Radical Social Research Articles

제1차 間島共産黨事件 관련 인물들의 활동과 동향

At the time of the First Round of the Gando Communist Party Incident, the majority of the individuals involved were in their 20s to 30s, with a significant number hailing from Hamgyeong Province. They received education on the Korean Peninsula and in Gando, and some had studied abroad in China, Russia, and Japan. Many of these individuals engaged in various social activities while working in the fields of education and media. Some of them also made efforts to stabilize the Korean community following The Gando Massacre.
 Those involved in this incident had been actively engaged in the independence movement since the March 1st Movement. They participated in the March 1st Movement on the Korean Peninsula and in Gando, and subsequently joined various organizations of National Movement and Socialist Movement, leading the independence movement in the early 1920s through activities such as independence movement fund-raising, anti-Japan armed struggle, and socialist movement both within and outside the Korean Peninsula.
 From immediately after the First Round of the Gando Communist Party Incident until liberation, they continued their independence movement in various ways. Some of them died while enduring hardships in prison, and some also persisted in their struggle even while incarcerated.
 Independence activists involved in the incident participated in the formation of Dongmanguyeokguk, a subordinate organization of the Korean Communist, and actively engaged in the organizational activities of the National United Party based on the National Cooperation Front. In other words, Dongmanguyeokguk was not only an integrated organization for various socialist groups but also a group with the character of the National United Party in the Dongman area, involving independence activists engaged in the national movement.

Musical convergence and divergence in occupied İstanbul, 1918–1923

AbstractThe Allied occupation of İstanbul after World War I had a transformative impact on the city’s musical entertainment sector. The arrival of large numbers of military personnel created additional demand for music halls, cabarets,cafe-chantants, and concert venues. Servicemen’s musical preferences were catered for by resident İstanbulites and others who found refuge in the city, creating opportunities for musicians and entertainment entrepreneurs to benefit from new and existing patrons. This buoyant market was further harnessed for charitable causes directed at new categories of people in need. The distinct political climate introduced with occupation also made its mark on musical performance, with nationalist and socialist groups using concerts to promote messages of salvation. The end of the occupation led to the dispersal of these musicians to new locations, such as the new Republican capital of Ankara, which attracted talents intent on staying in Turkey, and Athens and Thessaloniki, which received Greek Orthodox musicians fleeing the new Turkish nationalist regime, and still further afield. Using British, French, and Ottoman government documents, memoirs, and newspapers, the article investigates this process of musical convergence and divergence and analyses the local and global impact of the aural encounters of this overlooked period in İstanbul’s cultural history.

The policy of permeation of Fabian Society into the National Health Service policy of Labour Party in the early 20th century

In pursuit of social reform, Fabian Society, a British Socialist Group, adopted the a policy of permeation of other parties. Under the influence of osmosis, Fabian Society, represented by Mr and Mrs Webb, exerted influence over Labour’s policy on the National Health Service, and in the continuous run-in to the national health service in part of the Labour policy and views with Fabian Society gradually convergence. By drawing on the positive experience of Fabian, combining the establishment of a jointly managed health system, the consolidation of redundant health services, the improvement of the administrative efficiency of government-related services, the development of voluntary hospitals and sanatoriums with the inherent commitment of the Labour Party to free health care for all, and the establishment of a public health sector at the national level, thus for the UK in the field of public health to establish a national medical social system to provide an excellent blueprint. Labour’s policies in the field of national health have profoundly changed the face of British society.

A Radical Culture for Children of the Working Class: The Young Socialists' Magazine, 1908-1920

The Young Socialists' Magazine, published from 1908-1920, was the first radical working-class children's magazine in the United States. In its pages appeared the writings of prominent political figures such as Rosa Luxemburg and Eugene Debs and those of such noted authors as Leo Tolstoy and Maxim Gorky. The lively content of the magazine also included poetry, songs, folktales, essays, and cartoons as well as a revisionist history of the United States from the Revolutionary War through Reconstruction. These features of the 15–18-page newspaper-size maga­zine were used to construct a working-class cultural identification in children that was tied to radical socialist activity. The cultural articles created role models and an alternative value structure while the political articles forged an allegiance to socialist politics. The unique feature of using sophisticated reading materials for children to develop a cultural identification tied to radical politics provides one model for developing oppositional cultural forms. This model may prove useful to educators today who are redesigning curricular materials to include race, ethnicity, gender, and class perspectives that have been marginalized from mainstream texts.

