Canadian Socialism Research Articles

Party of Conscience: The ccf, the ndp, and Social Democracy in Canada

<i>Party of Conscience: The <scp>ccf</scp>, the <scp>ndp,</scp> and Social Democracy in Canada</i>

Contemporary Slavery: Popular Rhetoric and Political Practice by Christo Aivalis

Reviewed by: Contemporary Slavery: Popular Rhetoric and Political Practice by Christo Aivalis Larry Savage Christo Aivalis, The Constant Liberal: Pierre Trudeau, Organized Labour, and the Canadian Social Democratic Left ( Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press 2018) In academic circles, the argument that Pierre Trudeau was firmly and consistently committed to liberal democracy, rather than socialist democracy, will not constitute an especially controversial thesis. However, Christo Aivalis' book, The Constant Liberal: Pierre Trudeau, Organized Labour and the Canadian Social Democratic Left, serves a much deeper purpose than what its title might otherwise suggest. Aivalis' meticulously researched work helps students of Canadian politics, history, and labour studies, to better understand why Trudeau ultimately chose liberalism over socialism after decades as an ally and fellow traveller of the Left in Quebec. The author's highly readable narrative - spanning five decades - focuses on a series of key policy areas and ultimately delivers a thought-provoking social democratic analysis of the politics of Pierre Trudeau. In fact, the book reveals as much about the ideology and politics of the social democratic left as it does about Trudeau. Aivalis' work is a welcome addition to the growing bodies of literature on Trudeau and social democracy in Canada, respectively. Despite sustained engagement with labour unions and the ccp-ndp throughout the 1950s and early 1960s, Trudeau first ran for office, and won, as a Liberal in 1965. He went on to become prime minister in 1968 and had a significant impact of Canadian politics, from the imposition of wage and price controls to patriation of the Constitution with a Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Throughout it all, Aivalis contends that Trudeau did not undergo an ideological transformation, despite the oft heard critique that Trudeau lost his left-wing ideals as a Liberal in government. Rather, according to Aivalis, Trudeau was a constant Liberal who, while welcoming of many social democratic ideas, ultimately embraced liberalism because he saw it as a more inclusive, catch-all, political project that could subsume the best parts of left-wing thinking. In order to make sense of this decision, Aivalis sets out to explore Trudeau's ideological roots and argues that while democratic socialists like Harold Laski, Eugene Forsey, and F.R. Scott influenced his thinking, Trudeau's own thinking was consistently focused on the defence and promotion of narrow democratic and political rights rather than a class-based approaches to rights, freedoms, or politics more generally. Focusing on Trudeau's complex relationship with the labour movement, Aivalis' analysis helps readers understand how Trudeau's central role in labour education and legal support for unions in Québec in the 1950s and 1960s was as much, if not more, about building a bulwark against Premier Maurice Duplessis' repressive and undemocratic Union Nationale regime, than it was about helping workers' struggles. In other words, his [End Page 251] support for striking workers and unions (most famously in the Asbestos strike of 1949) was not class-based, but rather driven by his desire to build a coalition capable of defeating the Union Nationale and pushing Québec towards embracing a more liberal democratic form of politics. According to Aivalis, Trudeau's quest to build a broad coalition of forces in opposition to government repression is what ultimately led him to join the Liberal Party rather than the ndp. Despite close ties to many important figures in the ccp-ndp in Quebec, and despite repeated overtures and attempts to recruit Trudeau as a candidate, he instead opted to run for the Liberal Party. While sympathetic to many ndp policy positions, Trudeau saw the ccp-ndp as alien to, and thus unelectable in, Quebec. Moreover, he was repelled by what he saw as a desperate and misguided attempt by the party to appeal to growing nationalist sentiment in Quebec by adopting a "Two Nations" approach to Canada. Trudeau also reasoned that the ndp's emphasis on class-based politics would cut off a rather large constituency of voters who did not identify with such an approach. Trudeau easily won his seat in the 1965 election and in 1968 captured the leadership of the Liberal Party to become Canada's fifteenth prime minister. Once in power...

