Small Arms Control Research Articles

Influence of weak legislation and non-state armed actors on arms proliferation: Evidence from terrorism in Nigeria

With an aggressive illicit transnational trade along a vastly porous borderline in the North East region of Nigeria, a country not at war but highly militarized with overstretched security agencies, an outdated over six decades Firearms law and a vulnerable civilian populace seeking firearms in self-protection or otherwise; are all the tones needed for proliferations of small arms and Light weapons. It was against this background that this study leverages on State fragility theory to investigate the influence of weak legislation and prevalence of armed non state actors on arms proliferation and terrorism in Nigeria. The study engaged weak legislation and civilian acquisitions of arms to measure influence of proliferation of small arms and light weapon on terrorism in Nigeria. This study employs exploratory research design; by using content analysis of publicly available archive documents. The study relies solely on secondary data. The research is conducted by examining literature concerning arms proliferation and terrorism in Nigeria. The literature was obtained through searches in publicly available material. Literature from non-serial publications, official reports, and conferences has been included particularly if they have been cited by other references in connection with terrorism and arms proliferation. The study submitted that small and light weapons proliferations are extensively aggravated by weak legislation and the prevalence of armed non state actors in Nigeria. Based on these findings, the study concludes that government commitment to combat arms proliferation can only be taken serious when the existing 1959 firearms legislation is revamped and internationalized while it will take only good governance to stem the prevalence of armed non state actors. The study recommends that Federal and State Government should evolve a modern firearm law to give the outdated firearm legislation the needed bites. Lastly, the study recommends that the newly established National Centre for the Control of Small Arms and light Weapons should quickly evolve a database and tracking capability to ease the fight against arms proliferation

The Legality of Small Arms Production

Officially, international control of small arms and light weapons (SALW) has made considerable advancements in recent years, most notably in the form of the 2014 Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). Nonetheless, important systemic and structural deficiencies seem to persist, which prevent these control mechanisms from achieving their intended purpose. In an attempt to find an explanation for these shortcomings, this article traces back previous attempts aimed at combatting the illicit proliferation of SALW, by emphasising both their unbowed demand and the trade’s continuous commercial viability. The example of Bulgarian-made AK-47 machineguns underlines the picture of a system intentionally failing to prevent the weapons’ profitable export. It concludes that following the rise of globalisation, the privatisation of SALW manufacturing industries appears to have become the biggest impediment to effective control. Subsequently, it is argued that most anti-proliferation treaties are deliberately limited to a priori insufficient trade restrictions, as they lack any pre-emptive measures that target these weapons’ mass production in the first place. Once produced, SALW will find a buyer – no matter the existence of trade restrictions.

PERSPECTIVES ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE ECOWAS CONVENTION ON SMALL ARMS AND LIGHT WEAPONS IN NIGERIA

In spite of the robust provisions of the ECOWAS convention for the control of small arms and light weapons (SALW) in West Africa, Nigeria which is a leading Member State has been experiencing daunting challenges to personal human security posed by the large-scale availability of SALW. Although Nigeria has made some efforts towards the implementation of the Convention, the status of the country in that regard has not been clear. This paper sought to examine the nature of the implementation of the Convention in Nigeria with a view to determining the lacuna in the process and addressing it. In-depth interviews were conducted with relevant stakeholders and leaders of institutions such as the ECOWAS Commission and Nigeria’s Presidential Committee on Small Arms (PRESCOM). Secondary data were also used including official documents and researches related to them. The study revealed that Nigeria has failed to domesticate and implement the Convention accordingly. It therefore recommended that the Federal Government should urgently take steps towards establishing the National Commission and put the required structure and support to ensure its effective and efficient implementation. 
 Dinshak, L. D. | Centre for Conflict Management and Peace Studies, University of Jos, Plateau State, Nigeria

