Small European States Research Articles

Exploring the diabesity characteristics and associated all-cause mortality at a population level: results from a small European island state

Exploring the diabesity characteristics and associated all-cause mortality at a population level: results from a small European island state

Small European states and Brexit: comparing the coping strategies of Portugal and Finland

Small European states and Brexit: comparing the coping strategies of Portugal and Finland

Soviet Diplomatic Efforts to Prevent Hungary’s Alignment with Germany in World War II (1939– 1941)

The history of Soviet-Hungarian interactions from the establishment of diplomatic relations until Hungary joined World War II alongside the Axis powers offers valuable insights into the dynamics between small and great powers, as well as the efforts of small European states, particularly Hungary, to navigate their national interests in foreign policy amidst Nazi Germany's encroachments. This period was defined by two primary factors: the Hungarian political elite, led by Miklós Horthy, sought to join a quasi-"crusade" against Comintern Soviet Russia, while simultaneously striving to avoid deep involvement in major conflicts between the great powers. This dual approach aligned with the policies of Hitler's Western appeasers, who aimed to redirect German expansion eastward. In this geopolitical scenario, American and Western European actors (including Great Britain and France) were relegated to the role of observers, anticipating a prolonged conflict between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union that would drain both. Hungary, as strategized by Budapest, hoped to secure a position among these observers, avoiding direct conflict participation, and to later engage in territorial reconfiguration post-World War II. However, the reality in Europe by the early 1940s diverged significantly, with Western powers (the USA and Great Britain) unable to redirect Hitler's global domination ambitions eastward. Facing an existential threat, these powers were compelled to enter the war. Against this backdrop, Soviet diplomacy endeavored to deter Hungary's alliance with Nazi Germany. Although ultimately unsuccessful, examining these diplomatic efforts offers valuable lessons in the context of the current evolution towards a multipolar world.

Small States of Europe in International Negotiations (Case of Benelux Countries)

With a multicentric world forming and stratification of resource potential taking place, as well as with more small states in Europe and the world and emerging big multinationals here, small states receive more and more researchers’ attention: there appear papers analyzing activities of small states in Europe in the international arena in general and in international negotiations in particular. This article answers the following research question: What strategies and tactics allow small European states to strengthen their positions in negotiations (based on the case of the Benelux countries)? The strategies used by small countries in negotiations to compensate for limited resources is of scientific and practical interest as it can be applied by other states, namely Russia. Theoretically, the study is based on constructivist methodology as negotiation tactics effectively (re)formulate the issue, changing it through the use of a different context and/or lexical units, as well as on structural invariants of activity in negotiations. Discourse analysis and case study are used as research methods. The analysis identified the limitations that small European states, in particular the Benelux countries, face at each stage of international negotiations. The authors conclude that the types of behavior small European states demonstrate in international negotiations can be divided into those (1) aimed at increasing the “weight” of the state (e.g., interaction within international institutions, with NGOs and lobbies, organizing side events, etc.) and (2) focused on influencing the course of negotiations: tactics within the bargaining strategy (coalition-building, bargaining, etc.) and tactics based on persuasion ((re)framing, appealing to one’s own “example”, etc.). For small European countries, namely the Benelux countries, persuasion tactics are most typical, although other tactics are also used.

Ireland’s Diplomatic Performance in the Mid and Late-Twentieth Century: A Model for Other Small States?

After its intense phase of insularity, Ireland has reached a considerable diplomatic role. The past vulnerability of Ireland due to its subjection to colonialism made its domestic sphere and foreign agenda in the early 1920s insular. However, Ireland started to transcend its isolation as it showed more openness to the world in the mid-twentieth century. More specifically, Dublin, in the post-World War II context, began to exhibit its interest in having a more dynamic role in the international scene. In fact, Ireland displayed its engagement with matters that exceeded its domestic sphere through its membership in the United Nations. Its performance in such an Intergovernmental Organization unveiled the Irish devotion to principles like peace-keeping and collective security. This article aims to assess Ireland’s dynamic role, which started to appear in the mid-twentieth century. Besides, the late-twentieth century was also a significant phase for Dublin and its international presence. This epoch was characterized by Ireland’s integration into the European region. Most importantly, the phenomenon of globalization reached its peak at that time, and Ireland witnessed an unprecedented experience of economic opulence known as the Celtic Tiger. Focus should also be laid on Dublin’s interesting development in such a globalized climate. Its remarkable evolution, especially in the 1990s, tends to be considered a “model” for other small European and non-European states. Therefore, this paper attempts to scrutinize the extent to which other small states can learn from the example of Ireland.