Two nations in Canada: the New Democratic Party, the Waffle movement and nationalism in Quebec

Following the election of the separatist Parti Quebecois (PQ) to a minority government in September 2012, the federal New Democratic Party (NDP), which had used a large number of first-time victories in Quebec to help propel them to a record number of seats and the status of Official Opposition in the federal election the previous year, was forced by the media to clarify its position on Quebec sovereignty. The official policy had been drafted in 2005 under then-leader Jack Layton in what became known as the Sherbrooke Declaration; it stated that the party would support Quebec's claim to independence if a majority of voters, or 50 per cent plus one, voted in favour in a referendum. The media, however, claimed that this position seemed to 'run counter to the federal Act, which was passed into law in 2000. It says negotiations leading to the secession of Quebec from Canada could take place only after a referendum result with a majority, as determined by the House of Commons' (Galloway 2012). Federal NDP leader Thomas Mulcair, referencing the Act rather than the Sherbrooke Declaration, later admitted that a 50 per cent plus one vote would require the federal government to negotiate but not necessarily accept independence (Macpherson 2012). Yet in January 2013, the NDP tabled a private member's bill in the House of Commons that attempted to put 'clarity back into the Clarity Act' (Pfeffer 2013); the so-called Unity Bill 'would see the federal government enter into negotiations after a simple majority vote on a clear question' (Macfarlane 2013). While these attempts to clarify the NDP's position and establish a process by which to negotiate sovereignty perhaps did not satisfy anyone, they nevertheless highlight the struggle the NDP has had addressing nationalist sentiment in Quebec.As a social democratic party that takes seriously government intervention and involvement as a way to improve the lives of Canadians, and as an explicitly federalist political party that has historically viewed the unity of the country as imperative to progress, nationalist sentiment remains a difficult issue. Yet in the late 1960s and early 1970s, as separatism gained support within Quebec, one group within the NDP sought to acknowledge these ideas while at the same time promoting a different Canadian nationalism. This group, which came to be known as the Waffle, recognised the 'existence of two nations within Canada, each with its own language, culture and aspiration', and insisted that '[a]n English Canada concerned with its own national survival would create common aspirations that would help tie the two nations together once more'. Concerned with the increasing dominance and influence of the United States over Canada, they argued that the country could maintain unity if it adopted socialism and acknowledged that Canada was comprised of two nations ('For an Independent Socialist Canada' 1969). Yet members of the Waffle also recognised Quebec's right to self-determination; they insisted that all people, including Quebeckers, should have the right to make their own decisions free from external force or influence. These positions proved to be enormously controversial and divisive at the time. Nevertheless, the Waffle played an important role in the ongoing struggles within the NDP to develop a position regarding Quebec sovereignty and self-determination.Time for reassessment: literature on the NDP and QuebecShockingly little scholarly attention has been paid to the history and development of the New Democratic Party. Monographs by Desmond Morton (1974, 1986), Ivan Avakumovic (1978), Norman Penner (1992), and Alan Whitehorn (1992) chronicle the existence of socialism in Canada, the emergence of the NDP, and the evolution of the party. As well, there are biographies and autobiographies of varying quality on many of the major players in the NDP that provide further insight into the evolution of social democracy in Canada (see Lewis 1981; MacDonald 1998; Shackleton 1975; Smith 1989; and Stewart 2003). …

Early Socialism in Canada: International and Regional Impulses

International and regional impulses have shaped Canadian socialism from the movement’s origins in the nineteenth century to the present. Many of Canada’s early socialists arrived as ready-made socialists from abroad. From the British Isles, continental Europe, and the United States, these idealists and dissidents imported radical political ideals, which they subsequently adapted to meet the emerging conditions of an industrializing, urbanizing Canada. Directed at a broad cross-section of society, the early Canadian socialist rainbow featured many colours: Chartists, Christian socialists, cooperators, and, by the nineteenth century’s end—communists, anarchists, and other adherents of European radical movements. This process of importation, adaptation, and change took different forms in the distinctive regional contexts of Canada’s multi-ethnic federal state. Building on an interdisciplinary literature, the authors illuminate the ways in which international and regional impulses shaped Canada’s socialist tradition, helping to explain persistent tensions and forces within contemporary Canadian politics.