The jewish question in the concept of socialist zionism by Moses Hess

The famous German revolutionary activist and publicist of Jewish origin Moses (Moritz) Hess (1812–1875) left a noticeable mark in the history of the formation of the ideology of Zionism, being one of the first to formulate the socialist principles of the future Jewish state.The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that the concept of socialist Zionism, which M. Hess substantiated in the 1860s, was several decades ahead of the development of the ideology of Zionism itself, and also at the beginning of the 20th century determined the emergence of the ideas of Jewish socialism, which were reflected in the activities of the relevant revolutionary parties, especially in the Russian Empire (Poalei Zion, Zionist Socialist Workers Party, Socialist Jewish Workers Party, Tseirei Zion and others). Considering the importance of the conceptual ideas of M. Hess in the further development of the ideology of Jewish nationalism and socialism, it is worth analyzing the evolution of the ideas of M. Hess and determining his views on the solution of the Jewish question in the Western European countries of that time.The conclusions state that the emancipation policy applied by Western European states to the Jewish population in the first half of the 19th century, according to Hess, could not solve the Jewish question. Emancipation only created tension in the relations between Jews and non-Jews, because the latter chose the national principle of development. The non-Jewish society of Western Europe generally excluded Jews from its ideology of national culture. Hess rightly noted the contradictions of the policy of emancipation, which was based on the civilization ideas of the Great French Revolution, but was carried out under the condition of the national elevation of the European peoples. However, in the agrarian societies of Eastern Europe, the above-mentioned phenomena did not acquire the character of an open confrontation between Jews and non-Jews due to the weakly developed national factor and the noticeable influence of traditions. It was the last circumstance that inspired Hess in his concept of socialist Zionism. The religious idea of the collective immortality of the Jewish people should soon be embodied in «earthly Jerusalem», that is, in Jewish statehood on the territory of Palestine. However, the future Jewish republic, according to Hess’s ideas, will certainly be socialist, because the traditional society of Jews, especially in Eastern Europe, was socialist, that is, collectivist. The historical significance of Hess’s ideas was that he was one of the first Western European thinkers to warn of the dangers of the policy of emancipation of the Jewish people, which hid the threat of assimilation on the one hand, and racial anti-Semitism on the other hand. In the second half of the 19th century anti-Semitism in the countries of Western Europe became a noticeable factor not only in the development of national movements, but also influenced the ideological and political debate within socialist groups and parties, whose leaders were forced to take into account the national characteristics of the revolutionary struggle for the ideals of social justice. If we evaluate the concept of Hess through the prism of the revolutionary processes in the development of the Jewish people of Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 20th century, we can state that his ideas turned out to be a true prophecy, and the creation of the Jewish state in the middle of the same century was a natural result of the complex process of the national revival of the Jewish people.

A “plant love story”: The lost (and found) private herbarium of the radical socialist revolutionary Rosa Luxemburg

Societal Impact StatementHerbaria are important tools in botanical documentation for verifying species distribution and past occurrence. In addition to their scientific value, some herbaria, especially those collected by iconic historic figures such as the radical socialist revolutionary Rosa Luxemburg, can increase public interest in plant diversity and conservation by building a positive narrative with plants. Throughout her life, R. Luxemburg remained passionate for botany and started collecting plants in 1913 until her assassination in 1919, amassing a private herbarium that she cherished. This unique collection, which was thought to be lost, has since been rediscovered and is currently deposited in the Archive of Modern Records in Warsaw, Poland.