Die Zeitschrift "PLAN": Österreichischer Identitätskurs, individuelles und kollektives Gedächtnis in der Nachkriegszeit by Desiree Hebenstreit

Reviewed by: Die Zeitschrift "PLAN": Österreichischer Identitätskurs, individuelles und kollektives Gedächtnis in der Nachkriegszeit by Desiree Hebenstreit Alois Kernbauer Desiree Hebenstreit, Die Zeitschrift "PLAN": Österreichischer Identitätskurs, individuelles und kollektives Gedächtnis in der Nachkriegszeit. Schriften der Wiener Germanistik 7. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2022. 261 pp. It was a long way from the dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy in 1918 and the onset of the first Austrian Republic, dubbed as the "state which no one wanted," as Hellmut Andics titled his book on the first Austrian Republic, to the last decades of the twentieth century, when a solid national Austrian consciousness existed, one not shaken by the crumbling of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and its consequences for Austria, which lost its highly appreciated role as "neutral" mediator between the former blocs of East and West and found itself as merely one among many small European states. Nothing illustrates the delicate situation of the new beginning in 1945 more than the activities of Karl Renner in the days before and after the end of World War II in reestablishing Austria, seven years after he had declared to vote for the Anschluss on April 10, 1938. It was probably thanks to his experience as politician that the turbulent weeks of late spring and early summer 1945 ended in a comparatively smooth outcome securing a new beginning. Otto Basil, inspired by Karl Kraus's Fackel, had edited three issues of his newly founded literary journal PLAN in 1938. When he revived the venture in October 1945—despite all the difficult circumstances—PLAN became one of the most important journals during its brief existence until early 1948. It contained articles of artists who had not been allowed to publish during the Nazi period and literary texts of young writers who only two decades later belonged to the best known in the German-speaking world. Basil made certain that the contributions were innovatively future-oriented, on the one hand, and that many of them discussed the tormenting question of how to deal with the horrible past, on the other. Desiree Hebenstreit's investigation of the journal PLAN focuses on its role as a platform for the discourse on Austrian identity. It is based on her thesis, published in 2015. Some chapters of the introduction are simply too short to take into consideration all the necessary aspects, such as the one on the discourse about an "Austrian identity and an Austrian nation," which aroused controversy (not only among historians) in the middle of the nineteenth century that never vanished until 1938 and was resumed after World War II. Nonetheless, these sections of the book are well-written overviews. [End Page 131] The main part, however, is simply perfect. Hebenstreit thoroughly looks through all the issues concerning the central problem, starting with the editor Otto Basil, the members of the editorial department, including the indispensable editors Rudolf Geist and Theodor Kramer. Although Basil was most interested in the verbal form of literature and valued expressionism and surrealism above all, he included political topics as well. Questions were also raised about such issues as whether there were such things as specific aesthetic aspects or formal characteristics in "Austrian" literature. In the first years of the reestablished republic, politicians as well as intellectuals from many different cultural circles felt an urgent need to create and promote a consciousness about the Austrian state and its culture on which partisans of the different political parties could agree. There were the agonizing problems of the status of those who had found a way to coexist with the National Socialist dictatorship during the previous seven years as well as the denazification of the numerous members of the former NSDAP. In 1946 the Austrian government decided to support celebrations on the anniversary of the first mentioning of "Österreich," which had been used 970 years earlier for the first time to denote a small territory located in today's Lower Austria. In five of PLAN's issues, contributions to the ongoing social-political discussions were published in a separate category entitled "Austriaca." In the following chapters of her book, Hebenstreit looks into the discussions about complicity with National Socialism, specifically...