Confronting the Cold War: The 1950 Vancouver Convention of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation

Abstract: The 1950 Vancouver convention of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (ccf) opened against the backdrop of the Korean War and tense Cold War debates within Canada's social democratic party. Providing a window into this moment of ideological tension, the gathering demonstrates how leftists sought to forge domestic and foreign policies amenable to the narrow public opinion of the McCarthy era. The convention also illuminates the complex character of British Columbia's postwar left and the broader intellectual and political milieu of the early Cold War years in Canada – debates over the prohibition of atomic weapons and the relationship between markets and the state that would culminate in the ccf's Winnipeg Declaration of Principles later in the 1950s. Finally, the Vancouver convention highlights the role of Trotskyists within the ccf, a strategy of ‘entryism’ that has been explored only peripherally in the historiography of social democracy in Canada. The ideological confrontation at Vancouver left the ccf squarely in the hands of ‘moderates,’ shaping ccf strategy and policy for its final decade of political activity, while muting the Canadian left's independent voice in domestic and international affairs.

Confronting the Cold War: The 1950 Vancouver Convention of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation

Abstract: The 1950 Vancouver convention of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (ccf) opened against the backdrop of the Korean War and tense Cold War debates within Canada's social democratic party. Providing a window into this moment of ideological tension, the gathering demonstrates how leftists sought to forge domestic and foreign policies amenable to the narrow public opinion of the McCarthy era. The convention also illuminates the complex character of British Columbia's postwar left and the broader intellectual and political milieu of the early Cold War years in Canada – debates over the prohibition of atomic weapons and the relationship between markets and the state that would culminate in the ccf's Winnipeg Declaration of Principles later in the 1950s. Finally, the Vancouver convention highlights the role of Trotskyists within the ccf, a strategy of ‘entryism’ that has been explored only peripherally in the historiography of social democracy in Canada. The ideological confrontation at Vancouve...

Comrades and Critics: Women, Literature, and the Left in 1930s Canada (review)

Reviewed by: Comrades and Critics: Women, Literature, and the Left in 1930s Canada J. A. Weingarten Candida Rifkind. Comrades and Critics: Women, Literature, and the Left in 1930s Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009. 256 pages. $50.00. Candida Rifkind’s claim is difficult to refute: Canadian modernism “is unintelligible without some reference to socialism” (13). Studies of leftist politics in Canadian literature have generally emphasized the usual (and usually male) suspects: F. R. Scott, Irving Layton, Leo Kennedy, and the host of other male authors that fill Louis Dudek and Michael Gnarowski’s The Making of Modern Poetry in Canada. Dorothy Livesay is the only obvious exception to this androcentric historical approach. With such discourses in mind, Rifkind convincingly argues for the importance of female leftist authors during the 1930s and articulates the complex cultural, literary, and ideological struggles such writers faced. She situates many [End Page 141] of these ideas and contexts in her introductory chapter and subsequently outlines the general effects of modernism’s misogyny and the Depression on this decade’s female socialists. The sheer thoroughness of her study and its well-argued position overshadow a few concerns about Rifkind’s methodology; her elucidation of “documentary modernism” is sometimes slow-paced, and this issue might prompt minor criticisms from some readers. Rifkind’s introduction paints a vivid picture of the Depression and uses Ian McKay’s “map of the formations of Canadian socialism” (22) to frame this epoch politically. She also explicates the interdependence of modernism and socialism through a discussion of Pierre Bourdieu’s theories of cultural production and of “documentary modernism” (a key term in Rifkind’s study) in various mediums: poetry, theatre, and novels. For the most part, Rifkind’s chapters proceed according to this basic outline of genres. She begins with Dorothy Livesay and stresses her documentary interests as well as her affiliation with two socialist periodicals, Young Work and Masses. Rifkind identifies Livesay’s political poetry as part of a growing “counterpublic” in Canadian literature; here she borrows from Michael Warner’s popular discourse on “oppositional discursive exchanges” (45). This chapter oscillates between in-depth treatments of historical context and analyses of various poets (Livesay and Mona Weiss, for example) and of some short stories (such as Ruby Ronan’s “One-Day Service”). Most of Rifkind’s chapters follow such a structure: an extended historical context leads into her literary analysis. Her second chapter focuses on Anne Marriott’s The Wind Our Enemy as a paradigm of late 1930s socialist modernism. After thoroughly contextualizing the “Popular Front” in Canada’s 1930s, Rifkind argues for Marriott as an “experimental” poet and as a writer engaged in “political protest” (116); she praises the poem as “an entry into English-Canadian socialist modernism” (117). Her third chapter gives shape to socialist theatre groups, specifically the Toronto Workers’ Experimental Theatre, and concludes that these “theatres of innovation […] forged a space at once historical, social, and artistic in which experiences of the nation were reimagined” (160–61). Her final chapter turns to Irene Baird’s Waste Heritage and this novel’s achievement as documentary modernism: it “draws on satire and allegory,” but it is also “proletarian fiction” (175). She praises Baird’s novel as one that “opens up […] a point of entry into overlapping economic, social, and literary problems” (202). Rifkind’s historical and literary analyses are meticulous. Moreover, her inclusion of numerous anecdotes drawn from archival research makes Comrades and Critics engaging, to say the least. Her treatments of Livesay, the binding and strongest thread of this study (she appears in every [End Page 142] chapter), are most adept. This deftness partly stems from Rifkind’s useful new approaches to this poet, but the biographical asides also offer enjoyable context. Rifkind’s discussions about J. F. B. Livesay’s influence on the careers of both his daughter and his “protégé” (103), Anne Marriott, are most worthy of mention. The thorough exploration of such stories and of their historical circumstance demonstrates the scholar’s exceptional rendering of a particular moment and of particular relationships in Canadian socialist literary history. Some of these asides also mark Rifkind’s commendable anticipation of her reader’s questions...

