Sixteenth-Century Peru Research Articles

Les intendants de la vice-royauté de la Nouvelle-Espagne (1764–1821): Répertoire prosopographique

Les intendants de la vice-royauté de la Nouvelle-Espagne (1764–1821): Répertoire prosopographique

Transatlantic Obligations: Creating the Bonds of Family in Conquest-Era Peru and Spain

Since James Lockhart published in 1968 the pioneering Spanish Peru, 1532–1560, various scholars have successfully contributed to a better understanding of sixteenth-century Andean society. Jane Mangan offers in Transatlantic Obligations one of the most comprehensive attempts to study social dynamics in the Viceroyalty of Peru during the first century of colonization. Her focus is on the family, an institution that she understands as having played a central role in the colonial world due to its flexibility. Mangan shows how families established actions (via networks and obligations) and words (in a legal context) through which individuals were connected in different ways, such as dowries, bequests, legal powers, and letters. As these ties frequently linked spouses and children in several commitments from Peru to Spain and vice versa, Mangan's focus on the family assumes a transatlantic perspective, which gives this book its considerable value.The book is well grounded in an updated historiography from interdisciplinary fields such as family history, women's history, and migration history, though there are minor omissions. It would have been helpful for Mangan to take into account James Casey's 1987 research on the Mediterranean family and, more recently, Francisco Chacón and Joan Bestard's 2011 edited collection on the Spanish family; there is also considerable scholarship from Spanish scholars on migration history that could have been helpful in fleshing out these transatlantic connections discussed by Mangan. Her research is also based on a great deal of primary sources, a remarkable quality given how documentation for the sixteenth century in Latin America is often incomplete or has not been well preserved. Mangan faced this obstacle with thorough research in Andean and Spanish archives. The records come mostly from notaries, court cases, and bienes de difuntos (goods from Spaniards and foreigners deceased in the Spanish American territories whose transfer to inheritors was handled in Spain by the Casa de Contratación)—a considerable amount of primary sources that provide a firm foundation for the research.The book makes two main contributions. First, the author has been able to break the dichotomy between legal and other types of unions established by previous scholars who had studied the family in a transatlantic context, focusing primarily on legitimate structures. Mangan understands that in a society where illegitimacy was commonplace one must use an “expansive definition” of the family that follows how people in the sixteenth century understood their relationships to one another (p. 4). Hence the study gives attention to blood relations both legitimate and illegitimate. Most mestizo children lived with their indigenous mothers because Spanish fathers had abandoned them; but also, following Iberian patterns, Spanish families agreed to address economic and other demands from women who were not spouses and children who were not legitimate. Mangan describes, using numerous different examples, how many mestizo children in sixteenth-century Peru were moved from the home of their mothers to a Spanish household in order to give them a Spanish education; some even moved from Peru to Spain and never came back.The other remarkable achievement of this book is its taking into account of a wide range of historical actors, not only the elites and Spaniards who have been the focus of earlier historiography. Mangan focuses on fathers who neglected family duties or assumed them, such as the many conquistadores who actively fulfilled obligations to their children regardless of birth status or race. Legal powers and wills confirm these fathers' plans to ensure for their natural sons and daughters an Iberian and Christian upbringing, to such a degree that, remarkably, these children were named heirs in the later colonial period (pp. 174–77). As for indigenous women, the study makes clear the important roles that they performed as wives, companions, daughters, and, mainly, mothers active on behalf of their children, not always in accordance with the fathers (pp. 174–75). Spanish women—those wives left in the homeland, those who followed their husbands to Peru, or those required to raise the mestizo offspring of their own husbands or of other men in Peru and Spain—were principal characters in these stories of transatlantic ties. Finally, the picture is completed with an analysis of the emerging generation of mestizo children on both sides of the Atlantic.The book's documentary background and methodological perspectives allow Mangan to approach this colonial society via three variables: law, family, and race mixture. The final result is the first systematic study to show how the legal and cultural constructions of the family changed as a result of the conquest of Peru. This is a fascinating text that gives a panoramic view of blended families from both sides of the Atlantic. Mangan's book is undoubtedly an essential contribution to the social history of colonial Spanish America.