ПОЛІТИКА США ЩОДО ВОГНЕПАЛЬНОЇ ЗБРОЇ: ВНУТРІШНЬОДЕРЖАВНИЙ ТА ЗОВНІШНЬОПОЛІТИЧНИЙ ВИМІРИ

The purpose of the article is to explore proliferation of firearms in the United States due to social problems (mass shootings) and public demand for increasing gun control. Primary challenges cover exploring the U.S. firearms history, which provides a key to understanding the causes of the current situation in this area; reviewing of Americans’ attitudes toward gun ownership; studying the U.S. foreign policy in the context of arms exports from Ukraine to the United States. Moreover, attention is paid to exploring the influence of the National Rifle Association (NRA) on Donald Trump’s decision on arms control and a comparative analysis of his gun policy with the policy of his predecessors. The methodological basis of the study includes a set of general and special research methods. Systematic approach is used to consider the U.S. gun policy as a complex system with the determinism of domestic and foreign policy levels. A significant role is played by descriptive-historical and chronological methods that allow to examine the evolution of the U.S. legal framework for firearms and small-arms control. The comparative method makes it possible to compare the approaches of George W. Bush’s, Barack Obama’s and Donald Trump’s administrations to the gun policy. The statistical method allows to consider the peculiarities of the U.S. exports of small arms and Ukraine’s exports of such type of weapons to the USA. The scientific novelty lies in one of the first attempts among Ukrainian authors to make a comprehensive analysis of the interdependence of internal and external aspects of firearms trafficking among the U.S. civilians. In this context, the paper examines the U.S.–Ukrainian relations. The study concludes that the U.S. gun traditions are the main stumbling block for tightening firearms legislation. On the gun issue, the U.S. domestic policy, which is heavily influenced by the NRA, determines the state’s foreign policy. At the same time, society is demanding reforms aimed at restricting the possession of firearms by the civilian population, which may increase the level of domestic security.

Quakers and the Disciplines. Vol. 5: Quakers, Politics, and Economics ed. by David R. Ross and Michael T. Snarr

Reviewed by: Quakers and the Disciplines. Vol. 5: Quakers, Politics, and Economics ed. by David R. Ross and Michael T. Snarr Issac Barnes May Quakers and the Disciplines. Vol. 5: Quakers, Politics, and Economics. Ed. by David R. Ross and Michael T. Snarr. Philadelphia: Friends Association for Higher Education, 2018. xvi + 380 pp. Notes and index. Paperback $19.95; Kindle $9.95. One of the chief virtues of this latest addition to the Friends Association of Higher Education's "Quakers and the Disciplines" series is that its scope is extremely broad; most topics in Quaker history are in some way connected to either economics or politics. The twenty-two contributors come from a variety of fields. The book's focus is largely restricted to British and American Friends, but the sixteen articles address time periods that range from the foundation of Quakerism until the present. The breadth of the collection's content makes it less focused, though most chapters address Friends' response to social concerns arising from capitalism. Taken on their own merits, many of the contributions are fascinating additions to scholarship on Quakerism. In a section of the book labeled "Historical Engagement and Friends," Thomas D. Hamm's contribution to the volume highlights how a small collection of Hicksites in New York began to critique market economics in the 1830s, linking liberal theology and radical economic ideas. This is followed by Robin Rogers Healey's nuanced history of debates over how to end apartheid that occurred between South African Friends and the American Friends Service Committee in the late 1970s. Healey works to center South African Quaker perspectives, highlighting how these Friends accused the AFSC of imperialism and abandoning nonviolence. The work and thought of several prominent Quakers are repeatedly referred to this volume. Sociologist Elise Boulding and economist Kenneth Boulding are the focus of a chapter by Robert Scott and Russell Boulding (the Bouldings' eldest son). John Bellers, the seventeenth-century and eighteenth-century English social reformer who designed a workers' community, is the subject of a chapter by Keith Hemuth. John Woolman's attitude towards economics is the focus of two chapters, one by Mike Heller the other by Geoffrey Plank. Plank makes a compelling case that understanding Woolman requires not just focusing on his opposition towards slavery and support for boycotting goods, but also examining his ownership of land. Woolman's land meant he was wealthy compared to many of his neighbors, and he was comfortable with such systems of privilege and hierarchy. [End Page 57] There are discussions of the role of Quaker organizations in politics. Ruth Flowers provides an insider's account of the Friends Committee on National Legislation's efforts to convince the U.S. Congress to pursue antipoverty programs. One of the most fascinating details in Flowers's account is that the FCNL was hostile to federal support for these efforts for the first twenty years of its history, until the early 1960s. Lori Heninger and David Atwood provide two case studies of the work of the Quaker United Nations Office, focusing on work for small-arms control and efforts to reduce global inequality. A few of the chapters are not written from a position of detached scholarship, but try to propose a new direction for contemporary Quakerism. Activist George Lakey, for example, calls on Friends to model society on Sweden, Norway, Demark and Iceland, which provide considerable government services to their residents. For Lakey, these Nordic nations "serve as a reminder to today's Religious Society of Friends that God's Peaceable Kingdom is achievable today on this earth" (p. 55). It is a testimony to the vibrancy of Quaker studies scholarship that this edited collection can contain theological reflections, alongside history, sociology, political science and a host of other methodological approaches to scholarship. Disciplinary divides are still firmly in evidence, and one does not get the sense that this is a shared conversation, but the individual contributions ably show the ongoing work about Quakerism in their respective fields. Anyone interested in the study of Quakerism is likely to find something useful in this volume. Issac Barnes May University of Virginia Copyright © 2020 Friends Historical Association