Saskatchewan Premiers of the Twentieth Century (review)

Reviewed by: Saskatchewan Premiers of the Twentieth Century Trevor Harrison Saskatchewan Premiers of the Twentieth Century. Edited by Gordon L. Barnhart. Regina: University of Regina/Canadian Plains Research Center, 2004. Pp. 418, illus. $24.95 Saskatchewan Premiers of the Twentieth Century is a compilation of chapters written by academics and journalists dealing with each of Saskatchewan's premiers during the province's past hundred years, including a short piece by editor Gordon Barnhart on Frederick Haultain (technically, not provincial premier but territorial leader at the time Saskatchewan became a province). As with compilations of this sort, some chapters stand out more than others. This is often a product of the subjects themselves. [End Page 729] Tommy Douglas bestrides Saskatchewan politics – and Canadian politics, too, if his recent choice by CBC watchers as 'the Greatest Canadian' is any judge – and similarly figures large in the book. The chapter dealing with him (written by Thomas McLeod and Ian McLeod) properly examines Douglas's roots in the social gospel movement and the intellectual and social context of the Great Depression, and does not limit itself overly to his period as premier. Beyond Douglas, the book contains several other gems. Only slightly less so than Douglas, Jimmy Gardiner was a larger-than-life figure of Canadian politics. David Smith's handling of Gardiner's career is concise and lucid, and situates him in the larger political and ideological context. Similarly, Dianne Norton's discussion of Woodrow Lloyd is sensitive and thorough. Indeed, she makes a strong case (without stating it categorically) that Lloyd's achievements deserve far more recognition than often given, especially in implementing public health care in the province and, in turn, Canada. Norton's description of the pitched battle between Lloyd's government and the doctors during the latter's strike in 1962 is vivid and compelling. Only slightly less successful in its efforts at rehabilitation is Dale Eisler's chapter on Ross Thatcher's legacy, suggesting he was ahead of his time in anticipating the fiscal crisis of the early 1990s. Other important and well-written chapters include Dennis Gruending's discussion of Allan Blakeney's tenure during the province-building decade of the 1980s and Gregory Marchildon's discussion of Roy Romanow's premiership during the difficult 1990s (including his central role throughout his career in constitutional matters). Finally, sometimes for dubious reasons, several chapters dealing with other premiers also leave a mark. Patrick Kyba's chapter on James Anderson and the role of the Ku Klux Klan during the 1929 election and James Pitsula's description of the scandal-ridden and deeply flawed premiership of Grant Devine come to mind. Several things stand out from this collection. First, the book makes clear that Saskatchewan punches above its weight in Canadian political culture. Medicare is the obvious evidence for this argument, but the book also can be read as a primer on the development of social democracy in Canada, from the founding of the CCF in 1933, to its election as the first 'socialist' government in North America in 1944, to the intense debates that involved Saskatchewan NDP members in the early 1970s over the Waffle movement, to the fiscally 'conservative' model of social democracy practised by the Romanow government in the 1990s. Second, one is struck in reading many of the chapters by the essential pragmatism of Saskatchewan politics (in contrast, for example, with that [End Page 730] of Alberta in recent years or British Columbia most of the time). Maybe it's the hard facts of prairie existence, but one is left with the sense that the best of Saskatchewan's political leaders have appreciated the value of the dollar and when necessary the need to set ideology aside in favour of consensus. The least successful of Saskatchewan's premiers – Thatcher and, decidedly, Devine – were exceptions to this rule, with disastrous consequences. The book could have done with tighter editing. While a certain amount of overlap is necessary in setting up each successive chapter, some things are too often repeated. It also would have benefited from an introductory chapter that highlights the economic, political, and social themes that have marked Saskatchewan during the twentieth century. Nonetheless, this...