Classic Socialist Zionism and the Emergence of Radical Socialist Zionism in France in the 1960s

The awakening of Jewish identity that followed the 1967 war and the student rebellion of May 1968 brought on a major metamorphosis in the socialist Zionist Left in France. Left-wing Zionist groups at this time found themselves facing off not only against the traditional Marxist Left, with its at best ambiguous and at worst hostile attitude to Jewish nationalism, but also against a stridently anti-Zionist New Left. The result was the emergence of a new revolutionary Zionist Left that grew out of the politicization and radicalization of the younger generation during the struggle against the colonial wars in Algeria and Vietnam. Its principal agents were two members of Israel’s Marxist-Zionist Mapam party, Simha Flapan and Ely Ben-Gal, who were dispatched to Paris. Their and the party’s impact on Zionism in France at this critical juncture in the history of the New Left has long been underestimated.

Dinamica formelor și a relațiilor sociale în grupările socialiste din secolul al XIX-lea

Focusing on two theoretical concepts, sociability, driven from Maurice Agulhonʼs theory, and social networked as developed in Georg Simmelʼs formal sociology, the present article aims to discuss the Romanian socialist circles from the 19th century in a twofold manner. On the one hand, it explores the social imaginary and the transferable social forms due to the existence of the “weak ties” (Mark Granovetter), such as clandestinity, the anti-bourgeois attitude, the idealism, and the generic portrait of the socialist. On the other hand, the article analyses the forms of life that are specific and dependent on the material spaces, shaping the particularities of different socialist groups. Such elements of shared life are, for example, the exaltation in Neculai Beldiceanuʼs cenacle from Iași, the anti-intimacy in Nădejdeʼs house on Sărărie, the farce at „Adevărul” magazine, but also the experience of drinking tea, common to the majority of the socializing groups, and the relationship between men and women, considered as the myth of the 19th century socialist movement.

Marxists in a Declining Empire

Marxists in a Declining Empire Francis King Eric Blanc, Revolutionary Social Democracy: Working-Class Politics across the Russian Empire (1882–1917). 470 pp. Brill: Leiden, 2021. ISBN-13 978-9004449923. €190.00 (cloth). Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2022. ISBN-13 978-1642597646. $36.00 (paper). Histories of the "Russian" Revolution have often either largely ignored developments in the periphery of the empire altogether or appended them to the main narrative as interesting case studies of secondary importance. The major all-Russia parties (the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party [RSDRP], the factions of the Party of Socialist Revolutionaries, the Constitutional Democrats, etc.) have been comprehensively studied in the literature, and the relations among them have been exhaustively analyzed. However, the smaller parties of the non-Russian national minorities, their relationships with one another and with the major all-Russia parties have received considerably less attention. Before the collapse of the USSR in 1991, in Soviet historiography the revolution in the non-Russian periphery was presented almost exclusively as the story of how the local Bolsheviks won power. In this narrative, the Bolsheviks' rivals, whether all-Russia or regional/national parties, were generally depicted as amorphously "petty-bourgeois" or "counterrevolutionary," and the details of their ideas were almost never explored. In English-language works of that time, only the revolutionary process in Ukraine could have been said to have a "historiography," produced mainly by diaspora scholars.1 Since 1991, the newly independent former union republics have had [End Page 437] to develop their own national historical narratives, and some of those with a distinctive revolutionary history, such as Georgia, have seen significant interest both at home and abroad in recovering that history. Ukraine, however has remained the most thoroughly studied area on the ex-Soviet periphery and the nation that has done the most to develop its own narrative of 1917 and after. In 2017, the Ukrainian state provided schools with lesson plans and materials to provide a national interpretation of the events of 1917.2 To emphasize the distinctiveness of their national experience, some Ukrainian and diaspora scholars have also been using decolonizing and postcolonial concepts in their presentations of this history of the revolution in Ukraine.3 The problem with these national(ist) historiographies has been their authors' need to separate these stories out from the all-Russia narrative—which, while understandable, downplays the interconnectedness of the revolutionary process across the Russian Empire. Eric Blanc's book, by eschewing both exclusively Russocentric and narrowly nationalist approaches, is therefore a welcome contribution to the historiography of the revolution. His focus is on the various social democratic (that is, avowedly Marxist) parties that operated in the periphery of the Russian Empire, and he seeks to integrate their histories into the wider history of the revolution. Few historians could undertake this sort of study, as it requires facility in several of the languages of the Russian Empire. The bibliography suggests that he has used an impressive range of primary and secondary sources. As one might expect from a book in the Historical Materialism series of monographs, it is not merely a work of historiography but also of politically engaged scholarship. Throughout the work, Blanc seeks to draw political lessons for today from the material he is presenting and to criticize or refute certain (mis)conceptions commonly found both in the scholarly community and among radical socialist activists, past and present. His researches have led him away from "traditional Leninist interpretations of revolutionary Russia" (17) and toward "retrieving the lost tradition of revolutionary social democracy" (407), which he associates particularly with the pre–World War I writings of Karl Kautsky. Blanc's ideological engagement [End Page 438] is both a strength of the work—it lends the book a vitality and intellectual coherence sometimes lacking in purely academic monographs—and, as will be discussed below, a source of some of its limitations. Besides an introduction and an epilogue, the book contains ten thematic chapters, mostly concerned with particular aspects of socialist politics, subdivided into sections dealing more with specific case studies. In his introduction, Blanc sets out his stall. His first key argument is that "the Russian revolution was far...