Derechos humanos y exportación legal de armas: Estados Unidos y Alemania frente a la crisis mexicana

Se examina la forma en que Alemania y Estados Unidos han adaptado sus leyes y políticas de control de exportación de armas cortas y ligeras (SALW, por sus siglas en inglés) frente a México, país que pasa actualmente por una severa crisis de derechos humanos. A partir de entrevistas efectuadas en Alemania y Estados Unidos, así como de reportes oficiales y bibliografía secundaria, el artículo identifica que mientras Alemania ha retraído sus exportaciones de SALW a México, las empresas estadounidenses continúan exportando prácticamente sin restricciones. El texto presenta contribuciones a dos debates académicos: el estudio de la participación de actores no estatales en el proceso de toma de decisiones en política de exportación de armas y el examen de cómo las normas internacionales afectan el comportamiento y las prácticas de los Estados nacionales, un tema clave en la agenda constructivista de las Relaciones Internacionales.

Managing Peace in West Africa: A Comparative Analysis of Structural Reform and Small Arms Control in Nigeria and Liberia

Managing Peace in West Africa: A Comparative Analysis of Structural Reform and Small Arms Control in Nigeria and Liberia

The Kinshasa Convention for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons in Central Africa

The Kinshasa Convention for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons in Central Africa

Electoral Violence and Arms Proliferation in Nigeria: Causes, Consequences and Way Forward

One of the greatest challenges facing governance and political systems in Africa is the violence that ensues whenever elections are conducted. The main objective of the study was to examine the relationship between electoral violence and arms proliferation in Nigeria. It also examines the causes and implications of electoral violence on the electorate, entire community and Nigeria’s political system. The adopted research methodology is desktop research, where information was obtained from journals, textbooks, conference papers and others. The findings of the study revealed a link between small arms and electoral violence, and it was discovered that illicit proliferation of small arms is a major cause of electoral violence in Nigeria. The study established the lack of trust of the politicians on the electoral process which is a challenge to the nation’s nascent democracy and sustainability of peace and security. The study therefore, recommended that security agencies that are involved in the electoral system should be trained on electoral security system, in order to improve the level of security in the country. The study also posits that the control of small arms is very essential in curtailing the high level of illicit flow of arms in the country before and during elections.

Correction to: Powers of the gun: process and possibility in global small arms control

Correction to: Powers of the gun: process and possibility in global small arms control

Powers of the gun: process and possibility in global small arms control

Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) are the principal tools of armed violence, but the development of a global ‘regime’ has been a fragmented and fragile process that reinforces sovereignty more than it regulates violence. This article argues that rather than a settled regime, the global processes on SALW are better understood as a ‘global assemblage’. Drawing on new materialism and process philosophy, the article does not seek to explain a regime through power but to explain power through its assemblage. It shows how powers are produced as a global collective for action on SALW is composed. This composition of powers operates not only by producing agreements, but by creating and proliferating the possibilities to disagree, re-composing the meanings of decision and consensus, and generating objects for cooperation that constitute particular modes of global action that render guns governable.

Demobilization, Disarmament, and Reintegration and Broader Post-Conflict Policy-Making