The diabetes epidemic in Malta

Aim: The small European Mediterranean island state of Malta is a highly prevalent type 2 diabetes (T2DM) country. Over recent decades drastic environmental, cultural and ethnic changes occurred and it was considered timely to undergo a cross-sectional survey to establish up-to-date prevalence of T2DM, its socio-geographical distribution and ultimately estimating the economic burden of T2DM. Methods: A health examination survey was conducted (2014-16) including a representative sample of the adult population stratified by 18-70 years, gender and locality (n=3,947; males n=1,997 male). The survey consisted of a socio-demographic questionnaire, various health examination measurements and blood samples for fasting blood glucose (FBG). Prevalence for T2DM (depending on medical history, medication and FBG >7mmol/L) were calculated for the general population as well as for each of the districts making up the Maltese Islands. The economic burden of T2DM for 2017 and projected burden for 2045 were calculated using secondary sources and by incorporating 2% compound interest per annum respectively. Results: A total response rate of 47.15% was obtained, with a mean age of 48 years for males and 46 years for females. Out of the total adjusted population (n=3,947, male n=1,998), the prevalence of T2DM was of 10.31%, with 6.31% already known to have T2DM while 4% were newly diagnosed. Females were diagnosed with T2DM at an earlier age than the males. No significant geographical T2DM prevalence differences were established. The total annual diabetes health care expenditure was approximately €107,316,517.82 for 2017, while the projected expenditure for 2045 was estimated at €244,136,040. Conclusion: Malta is a country with a high prevalence of diabetes. The females were observed to be at an earlier risk of developing undiagnosed diabetes compared to males. Although geographical location did not appear to have significant effect on T2DM distribution, this disease contributes to a high economic burden. The expected exponential increase in diabetes prevalence is subsequently expected to affect negatively the healthcare expenditure. This puts forward the recommendation for development of early screening programmes as part of preventive action strategies.

The dynamics of the Republic of Serbia’s cooperation with China via the Belt and Road Initiative and the “Sixteen plus One” platform

ABSTRACT In this paper, we examine what factors played a determining role in creating new and dynamic bilateral relationships between the “sixteen” smaller European states and China, particularly the Republic of Serbia. Our research will notably examine the expressed capacity of the local actors in Serbia and their main drivers to accept and support China’s initiatives. A new chapter in cooperation with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) resulted from the one-sided PRC initiative. Vulnerable to the consequences of the global economic crises and neglected by Brussels, member states among the “sixteen” were attracted to China’s promise of market access for their products and investment. The Balkan states, severely affected by the civil war in the 1990s and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia, were in an even grimmer condition and even further from substantial developmental assistance from Brussels. The domestic economic and somewhat political drivers were the main ones that existed with all the local agents and their willingness to engage. In the case of Serbia, there were also powerful peace and security issues. Additional drivers come from international relations, and major power rivalries became increasingly apparent with the rise of project numbers and values and China’s growing political clout over the included countries.

The International Law Origins of Compact Theory: A Critique of Bellia & Clark on Federalism

Compact theory will not stay dead. Justice Clarence Thomas seems intent on reviving it in some form. Recently, Professors Anthony J. Bellia Jr. and Bradford R. Clark have given a scholarly imprimatur to compact theory by arguing that the word “state” in the Constitution compels us to interpret American federalism doctrine in the manner that Emmerich de Vattel and other European international law theo-rists would have interpreted the various treaty arrangements that created confederacies of small European states. This international law doctrine holds that express waivers of sovereignty by member states in such leagues must be construed narrowly, and that waivers of sover-eignty by implication are disallowed entirely. The authors claim that the doctrines of Vattel were so “well known to the Founders” that the word “state” in the Constitution was widely and tacitly understood to refer to independent, sovereign Vattelian nation-states. This article argues that Bellia & Clark’s thesis is mistaken. The Framers consistently and systematically rejected this conception of American states as sovereign nation-states in creating the Constitution. To the extent that the Framers showed any awareness of Vattel’s inter-national law understanding of confederacies, they associated it firmly with the central failing of the Articles of Confederation. The ratifying public was well aware that a Constitution established by the people and empowered to regulate the people directly was a fundamental depar-ture from European-style confederacies. Vattelian international law theory as described by Bellia & Clark in essence became “compact the-ory” in the United States, where it served as the theoretical foundation for ultra-strict construction of implied powers, and later for nullifica-tion and secession. It was rejected repeatedly in U.S. constitutional history. Thus, while Bellia & Clark’s account could offer a serviceable origin story for compact theory, it fails as an origin story for American federalism.