“We Should Learn to Live, Learning is Power”: <i>Pyŏllara</i>, Night Schools and the Dilemma of Workers’ Education in Colonial Korea

This study examines the pedagogical roles of the print media movement for youth associated with night schools in colonial Korea, focusing on the socialist magazine <i>Pyŏllara</i> (1926–1935). The movement deserves attention because of its educational function, in which activists endeavored to empower young workers. Since formal schooling was limited under colonial conditions, the night schools often complemented the role of public schools, providing opportunities for school-aged children. However, even in schools supported by socialist groups, the educational content and curriculum often remained rudimentary despite their ultimate pursuit of political education. This gap often situated workers’ education in a dilemma between basic literacy and raising political awareness. Despite this dilemma, the magazine and night schools nonetheless provided young workers with exceptional opportunities to empower themselves, which could hardly be done in public schools at the time.

De 1864 à 1880 : Valentin Magnan (1835–1916), un anatomo-clinicien, expérimentateur, enseignant et fondateur d’une maison de santé privée à Suresnes fondée en 1875 avec Gustave Bouchereau (1835–1900) et Gustave Lolliot (1837–1882) ou l’histoire d’un évincement d’un aliéniste radical-socialiste à la chaire des maladies mentales et de l’encéphale en 1877 (Partie II)

The Orleans monarchist Ferdinand Duval (1827–1896) that was the prefect of the Seine issued a decree abolishing the teaching of mental illness following the Teulat affair and in the name of Moral Order politic, this is very different from the republican project. This decree inaugurated a lot of debates. The reading of these about the question of the creation of a chair for mental illnesses and the brain (1877) at the General Council of the Seine and the French National Assembly reflected the political oppositions between monarchist and republican. Magnan was discredited by his participation at the so-called exhibition of the insane and his creation of a private health center in Suresnes (1875) with Gustave Bouchereau (1835–1900) and Gustave Loliiot (1840–1882). That was said to oust Magnan as a candidate to hold the Chair Mental Illness Clinic. Auguste Voisin (1829–1898) was eliminated for this job because he was the brother of the police prefect Félix Voisin (1832–1915). We believe that Magnan was not selected because his attitude of allegiance to Georges Clémenceau (1841–1929); their relationship went beyond a simple friendship. Magnan’ political orientation was a radical socialist. He was not in favored on the one hand with the President of the Council Jules Simon (1814–1896) and on the other hand with the Minister of Public Education and Fine Arts William Henry Waddington (1826–1889). The latter was the signatory of Ball's appointment order and his installation to the Chair Mental Illness Clinic at Sainte-Anne Asylum. In fact, Ball has Britannic origin and was Protestant as W.-H. Waddington. Thus, he was the minister's favorite. At a time when an ambient anticlericalism existed, the appointment of a Protestant alienist reflected a desire to maintain religious influence on the hospital ground for the Protestant community. Therefore, Benjamin Ball (1833–1893) appointment as the first holder of the Chair Mental Illness Clinic at Sainte-Anne asylum has been based on political and religious background.