The research focuses on DDR and broader post-conflict policy-making. For the process to attract compliance it is indispensible to look at the larger picture. International assistance and mechanisms play a significant role especially with regard to protracted conflicts where there is immense trust deficit and several parties to the conflict. DDR minimally consists of: Disarmament, defined as ‘the collection, control, and disposal of small arms, ammunition, explosives and light and heavy weapons of combatants and often also of the civilian population’; Demobilization, which is ‘the process by which armed forces (government and/or opposition or factional forces) either downsize or completely disband’; and Reintegration programmes, which are ‘assistance measures provided to former combatants that would increase the potential for their and their families’ economic and social reintegration into civil society’. There is the need for an additional R - Rehabilitation. This was included in the Liberian programme. Though it is not as well defined, and refers primarily to psycho-social and related services, its importance cannot be discounted. While disarmament and demobilization are primarily seen through a security lens; reintegration is often represented as a development imperative. My hypothesis would suggest delinking disarmament and demobilization from reintegration. Thus a clear division of tasks would be essential with specialized bodies taking up reintegration for combatants and non-combatants. During the formulation of these three stages it is also necessary to build special programmes for mid level commanders and female combatants. Further the involvement of women at all these stages would also help with compliance and reducing the trust deficit. However, it must be noted that a straight jacket formula where one size fits all cannot be the approach. The peace agreements/disarmament agreements would be the basis for innovation. Having a third party guarantor might be of relevance in certain contexts. Finding a common goal among parties would be the key to global diplomacy. There must be an integration of national elements that could also help facilitate the process. Apart from a mapping, where local involvement is important, programmes of sensitisation and awareness in order to ensure misinformation and false promises are not perpetuated must be undertaken. Some of the obstacles that have arisen time and again are unconscious creation of a market for ex combatants and reinforcement of existing corrupt practices and power dynamics. These must be avoided by setting up of a monitoring committee. While the international mechanisms must separate security and development goals these must work in tandem. Each context would require an independent analysis to decide what level of international assistance would be beneficial. With regard to the disarmament and demobilization (DD the implementation environment; the capability and resources of the international implementers: the attitudes of the warring parties; and effective verification. In my research, I would like to highlight: • the importance of the peace agreement/disarmament agreement and the role the international community can play in ensuring that it has an in-built flexibility to change, modify and adapt in order to achieve realistic goals; • the increasing role of business entities in security and harnessing their capacities to help with compliance of the DD • awareness of the process; sensitization a tool to winning trust and satisfaction of the people as the means to improving compliance; • availability of alternatives to rearming and finding a commonality of goals; and • role of women in compliance mechanisms. Implementation of peace is a complicated process. There can be no standard model for this. There must also be consideration of complete disarmament vs. socio-cultural justification of arms. Demobilization has to work in tandem with providing re-integration and a follow up via rehabilitation. One of the stumbling blocks is a trust deficit in the process. For this purpose verification is essential to check on implementation and must be incorporated in the agreement. Hence the agreement needs to be innovative and flexible. It’s the basis for what is to follow.

The Bane of Peacebuilding: Appraising Problems of Small Arms Control in Liberia 1989-2016

The Bane of Peacebuilding: Appraising Problems of Small Arms Control in Liberia 1989-2016

Giving substance to political will: The role of the SAPS in destroying firearms

The South African government has consistently stated that peace and security in the Southern African region and on the African continent must remain a top priority. This progressive attitude toward regional security is evident in South Africa's approach to the control of small arms and light weapons at a national, regional and international level. This article examines the firearm destruction policies and processes of the South African Police Service (SAPS). It analyses the positive effects and the negative outcomes of the decision to decentralise firearm destruction to provincial level.

A select list of articles on Africa appearing in non–Africanist Periodicals

Badinella, C. and Chang, D. Contemporary Afro and two-sidedness: Black diaspora aesthetic practices and the art market. Culture and Organization 21, 2 (2015), pp. 97–125. Besley, T. and Reynal-Querol, M. The legacy of historical conflict: Evidence from Africa. American Political Science Review 109, 2 (2014), pp. 319–36. Chassot, J. ‘Voyage through death/to life upon these shores’: The living dead of the Middle Passage. Atlantic Studies 12, 1 (2015), pp. 90–108. Cheeseman, N. and Larmer, M. Ethnopopulism in Africa: Opposition mobilization in diverse and unequal societies. Democratization 22, 1 (2015), pp. 22–50. Fisk, K. Refugee geography and the diffusion of armed conflict in Africa. Civil Wars 16, 3 (2014), pp. 255–75. Fleming, P. J. and others. The role of relationship types on condom use among urban men with concurrent partners in Ghana and Tanzania. AIDS Care 27, 4 (2015), pp. 466–72. Grip, L. History never repeats? Imports, impact and control of small arms in Africa. Contemporary Security Policy 36, 1 (2015), pp. 79–103.

Leaky humanitarianism: The anthropology of small arms control in the Gambia

Among Gambians, attitudes toward small arms control vary. For some, it appears as the unjust act of an overbearing and autocratic government; for others, it is part of the project of fashioning a modern state; for yet others, being licensed to carry a gun is a sign of respect from the state. On the basis of these differences, I develop the notion of “leaky humanitarianism” to capture how humanitarian small arms control underwrites state power. I further suggest that small arms control should be understood as a form of statecraft centered on injuring power and is thus a potent but underused diagnostic in the anthropology of the state. [small arms control, the state, humanitarianism, the Gambia, hunters, precarity, bureaucracy]

