Social Identity Model Of Collective Action Research Articles

‘You are not Sikkimese enough’: Understanding collective action tendencies of old settlers in Sikkim using SIMCA

AbstractThe current study analyses the motivators and inhibitors of collective action tendency using the Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA). The study was conducted with a minority and state‐based repressed group known as the old settlers in Sikkim, India. The old settlers are a community that have been historically settled in Sikkim prior to the state's merger with India in 1975. They are racially and ethnically different from the majority population of northeasterners in Sikkim and face both institutional and interpersonal discrimination. A qualitative approach using semi‐structured interviews with 11 old settlers was taken to delineate SIMCA variables – moral conviction, identity, injustice and efficacy – within the context of northeast India. Collective action was motivated through moral conviction via principles of equality and unequal treatment and outsider status, identity via politicisation of identity, creation of social movement organisations, injustice via anger and fraternal resentment and efficacy via marches and legal recourses. Collective action was inhibited through moral conviction via denial of violation, identity via acculturation, injustice via fear and efficacy via learned helplessness. These findings indicate that in state‐based repressed groups, collective action tendencies must be understood from a context‐specific lens that attempts to understand both motivating and inhibitory factors.

Region-level Pākehā warmth towards Māori enhances collective action intentions: An extension of the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA)

New Zealand is a peaceful nation, but ongoing political tensions and inequities between Māori (the indigenous peoples of New Zealand) and Pākehā (the majority group of Europeans) persist as a result of its colonial history. Identifying ways to redress the enduring legacy of colonialism are therefore of critical importance. Accordingly, this paper examines data from 7017 Māori, as well as 37,233 Pākehā, to examine the impact of regional-level Pākehā warmth towards Māori on Māori support for progressive collective action. Results reveal that Pākehā warmth towards Māori varies markedly across 257 regional wards (regional units created for New Zealand electoral purposes). Moreover, multilevel modelling demonstrates that Pākehā warmth towards Māori at the region-level correlates positively with Māori identity and political efficacy at the individual level which, in turn, both correlate positively with collective action support. Collectively, these results demonstrate the impact of the broader social climate on social change, while identifying a previously-unknown facilitator of collective action support (namely, a broader context of warmth towards structurally disadvantaged groups).

Immigrant collective civic action: Integrating group resilience into the social identity model of collective action

AbstractBased on the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA), this study examined factors associated with immigrant collective civic action, while also testing the role of group resilience. A convenience sample of 226 first‐generation immigrants (58.6% female) of different nationalities completed a self‐report questionnaire. Partial least squares path modelling was used to test a model assessing the relationship between national and ethnic identity and collective civic action, mediated by collective efficacy, perceptions of collective unfair treatment, and group resilience. Results confirmed the identity–efficacy pathway to collective civic action for both national and ethnic identity, but not the ethnic identity–injustice or the ethnic identity–group resilience pathways. Implications for research and practice are discussed.

Becoming a hacktivist. Examining the motivations and the processes that prompt an individual to engage in hacktivism

ABSTRACT Hacktivism is a rising phenomenon in the cyber landscape combining elements of the hacking subculture with ideologically motivated agendas inspired both by traditional activism and by new elements of the digital culture. Despite several studies on the topic, it is still not completely clear what motivates an individual to engage in this type of collective action and if the reasons can be compared to what is already known for more traditional forms of social protests. Taking a socio-psychological approach, this study uses the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) as a theoretical lens to analyze hacktivists’ motives and engagement process. The analysis is based on 28 semi-structured interviews, and it considers the four main elements of the model, naming: morality, social identity, perceived injustice and perceived efficacy. The violation of moral values seems to be the main trigger to participate in the action, while social identity plays an important role both as the second step in the engagement process and as a bridge with the other elements of the model. The results seem to be in line with what is already known for other forms of social protests, although some elements of the model provide new means of interpretation.