Transatlantic Obligations: Creating the Bonds of Family in Conquest-Era Peru and Spain by Jane E. Mangan

In the preconquest period, the Nahuas, the indigenous peoples of central Mexico, spoke of family in terms of larger kinship units that shared a common space—cemithualtin, “those of one patio.”1 Mangan’s beautifully written and exhaustively researched book inspires the question of whether colonial families should be described as cemailuikatltin, those of one ocean. Mangan’s book reconsiders the concept of family within the sixteenth-century Spanish empire through a transatlantic approach that illustrates the customary, emotional, and economic ties between Spain (primarily Seville) and Lima and Arequipa, which even an ocean could not dissolve. In analyzing the evolution of family within an Iberian context, Mangan’s study offers an excellent model of a history that is both global and local, while in the process examining whether the Atlantic served to unite or divide imperial peoples, a theme that she first explored in her co-edited volume, Women of the Iberian Atlantic.2Mangan does a masterful job of tempering prescriptive literature with the local practices and lived experiences of men, women, and children that emerge from mundane documents, particularly wills (more than 500) and judicial records. Family, Mangan acknowledges, was an institution of empire, but in the colonial context, despite royal laws, decrees, and expectations, it evolved into a protean social unit and not a reproducer of an idealized social order. Family became a flexible body, accommodating both Incaic and Iberian traditions, as well as new members, including fathers (local and long-distance), surrogates, hijos naturales (illegitimate children), estranged indigenous mothers, and family members in Iberia. These arguments challenge previous scholarly interpretations, which viewed family in this period as configuring rigid binaries of indigenous/Spanish, legitimate/illegitimate, and Iberian/American. By introducing heretofore unconsidered protagonists into the narrative, Mangan convincingly illustrates how empire building placed strains on kinship on both sides of the Atlantic. Yet, in kind with other colonial institutions, the family underwent a form of mestizaje, creating the conditions by which America became a place to “sustain” family as it generated “new branches on the family tree” (112).Transatlantic Obligations adds another layer to the growing genre of Atlantic family studies, as it contributes to the literature about gender and ethnohistory.3 In it, family serves as an entry to broader discussions about indigenous resilience, societal norms, and cultural change. Among the book’s novel contributions are Spanish fathers who emerge as men who regarded their American children with care and a sense of responsibility and their mestizo children who are integral (if not always favored) members of familial units. Navigating the delicate balance between indigenous agency and exploitation, Mangan illustrates that notwithstanding conquest and violence, survival, innovation, and accommodation led to new family patterns and practices that were the fulcrum of everyday life.Mangan’s discussion of change over time within family configurations furthers our understanding of sixteenth-century Peru and the dynamics of transatlantic migrations and interactions. Cogent and readable, Transatlantic Obligations will appeal to students of all ranks and professional scholars. Ultimately, it challenges us to reconsider whether the heterogeneous “modern family” of our period is such a recent creation.

A Peru of Their Own: English Grave-Opening and Indian Sovereignty in Early America

Grave-opening was a shared European practice of possession and knowledge production in the early Americas, identifying what indigenous peoples believed of the afterlife and what items they valued. If mortuary practices such as interring wealth with the dead were deemed idolatrous, then the disruption and looting of graves and the people who made them was permissible. Nowhere was grave-opening more profitable than in sixteenth-century Peru, where the dispossession of the wealthy and sovereign Inca dead transformed Spanish imperial fortunes. But English cosmographers also explored the conversion of New World interments, seeing correspondences between Tudor reformation of the English afterlife and Spanish efforts in Peru. At Baffin Island, Roanoke, Guiana, and other places, English subjects surveyed the local dead, seeking a Peru of their own. Yet retracing English entanglement with Spanish grave-opening reveals the disentanglement of their colonial models as well. At Jamestown and Plymouth, settlers destroyed elite interments and associated markers of power and historicity; heartbroken indigenous kinspeople punished the English accordingly. Abandoning Peruvian precedent, English promoters of colonization portrayed North America’s Indians and their dead as less sovereign and more diabolical than the Incas, justifying a deeper extirpation of their bodies and history from the land.