Defence industries in small European states: Key contemporary challenges and opportunities

This study addresses the challenges and opportunities that small European states face when weighing their defence industrial policy options. The article builds on a technology–based small state industry governance model by adding a defence industry–specific layer. This model is used to analyse how defence industries of small states could contribute to the European Union common defence industrial policy, and how the latter could likewise be beneficial to small member states. The paper discusses defence industrial policy challenges and opportunities both from the wider European Union and small state perspective. Global and regional geopolitical trends are explored among other specific topics, as are aspects of regional and domestic governance like the market structure, procurement, and R&D. The article concludes that small European states could both win and lose with the establishment of a common defence market, depending on the market design. Ideally, it should be combined with the simultaneous creation of an EU defence industrial policy that enables smaller, and especially less developed, member states to maintain and advance their own industries, preferably participating within the value chains of defence industries of the larger countries.

Neo-mercantilism in action: China and small states

This study investigates the relations between the People’s Republic of China and seven small European states with particular reference to China’s Belt and Road Initiative. It highlights the gap between the rhetoric of economic liberalism and the realities of neo-mercantilism with Chinese characteristics. The article analyses China’s geopolitical strategy and its support of infrastructural projects abroad in relation to the “China Dream” as articulated by Xi Jinping. The impact of engaging with a more assertive China for smaller countries is examined. The article concludes that, increasingly, there is a distinction in the EU between liberal and illiberal democracies. China’s preference for bilateral relations with countries on the BRI is informed by its broader geopolitical aims that resonate well with the neo-mercantilist model. The impact of China’s stance seems to be more muted in the more democratic small nations and more pronounced in autocracies.

Conducting national burden of disease studies and knowledge translation in eight small European states: challenges and opportunities

BackgroundSeveral countries across Europe are engaging in burden of disease (BoD) studies. This article aims to understand the experiences of eight small European states in relation to their research opportunities and challenges in conducting national BoD studies and in knowledge translation of research outputs to policy-making.MethodsCountries participating in the study were those outlined by the WHO/Europe Small Countries Initiative and members of the Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) Action CA18218 European Burden of Disease Network. A set of key questions targeting the research landscape were distributed to these members. WHO’s framework approach for research development capacities was applied to gain a comprehensive understanding of shortages in relation to national BoD studies in order to help strengthen health research capacities in the small states of Europe.ResultsMost small states lack the resources and expertise to conduct BoD studies, but nationally representative data are relatively accessible. Public health officials and researchers tend to have a close-knit relationship with the governing body and policy-makers. The major challenge faced by small states is in knowledge generation and transfer rather than knowledge translation. Nevertheless, some policy-makers fail to make adequate use of knowledge translation.ConclusionsSmall states, if equipped with adequate resources, may have the capacity to conduct national BoD studies. This work can serve as a model for identifying current gaps and opportunities in each of the eight small European countries, as well as a guide for translating country BoD study results into health policy.

Neutrality in Twentieth-Century Europe: Intersections of Science, Culture, and Politics after the First World War