Dual Identity in Repressive Contexts: An Agent-Based Model of Protest Dynamics

Protest campaign movements are often carried out by coalitions rather than by homogeneous groups. Accordingly, an opposition member has both a narrow partisan identity and a broad all-opposition identity. Seeking to prevent mass political participation, autocracies can repress protesters regardless of their group membership or apply the “divide and conquer” principle, targeting specific groups. Any strategy of repression drives some dynamics of identity. For instance, broad repression may rally the opposition by increasing broad identity at the expense of narrow identity. This dynamic of identity causes complex dynamics of motivation for participation in the protest, which affects the turnout. The paper introduces a computational model to describe the dynamics of the turnout. The model employs the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and accounts for the dual protest identity.

Motivations for supporting corporate social advocacy: applying the SIMCA model

PurposeThis study examines why publics support corporate social advocacy (CSA) by looking at their support as a form of collective action that is motivated by individuals' shared group efficacy, anger and politicized identity by applying the Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA).Design/methodology/approachThis study adopted an online survey (N = 273), sampling US adults who supported a company's CSA effort.FindingsThe survey found that shared group efficacy with the company led to higher intention to participate in CSA, engaging in positive word of mouth (PWOM) and providing financial support for the CSA cause. Individuals' identification with the company and the CSA cause also predicted intention to support CSA and PWOM. Sharing CSA cause-related anger with the company negatively predicted PWOM.Originality/valueThis study is original as it investigated why and how people support for a company's CSA initiative by applying the SIMCA model. It extends the applicability of the SIMCA model to explain support for CSA. Moreover, this study enriches our theoretical understanding of CSA as it provides implications for why publics support CSA and how corporations can play a central role in gaining publics' support while taking stances on controversial issues.

Towards conserving wetlands: Application of the social identity model of collective action

AbstractThe purpose of this study was to explore the willingness of farmers to participate in the management and conservation of the wetlands in Iran. Theoretically, our study introduces social identity models of collective action into the discourse of sustainable wetland management for the first time. The study site was Ghara Gheshlagh Wetland one of the important wetlands in northwestern Iran. The present applied research was conducted using a cross‐sectional survey. The statistical population was the farming communities around the Ghara Gheshlagh Wetland. A proportionally allocated multi‐staged stratified random sampling approach was employed to select 373 farmers as a representative sample. The data collection tool was a closed‐ended questionnaire whose validity and reliability were tested and approved. The results indicated that the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and the encapsulation model of social identity in collective action (EMSICA) were able to explain 0.45 and 0.40 of the variance changes in the farmers' willingness to participate in the management and conservation of the wetland. This finding reveals that the environmental and wetland policies and management practice require collective determination, formation of collective identity beliefs, and we thinking system. Therefore, the SIMCA can better assist wetland managers, policy‐makers, practitioners, and socio‐ecological intervenors than the EMSICA because of its emphasis on social identity.

From connective actions in social movements to offline collective actions: an individual level perspective

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to investigate the role of connective action characterised by interconnection and personal communication on social media (SM) for participating in collective action in the physical world of social movements.Design/methodology/approachA research model is developed integrating different modes of connective action into the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) to investigate pathways to participating in offline collective action (CA) from an individual perspective. Following a survey design approach, data collected from 194 respondents in the background of Egypt's social movements are examined using partial least squares (PLS) path modelling and mediation analyses.FindingsThe authors' main results reveal that interactive socialisation (IS) on SM provides an important momentum for the user to internalise (consume) and externalise (share) content online from a social learning perspective. In terms of translating these activities to participating in offline CA, the authors find support for two independent causal chains: An “instrumental” chain building on content externalisation (CE) and efficacy considerations and an “obligatory” chain based on content internalisation (CI) and collective identity.Originality/valueThe authors' results highlight the individual-level origins of offline mobilisation in social movements, which are not only grounded in social-psychology, but also develop out of interrelated connective actions supporting social learning. Prior work has mainly conceptualised the value of SM in social movements for online political communication. The authors' conceptualisation is novel in terms of integrating online and offline behaviours with social-psychological perspectives and the application with primary data in a protest movement context that heavily relied on connective actions for offline mobilisation.