Pasang Surut Demokrasi Indonesia (1945-1965)

The purpose of this study is to explain how the journey of Indonesian democracy from the early days of the independence of the Republic of Indonesia to the end of guided democracy. This study uses historical research methods. The results of the research show that August 17, 1945 was the independence day of the Republic of Indonesia which was successfully proclaimed. With the founding of the new Indonesia, rules and order for the life of the nation and state are needed. Thanks to the persistent efforts of the founding fathers of the Indonesian nation, they managed to formulate a law known as the 1945 Constitution. When the Netherlands recognized Indonesian sovereignty in 1949, the Indonesian nation faced a new political atmosphere. Various kinds of political conditions occurred, ranging from cabinet changes, political ideological feuds between religious, nationalist and socialist groups, to the domination of one particular group that tried to perpetuate power. The conclusions of the research show that since its establishment Indonesia has started to experience various problems in politics which have made Indonesia more mature in politics
 
 Keywords: Democracy, Politics, Power.

Siła (bez)silnych. Działania opozycji demokratycznej w optyce SB

A wave of strikes which was launched on the 24th of June 1976 by the rise of food prices introduced by the Seym had its culmination in Radom and Ursus. The strikers were brutally pacified. A visible reaction to the events mentioned above was the formation of opposition initiatives. Since the mid-seventies these initiatives have become a matter of interest for the Security Service which treated them as an “anti–socialist element”. The text presented below, entitled: The attacks of organized anti–socialist groups on Security Service and Citizen Militia, comes from the operational files of the case under the code name “Players” which Security Service aimed at infiltration of the people gathered within an oppositional group known as KOR (later named KSS KOR). The infiltration took place between 1976 and 1981. The described report was compiled by major Ryszard Wiązowski from the IX Section of the 3rd Department of the Home Office in December 1977. It summarizes the annual activity of a democratic opposition in a tendentious way, indicating its criminal activities such as creating and distribution of opposition materials, informing western media about the situation in the country or inspiring and persuading people to make complaints about the actions of Security Service and Citizen Militia. In comparison with the whole range of means, methods and forms of operational work which were used by the Security Service against the opposition activists during this period, the report presented above can be considered peculiar, especially if one takes into consideration major Wiązowski’s statement that “Security Service and Citizen Militia are capable of recognizing, counteracting, fighting and exposing the true face of these groups which have always been controlled by the western sabotage centres” - it is a sad recapitulation and at the same time an announcement of future repressions. However, a critical analysis of the above document provides a considerable number of factual information on the opposition movement in 1977, showing its strength and helplessness of Security Service’s actions.

Wybory do Dumy Państwowej i Rady Państwa w Królestwie Polskim i na Ziemiach Zabranych w latach 1906–1912 w świetle korespondencji konsulów austro-węgierskich w Warszawie

The Austro-Hungarian diplomatic services followed the course of the election campaigns for the State Duma in the Kingdom of Poland closely. This is entirely understandable. The Sejm was a novelty in the political life of the Habsburg Monarchy’s northern neighbour. Its functioning could have had far-reaching and difficult to predict consequences for the politics of the Romanov Empire. Reports by Austro-Hungarian diplomats accurately reflected the mood of Polish public opinion and the position of individual groups. They drew attention to the deterioration of ethnic relations in the Kingdom of Poland, both between Poles and Jews and between Poles and Russians. They accurately portrayed the dilemmas of Polish society, its powerlessness and frustration, including disappointment with the State Duma. The parliamentarisation of the political system in Russia and the departure from the self-rule did not improve the position of the Polish people in the tsarist state. The results of the elections to the State Duma confirmed the dominance of national democracy in the political life of the Kingdom of Poland. The Austro-Hungarian diplomats regarded this grouping as the true representation of public sentiment and the dominant force on the Polish political scene. They were not entirely impartial in their reports. Their correspondence shows that they were sympathetic to Polish conservative circles and clearly disliked socialist groups.

