist Socialism: A Review of Comparative Analytical Studies

The paper reviews studies that compare Communist Socialism and Islamic Socialism to explore how Islamic Socialism is a viable alternative to both Communism and Capitalism. It investigates the shortcomings of Capitalism, which caused the emergence of the idea of socialism. The paper also discusses the strong endorsement of Islamic Socialism by prominent Muslim scholars to inspire confidence in its legitimacy. The analysis reveals that Islamic revival movements that arose during the era of Western political domination emphasized values shared by Islam and the rest of the world and initiated the concept of Islamic Socialism. The principles of Socialism, such as the government’s ownership of productive units and the establishment of social welfare programs, align with Islamic teachings on social justice. In Islam, Zakat serves as a form of funding for welfare programs and social services, reflecting the religion's compassion and concern for the poor.

Leisure Culture of Urban Residents in Khakassia in the 1930s.

The main types of leisure activities in the region are considered. Leisure culture was based on upbringing a “new Soviet man” and was aimed at acquainting residents with cultural events. The organization of leisure time, based on the ideas of socialism, has affected all segments of the population without age restrictions. The reconstruction of leisure culture in the era of industrialization is an urgent research for further study of the history of Soviet culture and its consequences in the post-Soviet period. The purpose of the article is to consider the process of introducing the Soviet model of leisure culture among the citizens of Khakassia in the 1930s. The principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency, as well as historical-systemic and retrospective methods were used in the work. The primary objectives of successful industrialization were to increase the educational and professional level of the local population. In non-production activities, great importance was attached to political education and indoctrination of citizens. Local authorities have managed to make some progress in organizing and conducting events aimed at the cultural, intellectual and physical development of urban residents. With regard to the younger generation, emphasis was placed on education based on the collectivist principles. Education and physical development became one of the priority forms of youth leisure. For the first time in the region, local authorities began to organize measures to improve the population’s health. Along with the obvious successes, shortcomings in the urban leisure culture were identified. The main difficulties in organizing and conducting cultural events were insufficient funding and lack of material resources. The poor condition of leisure facilities and the quality of their work prevented the successful improvement of urban residents’ cultural level. Initially, cultural events, organized by local authorities took into account the national specifics of the region, but gradually, facing current requirements, collectivist principles and ideas of upbringing a “new Soviet man” began to dominate in urban residents’ leisure culture. Learning from past experience is necessary for the successful implementation of modern state policy in the field of culture.

ململانێ تیۆرییەكانی نێوان حیزبی شیوعی و حیزبی بەعسی عەرەبی سۆسیالیست لە عێراق لە ژێر رۆشنایی كێبڕكێ فیكریی و ئایدۆلۆژییەكان

The Iraqi Communist Party, as a communist organization and representative of the Iraqi left movement and Marxist discourse, opposed the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, which considered itself the agent of pan-Arab nationalist thought Within this conflicting discourse, the most prominent political organizations that have had the most influence in the Iraqi political process for half a century have become. Since the establishment of the monarchy and the republic, political, intellectual and ideological competition has developed between them, so that in several stages these competitions have reached the level of bloody conflict. This study attempts to highlight the most important ideological differences between them The principles of internationalism through its constituent factors such as socialism, communism and idealism have become the basis for determining how they compete. In this regard, it presents their communist and national characteristics and differences alongside the ideas of socialism and social nationalism and their views on religion, while presenting their views on freedom and their position on the fate of ethnic communities.

RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS IN THE CONCEPT OF THE FUTURE SOCIETY IN THE GERMAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AT THE END OF THE 19THAND BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURIES

Based on the analysis of the works of the classics of Marxism, the works of theorists and historians of German social democracy, articles by priests of the Catholic Church and representatives of Christian socialism in Germany at the end of the 19th century, theorists of anarcho-syndicalism, Russian and foreign researchers of German social democracy and the labor question, an attempt is shown to a departure from the orthodox Marxist policy of the German Social Democracy of the late 19th-early 20th century regarding religion, the church, religious organizations and believers towards a more pragmatic party policy aimed at attracting faithful Catholic workers into their ranks. In German Social Democracy, after the repeal of the law against the Socialists, which fell as a result of joint political actions against the policy of the government of Otto von Bismarck, a coalition of opposition bourgeois and clerical parties, the restoration of existing voting rights, in the interests of growing party ranks and strengthening the influence of the Social Democrats in local Landtag and the Reichstag, created the opportunity to propagate socialist ideas among the workers, who were under the strong influence of the church. The question arose: what kind of party policy should be pursued in the future with regard to believers so that this does not contradict the program of the party and does not reduce the quality of its party ranks. These questions served as the subject of discussion in the party and led to the subsequent adjustment of its party program, the exclusion from it of the provision on the reactionary nature of all other classes of society, except for the proletariat. The problem was to develop such a policy of the party towards the church and believers that it would not contradict the basic Marxist postulates on this issue and at the same time would not interfere with the attraction of believers to the party, especially from rural areas that were under the strong influence of the clergy.

Социализм преткновения, или Проблемы левого популизма

The first quarter of the 21st century became a time of revival of the idea of socialism. However, the working class is no longer the assumed main subject of the progressive change. The rise of left-wing populism is replacing workers’ movements and corresponding parties. The key feature of such populism is its desire to unite all the oppressed and exploited in the struggle against capitalist “hegemony”. This attitude is reflected, in particular, in the idea of intersectionality, according to which different “systems” of oppression (racism, sexism, homophobia, etc.) and capitalist exploitation are intertwined and can reinforce each other. This idea leads to constant allusions to the general, so to say, “people’s” struggle against capitalism and various forms of oppression. Moreover, some leftist theorists directly insist on the necessity to turn to populism and build strategies for leftist “counterhegemony”. The author thoroughly analyzes modern left-wing populist concepts and reveals serious flaws. The desire for justice and equality often disguises a thirst for privilege and radical hostility towards those who are viewed — often unfairly — as oppressors. Moreover, the struggle for socialism often means emphasizing freedom from labor for some, while ignoring economic hardships of others. The author classifies the contradictions of left-wing populism as insurmountable due to the impossibility of disentangling between the struggle for equality and for the private interests of individual groups. According to his conclusion, under the conditions when zero-sum games are inevitable, for the poor and socially vulnerable strategies for defending their own interests will become increasingly profitable and attractive in contrast to both populist projects and the idea of socialism per se, which increasingly implies the abandonment of these interests without guarantees of any returns in the future.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF JACQUES DERRIDA IN THE CONTEXT OF MARXISM

Deconstruction has challenged conventional notions of dichotomies, literary interpretations, and Marxist ideological hierarchy in support of a broader focus on justice and ethical behavior. This research aims to ascertain the areas of overlap and difference between deconstruction and Marxism, as well as Derrida's understanding of Marxism. The utilization of qualitative textual and secondary source analysis in this study has resulted in a thorough understanding of the philosopher's perspectives within their relevant context. The study's findings elucidate Derrida's viewpoints on Marxism in the context of current concerns and provide optimism for reassessing socialist ideas. This research aims to elucidate Derrida's perspectives on Marxism and the process of deconstruction.

Walras and Tugan-Baranovsky on socialism: Reconciling economic science and social ideal

Nowadays, Leon Walras (1839—1910) is well-known first and foremost for his “Elements of pure political economy, or the theory of public wealth” (1874, 1877) and Mikhail Ivanovich Tugan-Baranovsky (1865—1919) gained a wide recognition due to his book “Industrial crises in contemporary England: Their causes and influences on the life of the people” (1894), which had a significant impact on the development of economics. At the same time, both economists were deeply concerned not only with theoretical problems, but also with those that are now considered beyond the scope of theory, the problem of social ideal and that of a more just social system being among them. Walras and Tugan-Baranovsky associated the embodiment of the social ideal with socialism and strived for an economic system that corresponded to that ideal, albeit their conceptions of socialism being different. The principal opportunity to achieve reconciliation between science and ideal was associated with a synthetic approach reconciling the scientific method and ideal, economics being considered “a bridge” between them, or a «testing ground», where the reconciliation was to take place. Although history has shown that Walras’s and Tugan-Baranovsky’s ideas of socialism were utopian, the very fact that two eminent economists were deeply concerned with the problem of social ideal and socialism at a time when the foundations of modern economics were being laid, shows that the striving of economists to create objective and rigorous science was, to a measure, driven by their aspiration to solve the social problem and to set up a social and economic system which is rational and more just than the existing one