‘Coming together to awaken our democracy’: Examining precursors of emergent social identity and collective action among activists and non‐activists in the 2019–2020 ‘Chile despertó’ protests

AbstractBy integrating the insights from social identity research on collective action, this article examines the social‐psychological mechanisms behind the emergence of the 2019–20 ‘Chile despertó’ social movement, a major Latin American revolt against the government's price hikes. Using survey data collected among Chilean activists (N = 549) and non‐activists (i.e., members of broader society, N = 234), we analyse two major explanatory collective action frameworks: that is, the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and the encapsulation model of the social identity of collective action (EMSICA). Multi‐group SEM with latent variables revealed that the EMSICA was slightly better suited as compared to SIMCA to explain collective action on behalf of newly formed collective identities. As concerns prosocial disobedience, these attitudes predicted collective action intentions indirectly through social identification among both activists and non‐activists. The indirect effects of moral outrage were found to be more pronounced in non‐activists, whereas perceived collective efficacy had stronger direct mobilizing effects among activists. The discussion highlights the importance of studying individuals' prosocial disobedience attitudes within social identity models of collective action. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement.

Collective action in the Anti‐Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement in Hong Kong: Two integrative group identification models

AbstractThe social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) is frequently used to explain collection action. This study conceptualized group identification as identification with militant protestors and tested two versions of the SIMCA model with cross‐sectional data collected toward the end of the anti‐extradition bill movement in Hong Kong. The first model incorporates democratic ideology as the mediator and hypothesizes that instrumental, emotional, and ideological paths explain the effect of identification with militant protestors on objectively measured collective action. The second model sets democratic ideology as the antecedent and describes a process whereby a democratic ideology independently and directly influences the same three paths and thus the collective action or else influences the collective action by developing identification with the militant protestors. The results support the validity of both these models, while the model‐data fitness is slightly better, and a slightly higher variance of collective action is explained with the second model.

EIMECA: A Proposal for a Model of Environmental Collective Action

The deterioration and destruction of the environment is becoming more and more considerable and greater efforts are needed to stop it. To accomplish this feat, all members of society must identify with solving environmental problems, environmental collective action being one of the most relevant means of doing so. From this perspective, the analysis of the psychosocial factors that lead to participation in environmental collective action emerges as a priority objective in the research agenda. Thus, the aim of this study is to examine the role of “environmental identity”, as conceptualized by Clayton, as a central axis for explaining environmental collective action. The inclusion of the latter in the theoretical framework of the SIMCA (social identity model of collective action) model gives rise to the model that we have called EIMECA (environmental identity model of environmental collective action). Two studies were conducted (344 and 720 participants, respectively), and structural equation modeling was used. The results reveal that environmental identity and a variety of negative emotional affects, as well as group efficacy, accompanied by hope for a simultaneous additive effect, are critical when it comes to predicting environmental collective action.

Testing social identity models of collective action in an Iranian environmental movement

AbstractThe social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and the encapsulation model of the social identity of collective action (EMSICA) are well‐known models that have been applied to protest action. The current study tests the predictive value of the core constructs in the models (social identification, perceived injustice and group efficacy) in a peaceful pro‐environmental program. Specifically, we sought to answer whether the two models provide equally good accounts of (self‐reported) past participation and of intended participation. To do so, we conducted a survey of 382 participants of a sustained environmental collective action program (Nature Cleaners) in Iran. Our findings underlined the important role of social identification in predicting environmental action. The results also showed that SIMCA was more relevant for intentions to participate, whereas paths specified by EMSICA better predicted past participation. The results provide a demonstration of the applicability of collective action models to the domain of pro‐environmental action in the Iranian cultural context where collective action is rarely studied. Overall, the findings highlight the importance of studying collective action in a wider range of situations and contexts.