Lawrence, Douglas Goldring, and Plays for a People’s Theatre

In 1920 Thomas Seltzer published D.H. Lawrence’s Touch and Go and Douglas Goldring’s The Fight for Freedom as Plays for a People’s Theatre by Thomas Seltzer. The contemporary reviewer in Theatre Arts observed that “the phrase ‘people’s theatre’ challenges discussion—infinite and vague. Is it the theatre of an entire nation or a class—the ‘workers’? And who are the workers?” My paper will focus on these two plays, telling the story of how and why Lawrence became connected to Goldring and the People’s Theatre. The Prefaces to the two plays define two very different conceptions of a people’s theatre, and the two plays dramatize those conceptions – both with mixed success. The question of which of the two plays would be published first produced some of Lawrence’s finest invective.Douglas Goldring is basically unknown to Lawrence scholars apart from the role he played in getting Touch and Go published and failing to get it staged. My paper will include a brief biography of Goldring, who had a varied, fascinating career. He was a subeditor under Ford Madox Hueffer at the English Review and later published reminiscences of Ford and the English Review circle. He fought in World War I, but, after being invalided out of the army, he became a conscientious objector and – for a time – a radical socialist. He published five books of poetry, over a dozen novels, twenty-one travel books, and autobiographies in which Lawrence figures. He connected Lawrence with the American publisher Thomas Seltzer and the English literary agent Curtis Brown. In 1920 he published an essay about Lawrence in Reputations: Essays in Criticism. He helped Lawrence in his effort to get some of Maurice Magnus’s writings published. Fifteen letters from Lawrence to Goldring survive. The complex interaction between Lawrence and Goldring remains an intriguing episode in the history of Lawrence the mostly disappointed playwright.

Perceptions of the bolshevik danger at the western border of Romania in the interwar period

At the western border of Romania, the communist-Bolshevik ideology made its presence felt at the end of 1918 on the Hungarian chain, in the conditions of ideological turmoil of this type generated by the Bolshevik socialist group in Budapest formed around Kun Béla. In Oradea there was a socialist group even before the First World War. Its leader was Katz Béla in the fall of 1918. Bolshevik ideas were often spotted in the county in the immediate future, facilitating the formation of a fairly important communist group throughout the interwar period. At the end of 1919, the socialist leader Eugen Rozvany, recently returned from the front, a member of the Socialist Party of Transylvania and Banat, made his presence felt in Oradea. He joined the communist movement in 1920, where he held an important position until his departure to the USSR in 1932, placing himself at the head of the Bihor and even national communist movement. He was the one who seriously imprinted the communist movement in Bihor and beyond. Breiner Bela was added immediately. Along with them, new leaders were formed who turned to communism in a very short time, such as Sándkovitz Sándor (Alexandru Sencovici) and Mogyorós Sándor (Alexandru Moghioroş). Oradea and Bihor played an important role in the national communist movement. This is demonstrated by the fact that after the Second Congress of the Communist Party of Romania, held in 1922, the communist movement in the country was organized into eight regional secretariats. One of them was in Oradea. The Communist Party of Romania, the Bihor county organization, was a political structure overwhelmingly dominated in the interwar period, as can be seen, by members of the Hungarian and Jewish communities. They made the law in the organization, and if someone did not agree with its conduct, he was quickly shot dead. This is also the case of Eugen Rozvany, who, when he had a different position from the local communists on “the self-determination of the peoples of imperialist Romania”, he supported the idea of the Romanian national state, was unmasked, removed from the party, whose fate was sealed.

A cost of living: Dialectics of the Necrocene and securing the means of resistance

This article introduces a new dialectical framework of the Necrocene, which presents a binary choice between two possible futures, immediate catastrophe or imminent utopias. The first future, immediate catastrophe, is post-capitalist and post-human underpinned by an adherence to business-as-usual capitalism. The second proposition imminent utopia is imagined as a post-capitalist and post-growth future defined by economics that are eco-socially balanced. Therefore, while the political status quo is predominantly concerned with scrambling to save capitalism and peddling the myth of green growth these dialectics quickly direct us to a profoundly different path. A path defined by a particular eco-socialist perspective on the need to transcend capitalism and its ecocidal growth imperative as a revolutionary necessity. Although this position is not in itself novel to radical socialist and ecological politics, the article finds that an intellectual preoccupation with distant utopias significantly outweighs the practical strategic considerations relating to the messy and uncertain but essential work of anti-capitalist struggle in the here and now. To this end, it argues for imminent utopias to be enacted through a revolutionary praxis of prefiguration, embracing the uncertainty of the current historical moment, as an opportunity to actively forge post-capitalist relations that prioritizes economies of care, eco-social balance and collective flourishing.