Neutrality in Twentieth-Century Europe is an interesting contribution to the discussion of neutrality in scholarship and politics. It is especially useful as a contribution to the analysis of the relationship of science, culture, and politics during an era of strong division. Because the book focuses on the period after the First World War, it offers an interesting prehistory of issues that became prominent during the Second World War and the Cold War. During all of these periods, changes in international politics influenced the relationship of scholarship, culture, and politics.The main focus of the book is on the smaller European states that adhered strictly to a neutral position during the First World War. Important concepts connected to “neutrality” include “impartiality,” “objectivity” and “internationalism,” which are covered in the book's fifteen essays, divided into four thematic parts dealing with internationalism, science, culture, and politics. The starting point for the volume is that neutrality as a cultural, scientific and political resource was in itself a construct that was given meanings and used rhetorically for a variety of new purposes. The concept endowed smaller countries and intellectuals with a new kind of role in European (and even world-scale) scientific, political, and cultural discussions. The aim of the smaller countries was to become neutral mediators between the former belligerent states in order to facilitate international cooperation and enhance international scientific cooperation. The period after the First World War is defined as an era of emerging nation-states, but the main actors in the discourse were primarily individuals, small groups, and organizations.The book discusses the intersections of science, culture, and politics before and during the negotiations that led to the controversial Treaty of Versailles. The talks helped neutrality to gain a new appeal, spurring small, neutral countries such as the Netherlands, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway to mediate in the complex situation. The war and its aftermath introduced modern nation-states as the basis for a new world order. Although the actors analyzed in the volume were committed to internationalism, they ultimately reinforced nationalism as representatives of nation-states.Before the First World War, Germany was a scientific powerhouse and closely connected to wider scientific developments in Europe. After the war began and Germany became a defeated power in 1918, the demand to leave Germany out of scientific circles, such as the International Research Council (IRC)—especially in the wake of the “Proclamation of the Civilized World” in 1914—caused a complex situation in European scientific and political spheres. No matter how important the cause of internationalism and peace may have been, remaining neutral in politics and science proved exceedingly difficult. This was true of Dutch relations with Germany and scientific organizations such as the IRC. Denmark met difficulties in enhancing science on the basis of internationalism. In Sweden and Norway, the Nobel Prize institution gave both countries more power within the scientific community. Sweden, which had strongly emphasized its neutral and apolitical role in foreign policy, met the challenge when it wanted to gain a role as a mediator of the new era based on peaceful scientific, technological, and economic progress. The demands and goals of objectivity and impartiality in the case of the Nobel Prize were challenged when international ties in science and culture were severed. Swedish science had been strongly oriented toward Germany, and it had to reassess its Nobel Prize policy under the pressure of divided scientific values.These issues pertained not only to science and politics but also to “European” ideas and idealism. Pan-Europeanism, Zionism, and scientific debate created the basis of cultural encounters in Europe in the 1920s. The aim to restore peace and to solve the problems caused by the war—such as the problem of refugees when millions of people were left without their countries and citizenship—became the main aim of the international actors. The First World War was both a military disaster and a humanitarian catastrophe confronting the League of Nations and individual actors. In the process, neutral Scandinavian countries had a role to play.Neutrality in Twentieth-Century Europe is an enlightening contribution to the international and transnational interaction of scientists, organizations, and smaller states in the interwar period. By analyzing themes such as neutrality, objectivity, impartiality, and internationalism in the context of a divided world, the volume sheds valuable light on themes that resurfaced during the Cold War. The book is well worth reading for those interested in Cold War–era developments in the fields of science, culture, and politics.

Portugal’s strategic response to Brexit: enduring Europeanisation?

ABSTRACT Portugal is an often neglected country in the literature on small European states and one which is significantly exposed to the effects of Brexit. While being a core EU member, Portugal has a historic alliance with the United Kingdom, sharing with it an Atlanticist outlook. Drawing on the literature on small states, New Institutionalism and Europeanisation, this article deals with the effects of Brexit on Portugal’s European strategy. More specifically, it examines the country’s coping strategies vis-à-vis Brexit, the underlying drivers of these diplomatic responses, as well as their implications for the Europeanisation of Portuguese foreign policy. It is argued that Portugal has hedged its bets to balance a firm EU commitment, the protection of important ties with the UK and a strong NATO engagement. In so doing, the country has exhibited an enduring but limited foreign policy Europeanisation, even more cautiously pragmatic than in the past.

‘Head of the Dragon’ or ‘Trojan Horse’?: Reassessing China–Greece Relations

ABSTRACT China’s meteoric economic rise has precipitated a debate about its growing profile in Europe through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In this context, for some observers Greece serves as an illustration of how China is also translating its economic power into actual political influence over small European states to Brussels’ disadvantage. This article challenges such simplistic and state-centric views by considering the role of contingent and domestic factors and the wider strategic environment in which Sino-Greek relations have unfolded. It also highlights the agency of influential actors at the more micro-level of analysis. It argues that although China has achieved some limited political gains, the relationship remains mainly economics-driven at a time when Greece is strengthening strategic ties with its traditional allies.