Social Identification in Collective Climate Activism: Predicting Participation in the Environmental Movement, Extinction Rebellion

ABSTRACT Human-induced climate change poses an unprecedented global threat. Researchers agree that dealing with climate change requires international collective action and widespread social transformation. This study integrates insights from the Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA) and the Encapsulated Model of Social Identity in Collective Action (EMSICA) to explain participation in the environmental movement, Extinction Rebellion (XR). Structural equation models of data from a survey of 203 current or potential XR activists supported two identity-based pathways to collective action behavior and future intentions: moral convictions → anger → XR identification → collective action and global identification → participative efficacy → XR identification → collective action. Perceived group efficacy predicted collective action intentions but not behavior. Fear, guilt/shame, and hope did not significantly predict collective action behavior or intentions. We discuss the interplay of personal and social identity processes underlying climate change activism, as well as the need for longitudinal and experimental studies to disentangle causal relations. We propose that environmental campaign groups could foster group identification and thence collective action by communicating moral outrage about climate change, together with the potential efficacy of individuals’ actions toward achieving the group’s goals.

Relationship between the internal locus of control and collective action: A comparison of East Asian and Western Countries

This study tested factors related to collective action in East Asian and Western countries. Although the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) could explain which factors relate to collective action in Western countries, previous studies have found that some of the SIMCA variables did not predict collective action in non‐Western countries. We hypothesised that the internal locus of control would be positively related to collective action even in East Asian countries because previous studies have demonstrated that the former can positively influence proactive behaviour when factors inhibiting such behaviours exist. We analysed the 2010 World Values Survey data from seven countries (three East Asian and four Western countries). The results demonstrated that the internal locus of control was positively related to collective action more so among East Asians (Koreans, specifically those with low political interests, the Taiwanese, and Japanese people with lower income) than among Westerners. These results suggest that the internal locus of control is a key individual difference that predicts collective action in the presence of factors that inhibit such participation (e.g., cultural values, low political interest, and low income).

Organising experience of informal sector workers – a road less travelled

PurposeThis paper uses the Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA) framework of Zomerenet al.(2008) to explain the organising experiences of the informal sector workers engaged in large number in the world's largest shipbreaking industry located in the western Indian town of Alang.Design/methodology/approachA single case study approach was adopted to understand the participation of shipbreaking workers in their trade union and factors that influence their participation.FindingsSense of cohesive collective identity and injustice alongside efficacy considerations have shaped the organising experiences and affected the participation of informal sector workers in their union. The trade union was able to overcome the scourge of invisibility that has been one of the dominant features of informal sector employment.Research limitations/implicationsThis paper treated union participation as unidimensional. Besides, the subjective conceptualization of strengths of perceptions of injustice, identities and efficacy considerations could be a limitation. The paper does acknowledge the gendered nature of shipbreaking but have not actively pursued it as a part of our research.Practical implicationsThe findings of our study are an exemplar for those who intend to organise informal sector workers, especially precarious workers. The empirical findings allude to the role of trade unions in combating the invisibility, which is one of the defining features of informal sector workers through a distinctive, cohesive identity inculcated in those workers.Originality/valueThis paper has borrowed the SIMCA framework to explore union participation. Organising experiences of precarious workers from the developing world provides a contextual and an empirical novelty to our study.

Testing the Social Identity Model of Collective Action Longitudinally and Across Structurally Disadvantaged and Advantaged Groups

Although the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) demonstrates that identity, efficacy, and injustice are key correlates of collective action, longitudinal tests of these causal assumptions are absent from the literature. Moreover, most collective action research focuses on disadvantaged groups' responses to injustice, with few studies examining what motivates advantaged groups to protest. We address these oversights using nationally representative longitudinal panel data to investigate SIMCA among members of disadvantaged (N = 2,574) and advantaged (N = 13,367) groups. As hypothesized, identity predicted increases in injustice, efficacy, and collective action support over time. In turn, injustice (but not efficacy) mediated the longitudinal association between identity and collective action support. Notably, results were largely consistent across disadvantaged and advantaged groups. Thus, we provide the first demonstration that identity temporally precedes collective action across objectively disadvantaged and advantaged groups, but identify complexities regarding the role of efficacy in protest.