Asal Permulaan Munculnya Pandangan Filsafat Sosialisme

Socialism is an understanding of individual ownership that is regulated and controlled collectively, not limited to individuals or just a handful of groups. The trigger for the birth of socialism is the process of the capitalist system which indirectly creates class levels in society. Socialism first emerged during the industrial revolution of the 18th century in England as a reaction to the injustices that occurred and the exploitation of workers and factory workers. Dissatisfaction and social upheaval also emerged from the socialist group which aimed to fight for the rights of oppressed factory workers. The industrial revolution made the process of producing goods easier and cheaper, thus creating the concept of capital accumulation for certain groups. This ultimately creates polarization in society, namely the employer and worker groups or the bourgeoisie or proletariat. The condition of society when capitalism developed after the industrial revolution attracted the attention of socialist thinkers such as Robert Owen in England and Saint Simon and Fourier in France. They were encouraged to improve Improving the conditions of society at that time was based on a sense of humanity without being accompanied by real actions or conceptions regarding goals and strategies in improving these conditions.

THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION (1917) AND IT’S IMPACTS ON INDIAN SUBCONTINENT

Social movements are loosely structured but persistent campaigns that promote social objectives, usually the implementation or avoidance of a change in the structure or values of society. Marxism is a school of thought that was created in the middle of the 19th century by Karl Marx and, to a lesser degree, Friedrich Engels. An political and economic agenda, a philosophy of history, and three connected concepts made up its initial composition. Also included is Marxism as it was interpreted and used by the different socialist groups, notably prior to 1914. Then there is Soviet Marxism, which was developed by Vladimir Lenin and refined by Joseph Stalin. Dubbed Marxism-Leninism, this ideology became the guiding principle of the communist parties founded in the wake of the 1917 Russian Revolution. The article's first portion examines Marxist thought and how it has influenced communist groups across the globe. The second part of the paper discussed Lenin's worldview, the legacy of the Tsars, and the Russian Revolution. The third half of the paper discussed the communist and Marxist influences on the Indian Subcontinent. The paper's conclusion is given in the final section.

Living with the Enemies: Japanese Imperialism, Protestant Christianity, and Marxist Socialism in Colonial Korea, 1919–1945

During the Korean War, conflicts between right-wing Protestants and radical socialists escalated and erupted into massacres, killing thousands of Korean civilians. Such extreme violence and tumultuous events afterwards—including Korea’s division into two separate states and the Cold War system—eclipsed the imbricated interactions between Protestant Christianity and socialism under Japanese colonial rule. While focusing on Korean Protestantism and socialism to probe their contest and compromise for survival, this article traces the tripartite relationship among the followers of Protestant Christianity, Marxist socialism, and Japanese imperialism as it evolved throughout colonial Korea between 1910 and 1945. These 35 years comprised a period of multiple possibilities for interaction among Korean Protestants, socialists, and Japanese authorities in the changing global environment. The international organizations with which they were associated influenced Korean Protestants and Marxist socialists while facing the common crisis of Japan’s assimilation. Namely, the Korean Protestant churches affiliated with Western missionaries’ denomination headquarters in their home countries and world Christian conferences, while the Korean socialists allied with Moscow’s Comintern and other radical political movements abroad. Within this broader context, these two religious and ideological forces competed for supremacy, cooperated in a joint struggle against the colonial regime, and antagonized each other over their divergent worldviews. By examining their complicated tripartite relationship, this essay comprehensively depicts the dynamic history of the Western-derived religious and political doctrines meeting a non-Western empire in a foreign land.