Considerações sobre a reforma monetária na Alemanha após a II Guerra Mundial

ABSTRACT This article is theoretical and presents the currency reform of June 20, 1948, which laid the basis for the reconstruction and rebirth of the West German economy after World War II. The authors analyze the conditions related to the need to carry out the reform, emphasizing the role and interests of the United States in this undertaking. It is widely believed that the reform gave rise to impressive economic growth, the so-called “economic miracle” that no one could have predicted before. A closer analysis, however, shows that the initial aim was not to pave the way for an economic miracle, but it was rather a meticulously prepared plan of action by the American superpower to strengthen its position in the world and limit the influence of the socialist idea. Therefore, this paper seeks to explore the hypothesis that the currency reform in post-WWII Germany was primarily aimed at securing American dominance and limiting Soviet influence.

“DASMAN” - “MANKURT” - “IXROD”: CRISIS OF MODERNITY IN THE LATE PERIOD OF CHINGIZ AITMATOV’S ART

The article is devoted to the historical and philosophical analysis of the work of the Kyrgyz humanist writer of the Soviet period, Chingiz Aitmatov, whose early work is characterised as a fascination with the “Soul of Faust.” (Spirit of Faust) The result of this was the writer’s earlier works, where he fervently perceives the ideas of progress, socialism, and enlightenment, in other words, the main ideas of the modern era. Later, under the huge influence of Russian classical literature, as well as active study of traditional Kyrgyz culture, he spoke on such fundamental metaphysical topics as people, personality, fate, morality, etc., thereby trying to get rid of the “Soul of Faust” (Spirit of Faust), more and more asserting himself as a traditional humanist. But despite these attempts, the writer still retained some ambivalence: on the one hand, he acted as a staunch critic of modernity, and on the other, he perceived the modernization process as an objective development of history that needs to be perceived and comprehended. The results of the writer's later ideas are new concepts such as “Mankurt” and “Ixrod” usually used to describe the consciousness of a person who became possible at the junction of modernity with tradition. To a certain extent, these concepts are identical to the idea of “DasMan” by M. Heidegger. This indicates that after the Second World War, a critical understanding of the ideals of modernity reigned among European intellectuals, to which Chingiz Aitmatov also adjoins.

In Search of Harmony: The Idea of Social Harmony in the Writings of Early Socialists

The problems of the history of socialist ideas, their origin and possible role in nowadays became the subject of scholar interest again. The problem of the social arrangement becomes more acute today than ever. Descriptions and even attempts to construct a harmonious society appeared many centuries ago. Two revolutions The Great French Revolution and the industrial revolution annihilated the ideological basis of previous times pushing forward the class structure instead of medieval system of estates. The first ones who found out the signs of order, not complete chaos, were early socialists A. Saint-Simon, S. Fourier, and R. Owen. This research is devoted to the comparison of approaches to the idea of social harmony of Saint-Simonists and Owenists. The main research method used is political-textual analysis. The conclusion of present study confirms that Saint-Simon and Owen being on the same side, followed different ways leading to harmonious state. However, their projects were united by a common radical idea - the complete reorganization of society, first - the system of classes and estates.

POLITICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL DOMINANTS OF A. MAKARENKO: RETURN TO THE DISCUSSION TOPIC

One of the most “politicized” figures in the history of national education is the internationally recognized educator and writer Anton Makarenko. Although over many decades everything related to Makarenko has been turned into a rather convincing ideological myth by the efforts of both apologists and opponents of Makarenko, there are enough reasons to doubt the truth of our ideas about the political worldview of this bright representative of reformist pedagogy. During the Soviet era, the image of A. Makarenko was established as an almost ideal communist educator from the point of view of origin and political views, but new sources and biographical research destroy existing stereotypes. The key points of the analysis of the raised question is Makarenko's system of attitudes towards: a) the revolutionary idea as such, b) the idea of socialism, c) Bolshevism and Stalinism. The basis for the reconstruction of these questions became numerous works of the educator, the texts of his public statements, private correspondence, diary entries, some media materials and memoir sources. Although the material presented in the article does not provide a comprehensive assessment of the essence of A. Makarenko's ideological and political position, it certainly refutes all “Stalinist” and “communist” accusations against him. The educator was not a convinced adept of communist, let alone Bolshevik ideology, on the contrary, he not only stubbornly resisted the politicization of the educational institutions headed by him, but in a private circle sharply and unequivocally criticized the main attributes of the new political system. And all his ideological statements in the last years of his life were only forced and quite typical defensive tactics for the years of the Stalin’s dictatorship. And if we can only guess about the real political views of many of A. Makarenko's contemporaries, then his true beliefs are now becoming more or less clear. There is no doubt that today's critics of A. Makarenko have no factual grounds to unconditionally accuse a person who, in the extremely dangerous conditions of a Totalitarianism, tried to protect his thing, his family, his priceless pedagogical heritage and, ultimately, his physical existence.