History Never Repeats? Imports, Impact and Control of Small Arms in Africa

Almost across the board, recent studies of small arms proliferation and policy in Africa seem to have disengaged from historical data and analysis. This article contextualizes current debates on small arms and how they relate to the African continent, by revisiting historical data and analysis. The article draws on the relatively large literature on firearms in African history from the slave trade to early independence to offer new ways of thinking about small arms imports, the impact and prospects for control. Despite the richness of historical studies, they tend to be treated as historical conditions, not assessed for their implications for the current small arms regime. Reflecting on the historical sequence, it appears as if the situation today resembles that of the beginning of the 20th century. Enforcement of local leadership is often weak and the arms trade is relatively large and liberalized. This review finds that historical conditions and structures are built into Africa's current arms control architecture, posing significant challenges for effectiveness and legitimacy. The large scale of old and obsolete small arms frequent in sub-Saharan Africa suggests that weapon destruction programmes, rather than marking, recordkeeping and safe stockpiling of old stocks or recovered weapons, would often be more manageable and offer greater improvements in local security. The positive aspects of external influences on African sub-regional arms control regimes in terms of financial and technical support should be carefully weighed against the risk of reinforcing old patterns.

A Legal Inquiry into the Proliferation and Control of Small Arms in Nigeria

The continual state of insecurity in Nigeria for several decades can be traced to a number of factors, including ethnic militias and religious fundamentalism. This article examines the extent to which such retrogressive phenomena are caused or fuelled by the proliferation of small arms in Nigeria. It examines the legal regime on small arms, non-legal but relevant societal issues and police powers as they concern the control of small arms proliferation in Nigeria. It argues that the extant legal regime is not robust enough to support any sustainable progress in this area. Also, it concludes that apart from a critical police overhaul and necessary municipal legislative action as influenced by international legal developments, practical policies and economic empowerment must be in place with a view to attaining sustainable development in the area of small arms control.

The Nigerian State and the Proliferation Small Arm and Light Weapons in the Northern Part of Nigeria

The changing trend of national and international threats to national security is occasioned by the evolution and development of new factors in the internal and external environment of the Nigerian state. The security of the Nigerian state is aimed at protecting the national integrity of the state and defending the essential values that constitute Nigerian identity. Nigeria is rated high in the regional debate for the control of small arms and light weapons and illegal trade. For more than a decade, diplomatic activity to contain arms and ammunition transfers has been animated by a concern with instability and crises generated in the continent many years back. Leading think tanks, research groups, and advocacy organizations have repeatedly drawn attention to the way the burden of armed violence in Northern Nigeria is a product of high porous borders and low-tech assault by the Nigerian government. The methodology was based on the use of secondary data. The secondary data were collected from textbooks, journals, magazines, periodicals, internet, etc. We started by dwelling on the entire technicality where we posed four research questions, stated four specific objectives, and four research hypotheses. We, also, demonstrated the theoretical and empirical relevance or justifications of this study. We also reviewed the related extent and relevant literature concerning causes, sources, transits and destinations of SALW and problems and consequences of SALW in Nigeria. We further discussed the history of proliferation of SALW in Nigeria, and the Nigerian state and proliferation of SALW in the Northern Nigeria. Whilst, we examined the supply factors and causes of proliferation of SALW, and the law enforcement agencies, SALW proliferation and security situations in the Northern Nigeria. Lastly, effort was made to summarize the entire work and drew some conclusions on the basis of which we made some recommendations. From the foregoing, we reached the following conclusions that: the inability of the Nigerian state to deal with the demand factors heightened the proliferation of SALW in the Northern part of Nigeria. The inability of the law enforcement agencies to check the supply factors of SALW worsened security situations in the Northern part of Nigeria. Reconstitute the Nigerian state in such a way as to be pro-active in dealing with the demand factors of SALW that heightens the proliferation of SALW. Strengthen the law enforcement agencies in order to enable them check the supply factors of SALW that worsens security situations in the Northern part of Nigeria. Thus the thrust of this paper is to look at the Nigerian state and the proliferation small arm and light weapons in the northern part of Nigeria. DOI: 10.5901/jesr.2014.v4n1p415

Britain and the Decline of the International Control of Small Arms in the Twentieth Century

The article examines the peak and decline in interest in international small arms control during the trans-First World War period. It traces this process from the 1908 Brussels Conference, through the 1919 St-Germain Convention to the 1925 Geneva Convention, with the coda of the 1935 Royal Commission on the Manufacture of and Trade in Armaments. The research identifies the pivotal role of the 1917 Islington Committee. The article argues that realist and idealist small arms controllers have fundamentally different objectives: practical small arms control has tended to be a realist concern, whereas small arms campaigns are, for idealists, a lever to achieve wider goals. The history of small arms control provides a point of entry into understanding the cycles of international politics. The renaissance of interest in small arms control, the article suggests, is the mirror image of the decline in emphasis during the twentieth century.