European Small States and the Role of Consuls in the Age of Empire by Aryo Makko

Reviewed by: European Small States and the Role of Consuls in the Age of Empire by Aryo Makko Heather Streets-Salter European Small States and the Role of Consuls in the Age of Empire By Aryo Makko. Leiden and Boston: Brill Nijhoff, 2020. In European Small States and the Role of Consuls in the Age of Empire, Aryo Makko explores the role of the consular service in the foreign policy of Sweden-Norway, and how the institution was critical to understanding the way the state participated in the global system of imperialism between 1875 and 1914. Makko argues that although small European states like Sweden-Norway did not have the military and economic capacity of the great European powers, they nevertheless shared their exploitative worldview and were anxious to benefit from the spoils of empire. According to Makko, small states “employed their own strategies of imperialism and colonialism” by extending their shipping-related commercial interests to the rapidly-growing territories of the European empires (2). In this enterprise, consuls—whose job it was to facilitate and regulate these interests—played a central role. The book is divided into four chapters plus an introduction and conclusion. Its structure is both chronological and geographical: the first chapter begins in about 1815 and the last ends in 1914, while chapters 2–4 each cover what was happening with the consular service in Africa, Eastern and Southern Asia and the West Indies respectively between 1875 and 1914. Chapter one is based mainly on secondary sources and functions to outline the history of the consular service in Sweden-Norway until about 1870. But it is also here where Makko argues that—given the fact that the merchant fleet of Sweden-Norway was the world’s fifth largest in the late nineteenth century—government officials were hopeful that the European expansion of empire would enhance the prestige of the state via the power of economics. As part of this aspiration for prestige, by the end of the century, Sweden-Norway maintained a network of 100 consulates and 800 consular officials worldwide. Chapters two and three provide the meat of the argument and reflect extensive work in the state consular archives. In chapter two, which explores the years 1875–84, Makko argues that state officials in Sweden-Norway were sympathetic to the assumptions and expansionist actions of imperialist states, and sought to adapt to the new reality by expanding both its trade networks and its consular network into newly-colonized regions. These efforts were hampered, however, by the inefficiencies of the consular service: chiefly, that most consuls for Sweden-Norway were neither Swedish nor Norwegian, and that most knew very little about the state or its shipping and business interests. In this Sweden-Norway was not alone: many other European states also suffered from a lack of professionalism in their consular services at this time, and many sought reforms in the last half of the nineteenth century. Officials in Sweden-Norway followed this trend, and set up a committee to reform the consular service in 1875. However, in part because of complications arising from the relationship between the two kingdoms of Sweden and Norway, it took a full decade—until 1885—for the committee to produce new regulations for a reformed consular service. This did not stop the consular service of Sweden-Norway from expanding into new territories as European empires grew, but it did mean that the system did not function very well. Chapter three covers the period between 1884–1905, when Makko argues that the consular service of Sweden-Norway reached “the height of its political and diplomatic function” (188). It also marked the high-water of Sweden-Norway’s involvement with the European imperial system. Indeed, Sweden-Norway ratified the General Act in the Berlin Conference of 1884–85, which divided sub-Saharan Africa between European powers, in the hopes that participation would translate into a more powerful voice in European politics. In the years that followed, consuls representing Sweden-Norway generally supported imperial endeavors. At the same time, the state tried to implement the new consular regulations that had finally been approved in 1885, but professionalization proved elusive when budgetary constraints meant there...

A year of Covid-19: experiences and lessons learnt by small European island states-Cyprus, Iceland and Malta.

BackgroundCOVID-19 became a global pandemic within weeks, as every country including small states and islands experienced a surge in cases. Small islands are known to face several challenges in the quest to curb the viral spread, but with the absence of land boarders and small population size, these factors should have played to their advantage to minimize the spread. The aim of this article was to compare and contrast the COVID-19 situation, restrictions, preparedness, management and the healthcare systems between the small population island states of Cyprus, Iceland and Malta.MethodsData were obtained from Ministry of Health websites and COVID dashboards of the three respective Island states in Europe. Comparisons were made between the reported cases, deaths, excess deaths, years of life lost, swabbing rates, restrictive measures, vaccination roll-out and healthcare system structures.ResultsCyprus and Malta contained the COVID-19 spread better than Iceland during the first wave. However, a significantly higher viral spread and mortality rates were observed in Malta during the second waves. Similar healthcare preparedness and services, restrictions and relaxation measures were implemented across the three islands with some exceptions. Covid-19 vaccination has initiated across all Islands with Malta leading the vaccination roll-out.ConclusionThe small population size and island status proved to be an asset during the first wave of COVID-19, but different governance approaches led to a different COVID-19 outcomes, including high mortality rates during the transition phases and the subsequent waves.