Utopia with science: Methods of Robert Owen’s socialism

This paper introduces recent Japanese debates marking the 250th anniversary of Robert Owen’s birth in 2021. It identifies five key issues in Japanese research: (i) the relationship between Owen and utilitarianism; (ii) debates between Owen and William Thompson; (iii) the question of science and utopia; (iv) Owen’s later ideological development; and (v) his relationship to economic and political movements. The paper focuses on Owen’s socialism, which emerged alongside the rapid development of science during the Industrial Revolution, as Owen sought to connect his vision of utopia with scientific methods of calculation and deduction. The paper makes reference to the relationship between socialist ideas and utilitarian science, which was the starting point for Owen’s co-operative thought. By analysing Owen’s texts, we identify four key features that characterise Owenite socialism: (i) happiness-seeking utilitarianism; (ii) an emphasis on human development and the role of education (character formation theory) based on environmental determinism; (iii) criticism of individualistic institutions that hinder happiness; and (iv) scientism or empiricism.

"Social question" in political philosophy of N.A. Berdyaev, S.N. Bulgakov and S.L. Frank: comparative analysis of concepts

The difference in organizational forms in social policy is caused by different economic and political reasons and different political and philosophical approaches to social problems. The hierarchy of values defines opinions on the social question and ideas about the appropriate architecture of social policy. The decisions that laid the foundations for social policy in Europe were made in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, and their logic resembles the philosophy of the “Christian socialism” most. The purpose of the article is to identify and compare the attitude of Russian authors who were closest to Christian socialism towards the social question and their approaches to solving it. The key works of the authors on the social question were studied. The comparative historical approach, hermeneutics, discourse analysis, and institutional analysis were used. All authors tend to problematize both the social question and its' solutions, rather than offer their own proposals. All three talk about the importance of human internal development and criticize socialist ideas about environmental determinism and human renewal through mechanical reorganization of the economy. All authors moved from Marxism to its criticism, although Berdyaev's views shifted in his later works to the left, to the most radical position of the three thinkers, to the conviction that capitalism has to be abolished, which he blames for oppression and exploitation. Bulgakov sympathizes with the logic of economic organization in socialism, but considers it possible to change economic relations while maintaining the political system. Frank is convinced that limited social reforms within the framework of a market economy are sufficient to provide social support to those in need. Berdyaev and Bulgakov think that justice is the most important value, while Frank thinks that duty is. Berdyaev and Bulgakov follow the key arguments of Christian socialism, and Frank - those of liberal conservatism.

Comparison of Traditional Chinese Thought and Xi Jinping's Understanding of Governance through the Hundred Schools of Thought

Xi Jinping, often referred to as the contemporary Mao, has introduced numerous development plans on a national and global scale since taking office as President in 2012. Having learned lessons from the disastrous Cultural Revolution which aimed to implant socialist ideas in China and resulted in the deaths of millions, Xi Jinping declared a new era in governance by emphasizing the importance of "Chinese Characteristics". Now, a Chinese government that has overcome the 'century of humiliation’ and is capable of confronting Western powers through a concerted effort, has successfully integrated Marxist-Leninist ideology with Chinese characteristics. Xi Jinping's philosophy, which combines modern requirements with the principles of traditional Chinese governance, has become part of the CCP ideology. Xi's comprehension of governance stems from traditional Chinese philosophy. The Warring Principalities era and the emergence of the Hundred Schools of Thought are the foundations of Xi's understanding of governance. This article investigates the heritage and evolution of Xi Jinping's governing ideology from ancient Chinese traditional beliefs, using the example of the "Hundred Schools of Thought". The article aims to explore the value implications of traditional Chinese governance thought in contemporary political life. Additionally, it seeks to promote the essence of ancient Chinese traditional culture, investigate its relevance in modern times, reveal patterns of cultural development, and offer guidance on how to carry forward and inherit the traditional Chinese cultural perspective.