Environmental Politics, Political Economy, and Social Democracy in Canada

In Greening the New Canadian Political Economy, Glen Williams observes that Canadian political economists have been virtually silent on environmental issues [1992, 16]. Indeed, most of the political science literature dealing with such issues takes the form of liberal, bureaucratic-elite, or economic structuralist analyses of environmental policy making [Dwivedi 1974, 1986; Brown 1992; Skogstad and Kopas 1992; Boardman 1992; Coleman and Skogstad 1990]. To the extent that Canadian socialists wrote about environmental issues in the 1970s and 1980s, their approaches paralleled other debates between Marxism and the social movements. Those who were close to the labour movement took up the question of conflict between workers and environmentalists, in particular, the corporate practice of job blackmail in response to pressures for environmental regulation.

The Work Environment Board and the limits of social democracy in Canada.

A Work Environment Board was established to deal with all workplace health and safety issues within the Potash Corporation of Saskatchewan from 1978 to 1982. The Board was an experiment, established because of the observed deficiencies of the mandatory joint occupational health and safety committees that were legislated by the province in 1972. The administrators of the occupational health and safety program observed the problems faced by workers on these committees. An experiment was therefore established in one of the province's crown corporations that would transform the joint committee into a Work Environment Board with wider powers to deal with work environment matters within the corporation. In addition, a Work Environment Fund was established to enable the worker members on the Board to do their own research and to get the information they wanted. The Work Environment Board was frustrated by the fact that corporate leaders were not prepared to extend worker rights on the health and safety committees within the respective mines. Rather, they viewed health and safety reforms as part of an overall strategy of quality of work life. The social democratic government was not prepared to extend worker rights and to threaten management prerogatives. Now that there are three New Democratic Party (social democratic) governments in Canada, it appears that these governments are prepared to initiate technical improvements, but not the extension of worker rights in work environment matters.

From protest to power: social democracy in Canada, 1900-present

From protest to power: social democracy in Canada, 1900-present

On the Political Economy of Social Democracy: Selected Papers of J.C. Weldon

Weldon's writings address many of the themes that have preoccupied Canadian political economists over the last thirty years: unemployment, wage controls, inflation, pensions, privatization and social ownership, economic planning, social policy, the means and extent of state intervention, and the rise of neo-conservatism. On the Political Economy of Social Democracy stresses Weldon's recognition of the vital connection between social democracy and political democracy. It provides a clear understanding of the theoretical underpinnings of economic and social policy -- a necessary understanding, Weldon maintained, for the success of social democratic government. Weldon's commitment to social democracy in Canada is also reflected in the role he played in the New Democratic Party, his willingness to support and assist unions, and his efforts to achieve social justice. These selected papers originally appeared between 1961 and 1986. The issues they examine are now in the forefront of economic policy debates in most industrialized nations. They will interest not only scholars but anyone interested in the fate of a democratic political philosophy that has had considerable influence in shaping Canada.