Approaching right-wing populism in the context of transnational economic integration: lessons from Luxembourg

ABSTRACT What does right-wing populism look like in Luxembourg, a small European state whose economy heavily relies on strong European integration and foreign and cross-border labor? This article explores this question by looking at the Alternativ Demokratesh Reformpartei (ADR), Luxembourg’s version of a right-wing populist party. It studies the ADR’s discourse during three discursive events: the debate over a burka law (2014–2018), the 2015 Refugee Crisis, and Luxembourg’s 2015 constitutional referendum. Much of the ADR’s discourse is right-wing populist, but with two specificities: the ADR’s embrace of multiculturalism and its use of the issue of the national language to appeal to cultural and economic interests. Both of these specificities reflect into a distinctive concept of the Luxembourgish ‘people’. The Luxembourg case demonstrates the chameleonic nature or populism, or its ability to adapt to its local circumstances, in this instance even adopting features that contradict much of the thinking on right-wing populism.

Historical patterns of foreign policy of Denmark: the reason for abandoning neutrality after the World War II?

Based on the historical analysis, this article attempts to give a detailed and comprehensive answer to the question about the reasons that forced Denmark to abandon the policy of neutrality after the World War II and become the member of the North Atlantic Alliance. The object of this research is the foreign policy of Denmark in the XV – XX centuries, while the subject is the balancing strategy of Denmark in the conditions of transition from the status of regional power to the status of second-order power, and ultimately, to the status of a small European state that seeks to ensure the own neutrality. Special attention is given to the analysis of strategic foreign policy decisions of Denmark in the conditions of major regional and European conflicts, such as the Dano-Swedish War of the XVII century, Great Northern War (1700-1721), Napoleonic Wars (1799-1815), First Schleswig War (1848-1850) and Second Schleswig War (1864), World War I (1914-1918) and World War II (1939-1945). The conclusion is made that reaching the actual neutral status for Denmark throughout its foreign policy history was virtually impossible due to the fact that conventional neutrality acquired either a pro-German or pro-British orientation, and in reality represented an attempt to find a complex balance between the interests of the great powers. The need for balancing overlapped the historical vulnerability of Northern European region to external influence. Since the great powers using bilateral diplomacy did allow close rapprochement countries between Nordic countries, the common defense alliance projects both prior to the World War II and after the World War II failed to implement  A crucial point in evolution of the foreign policy strategy of Danish politicians became the negative experience of the World War II, when strict conformity to the policy of neutrality did not prevent the German occupation of the country.

“Rebellious Parliament”: period of the “policy of reservations” in Denmark-NATO Relations (1982-1988)

The object of this research is the foreign policy of Denmark in the 1980s. The subject of this research on the one hand is the ideological foundations of Denmark's foreign policy during this period, which were strongly affected by the ideas of European social democracy, and on the other hand – the influence of the Danish Parliament (Folketing) upon the formation of Denmark’s official position on the issues of European security discussed within the framework of NATO. Denmark’s refutation of neutrality after the World War II and its entry into NATO in many ways determined the foreign policy position of Denmark throughout the Cold War as a small European state that perceived the Soviet Union as a threat to national security. At the same time, the desire of Denmark of maintain maximum flexibility and avoid making far-reaching commitments within the framework of NATO, led to the fact that Denmark was often perceived as an unreliable and inconvenient ally. The period from 1982 to 1988 indicates the Atlantic dissidence of Denmark and simultaneous improvement of relations with the Soviet Union), when Denmark’s representatives in the NATO sessions, being obliged to take into account the position of the parliamentary majority in the Folketing, were forced to make reservations to the final documents of the sessions, expressing disagreement or criticism of implemented measures. Among the Russian scholars dealing with the history of Denmark, this period has not yet received wide coverage. This article is an attempt to describe and explain the causes and consequences of the period of the “policy of reservations” for Denmark’s foreign policy in the context of the end of Cold War and in the conditions of transition towards the post-bipolar system of international relations.