Socialist Perspectives of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru

Socialism is a popular concept in the modern world. The idea of Socialism has been prevailing in the globe since the ancient times. But it was not studied and adopted scientifically. It was Karl Marx who evolved the term in systematic way and analysed the whole concept of Socialism from the logical point of view. His two great works in the form of Communist Menifesto and Das Capital published in 1848 and 1867 respectively is regarded as the earmark in the development of Scientific Socialism. The idea of Socialism became popular with the innovative philosophy like class less society and community life. The freedom fighters of India were largely influenced from this concept. Many Indian leaders including Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru too influenced with Marxian view of Socialism and as such he worked for establishment of a Socialistic Society in India. Therefore, we have come forward with this discussion to focus key points of Pandit Nehru’s perspectives of Socialism in India.

Complex Areas for Analysis

Man feels confused in a changing world that is experiencing tremendous, unanticipated expansion because he cannot keep up with what is happening. Priorly closed areas are now open for inspection. A new awakening brought outdoors simmering mental worries and infused courage as colonialism proved to be repressive and repulsive, with an increase in the misery of the majority in the society surrounding many countries and elsewhere for many reasons. Women endured long-suffering but did not speak up because they were also victims of incorrect social norms. Social reformers' voices against gender inequality started to bring about apparent changes in the social structure. Even previously uncomfortable male-female sexual relations in socially taboo places have now become commonplace and have won long-lasting acceptance despite much moralizing, vituperation, and protest. Radical transformations were sparked by social and economic equality among humans in various regions of the world. Even totalitarian, dictatorial, monarchical, and democratic political systems were compelled by socialist ideas to establish legislation governing and legalizing equality in social and economic life. Although it was a significant shift likely to be met with resistance, humanity eventually came to accept the realities of future life to a respectable amount.

Wandering Ideas: Circulations of Radical Social Thought in the long 19th century

ABSTRACT This article is an introduction to a special issue on ‘Wandering Ideas: Circulations of Radical Social Thought in the long 19th century’, which contributes to the ongoing debates on the revolutionary and socialist ideas on the move before the First World War. Collected papers touch upon, chiefly, such countries as Argentina, Bulgaria, France, Germany, Poland, Ukraine, as well as the Russian and Ottoman Empires. Contributions in their previous forms were presented and discussed at the workshop held at the Tadeusz Manteuffel Institute of History of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Warsaw, on October 21–22, 2022. This introduction provides a concise overview of methods applied in research on circulations of sociopolitical ideas in the past and currently, as well as proposes a prospect for grounding them within the frames of imperial history.

Varieties of egalitarianism: gender ideologies in the late socialism of the German Democratic Republic

ABSTRACTThe socialist German Democratic Republic (GDR) in the east part of former divided Germany, which existed between 1949 and 1990, saw the emancipation of women as a national objective. In this paper we examine the gender ideologies of young people in the GDR in relation to state socialist ideas of gender equality. First, we outline the GDR’s socialist state policy in favour of maternal full-time employment, even with young children, between the 1950s and the 1980s. We then present the results of our analysis of gender ideologies using survey data collected by the GDR’s Central Institute of Youth Research in 1984. By applying latent class analysis, we identify two patterns of egalitarianism in the analytic sample, which we term ‘all-inclusive-egalitarians’ and ‘not-in-my-backyard-egalitarians’ (‘nimby-egalitarians’). The former supported gender equality in both the public and familial spheres. The nimby-egalitarians, by contrast, had ambivalent attitudes, as they supported gender equality in the public sphere and at the same time held more traditional attitudes towards the private sphere. Our study demonstrates that after almost 40 years of propagating gender equality, state socialism in the GDR had some success in shaping societal gender ideologies. However, we reveal ambivalences which researchers have previously often overseen, especially in contrast to the Western part of Germany. The top-down shaped GDR patterns of egalitarianism also bear similarities to the stalled gender revolution in contemporary Western democratic societies. Beyond the results, the paper proves the richness and principle usability of hitherto rarely used data sets preserved from the GDR.