Mobilising Men: Ally Identities and Collective Action in Japan and the Philippines

Men have an important role as allies in reducing discrimination against women. Following the Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA), we examined whether men's identification with women would predict their allied collective action, alongside moral convictions, efficacy, and anger. We also examined whether identification with their own ingroup would decrease their willingness to improve women's situation. We tested the SIMCA, extended to consider ingroup identification among men, in Japan ( N = 103) and the Philippines ( N = 131). Consistent with the SIMCA, moral convictions and group efficacy predicted men's willingness to engage in collective action to fight discrimination against women. However, anger was not significant, and identification with the advantaged and disadvantaged groups played different roles in the two countries. We discuss the possible role of norms and legitimacy in society in explaining the pattern of results.

Integrating who “we” are with what “we” (will not) stand for: A further extension of the Social Identity Model of Collective Action

ABSTRACTCollective action refers to any action that individuals undertake as group members to pursue group goals such as social change. In this chapter, we further extend the Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA) by including not just (politicised) identity but also moral motivations into its core, effectively integrating who “we” are with what “we” (will not) stand for. Conceptually, we utilise self-categorisation theory’s notion of normative fit to elaborate this special relationship between the moral and identity motivations for collective action. Empirically, we review two research projects (the experimental and survey-based Value-Identity Fit Project and the longitudinal Politicisation Project) that both suggest that the SIMCA needs to be extended to include, both conceptually and empirically, a broader range of (violated) moral beliefs and a focus on identity content. We discuss key implications of expanding the core of the SIMCA for the social psychology of collective action and social change, and suggest new directions for future theorising and research in this field.

Hope and anger as mediators between collective action frames and participation in collective mobilization: The case of 15-M

The study set out to integrate collective action models and emphasize the role of emotions. Whereas the importance of anger is indisputable, relatively little attention has been paid to the role of positive emotions, such as hope, in collective action research. Hence, the aim of the study was to explore the role of hope and anger as drivers of participation and involvement in collective mobilizations. A cross-sectional field study (N = 638) conducted right after the emergence of the 15-M socio-political protest movement in Spain assessed the emotions and beliefs of both demonstrators and those who took no part in the active mobilization. We hypothesized that anger and hope would sequentially mediate the relationship between collective action frames and participation in collective action. Furthermore, to test this premise, we ran two alternative sequential mediation models based on the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and the encapsulated model of social identity in collective action (EMSICA), but with emotions as mediators between collective action frames and intensity of participation. Both models fit the data well, suggesting the importance of considering multiple causal pathways, and showing that anger and hope sequentially mediate the relation between these frames and involvement in collective action. The results support the crucial role of hope in mobilizing individuals to take part in collective action.

“Everyday I’m Çapuling”

Abstract. This contribution examines the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Turkey by drawing on the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and the slacktivism versus facilitation debate in the literature on digitally enabled collective action. Contrary to the slacktivism hypothesis that claims online collective action to lack an apparent impact on the real world, the current study indicates a facilitating role of online collective action in the Gezi Park protests. By means of a large-scale online survey (N = 1,127) and a subsequent latent path analysis, the study demonstrates that the endurance of the movement was kept alive by both offline and online collective actions. The relationship between offline/online action and protest motivations was mediated by three predictors of collective action derived from the SIMCA: perceived injustice, social identity, and perceived efficacy. Results show that protestors in Turkey, independent of whether they became active in the digital or the real world, were likely to protest again to the extent that they perceived developments in Turkey as unjust, identified strongly with the Çapulcus [Turkish for looters] as a social group, and perceived this group to be efficient in changing social injustice in the country.