The Crisis of Social Democracy in Canada

IN THE MONTHS PRIOR to the September 1984 federal election, the polls indicated a sharp fall in the New Democratic Party's popular support, even in its western bastion. Media commentators, even staunch party supporters, pre dicted the imminent collapse of the NDP to levels near the Co-operative Com monwealth Federation's prostration after the 1958 Diefenbaker sweep. The NDP was out of touch, it was claimed. The NDP's answers were old hat. Such views seemed dramatically confirmed by the controversial report by James Laxer, former researcher for the federal NDP caucus, claiming that the party's economic analysis and programme were woefully inadequate and outdated. The NDP's response to the crisis was not surprising. The party made a sharp right turn and focused its campaign on ''ordinary Canadians, modestly defending the social security net and some government intervention in the economy. Indeed, the party simply took the ground vacated by the Liberals as Turner moved right to meet the Tory challenge. Another first had been achieved by social democracy in Canada: the Commission for Social Affairs of the Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops sounded markedly to the left of Canada's socialist party. The results, which saw the NDP salvage its posi tion in the House of Commons, were heralded by the strategists of moderation as a triumph. It had worked. And that is what matters above all else in the hurly-burly of the electoral dance. These four books, all in various and uneven ways, chronicle aspects of the continuing crisis of social democracy in Canada. Each adds usefully to the

Atlantic Canada and Confederation: Essays in Canadian Political Economy

David Alexander, a reminiscence / Stuart O. Pierson -- Development and dependence in Newfoundland, 1880-1970 -- The politicl economy of fishing in Newfoundland -- Canadian regionalism -- Economic growth in the Atlantic regi 1880 to 1940 -- New notionsof happiness -- Old and new money -- The erosion social democracy in Canada -- Literacy and economic development in nineteenth-century Newfoundland -- Convocation address, Memorial University Newfoundland, 1978.

Canadian Socialism and the Woman Question, 1900-1914

THIS PAPER EXAMINES WOMEN in the Canadian socialist movement to illuminate their role within the institutional life of the movement and to analyze the ideological dimensions of the woman question before 1914. Socialist adherence to the primacy of woman's role in the home and to the family wage ideal, as well as their ambivalence toward working women, and an undeveloped vision of woman's role under socialism — all served to reinforce a secondary role for women in socialist organizations. Suspicion of bourgeois women's organizations and of autonomous women's groups generally, hampered socialist women from assuming leadership roles with some notable exceptions. While socialist analysis pointed to the exploitation of women as both workers and wives and mothers, women's issues and organizations remained peripheral and subordinale to the main task of overthrowing capitalism. L'ARTICLE PORTE SUR LES FEMMES dans le mouvement socialiste canadien; il vise a analyser leur role a l'interieur du mouvement et a etudier la dimension ideologique des questions feminines avant 1914. L'adhesion des socialistes a l'idee que le role de la femme se situe d'abord a la maison et a l'ideal du salaire familial, aussi bien que leur ambivalence a l'egard du travail des femmes et le peu d'interet porte au role de la femme dans la societe socialiste — tous ces elements renforcent le role secondaire des femmes dans les organisations socialistes. Leur mefiance envers les associations de femmes bourgeoises et les groupes autonomes de femmes empeche generalement les femmes socialistes, a peu d'exceptions pres, d'assumer un role de leadership. Quoique les travaux des socialistes mettent en relief l'exploitation des femmes comme travailleuses, epouses et meres, les questions feminines restent marginales et subordonnees a l'objectif principal, soit le renversement du capitalisme.

Catholics and Canadian Socialism: Political Thought in the Thirties and Forties. By Gregory Baum. Toronto: James Lorimer and Company, 1980. 240 pp.

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Comptes rendus / Reviews of books: Catholics and Canadian Socialism

Comptes rendus / Reviews of books: Catholics and Canadian Socialism

Catholics and Canadian Socialism: Political Thought in the Thirties and FortiesGregory Baum Toronto: James Lorimer &amp; Co., 1980, pp. 240 - The League for Social Reconstruction: Intellectual Origins of the Democratic Left in Canada 1930–1942Michiel Horn Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980, pp. ix, 270

Catholics and Canadian Socialism: Political Thought in the Thirties and FortiesGregory Baum Toronto: James Lorimer &amp; Co., 1980, pp. 240 - The League for Social Reconstruction: Intellectual Origins of the Democratic Left in Canada 1930–1942Michiel Horn Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980, pp. ix, 270 - Volume 14 Issue 4

Catholics and Canadian Socialism: Political Thought in the Thirties and Forties. By Gregory Baum. New York: Paulist Press, 1980. 240 pp. $9.95 paper

Catholics and Canadian Socialism: Political Thought in the Thirties and Forties. By Gregory Baum. New York: Paulist Press, 1980. 240 pp. $9.95 paper

Catholics and Canadian Socialism: Political Thought in the Thirties and Forties

Catholics and Canadian Socialism: Political Thought in the Thirties and Forties