Moving Mestizos in Sixteenth-Century Peru: Spanish Fathers, Indigenous Mothers, and the Children In Between

Moving Mestizos in Sixteenth-Century Peru: Spanish Fathers, Indigenous Mothers, and the Children In Between

Bodies, Texts, and Translators: Indigenous Breast Milk and the Jesuit Exclusion of Mestizos in Late Sixteenth-Century Peru

The present article analyzes the connection between the corporeal reasons Jesuits provide to justify excluding their mestizo translators from the order in late sixteenth century Peru and the publication of the Third Lima Council's standardized translations. I argue the simultaneous Jesuit prohibition of mestizo ordination and the codification of religious translation in the Andes led to the consolidation of a marginalized, but still influential, subject position in colonial Peru occupied by non-European translators. While the hierarchy imposed by certain discriminatory ideologies marginalizes the mestizo “lengua,” a different hierarchy, that of the language specialist, invalidates some key implications of the exclusion.

Imperial Subjects: Race and Identity in Colonial Latin America

Imperial Subjects: Race and Identity in Colonial Latin America

Taking Possession of the New World: Powerful Female Agency of Early Colonial Accounts of Perú

As we know today, there is an ample and largely unknown textual production by wealthy and not-so-wealthy women from various ethnic groups lying in colonial Spanish American archives, apart from those written only by religious women.1 The women I refer to in this article did not choose the convent and usually became spouses, homemakers, and, many times, mothers. Because of expected women's roles in early modern Spain, scholars from various fields, such as historian Luis Martin, have regarded the first generation of non-religious Spanish, Indian, and Mestizo women in South America mainly as homemakers who facilitated daily life for their conquistador spouses and children. Proofs of service or merits, proofs of nobility, dowries, wills, and contracts for services, among other fiduciary transactions, and accounts of Indies (personal narrations of services in the colonization of the New World) showcase Spanish and Indigenous women of this period as carriers of knowledge who textualized their active presence in the process of conquest of the Americas and its subsequent colonization. This article specifically reflects on early colonial Spanish women's use of accounts of Indies addressed to the Spanish crown. According to a number of documents found in the archives of Peru and Spain, there were at least 102 encomenderas in Peru between 1534 and 1620. Sixteenth-century encomenderas were women who had received a labor grant from the Spanish king that could include hundreds or even thousands of Indian laborers as a reward for their services, or that of their husbands, to Spain's wars of conquest. In most cases these women acted as political subjects of their time, in agreement with or in opposition to the men of their families. When faced with the large production of legal texts by encomenderas of sixteenth-century Peru, we encounter women who had access to great wealth and power in a time and space of intercultural and transcultural transitions that characterized early colonial Peru. In this new incipient colonial society in distant and oftentimes incomprehensible lands, early modern Europeans' notions of gender differences relaxed enough to allow women's in spheres other than domesticity. It is in the exercise of this agency--traceable in their textual production--that one can understand how these women used the means available to them not only to survive but also to build and keep a wealthy and powerful position that could be inherited by their descendants. In order to study the encomendera's through her texts, I follow Margarita Zamora's definition of textual agency. In Zamora's words, agency appears when an individual makes her or his voice heard through a text with the intention of provoking a reaction from her or his addressee (191). Women's is traceable also in their performance in colonial spaces constituted as zones. (2) In the case of the Spanish and Inca elite women I refer to here, the encomienda and the legal documents in which they inscribed their intentions constituted sociopolitical and textual contact zones in which these women performed power and authority. In analyzing an account of Indies produced by Ines Munoz de Ribera, one of the earliest female conquistadores and encomenderas of Peru, I propose to examine women's textual through the use of what I call dual gendered voices, which can be understood as the application of discourses of power and local knowledge usually attributed to men but, in these cases, intermingled with discourses usually associated with female consciousness. The last forty years of gender studies of the writings of colonial Spanish American women have focused interdisciplinary and comparative attention on texts produced on the margins of the canon of Spanish letters and not included in national histories. In the first stage of this revision, as Nancy E. van Deusen has described, scholars studied women's presence in colonial Spanish American societies by observing the separation of gender roles, however complementary, and by studying their parallelism and the ways in which features associated with masculine and feminine social behaviors were assigned to men and women, respectively (Recent Studies on Gender Relations 144-45). …

Litigation as Ethnography in Sixteenth-Century Peru: Polo de Ondegardo and the Mitimaes

Abstract Scholars of colonialism have drawn attention to the link between litigation and ethnography. In nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Asia and Africa, European colonizers frequently tried to adjudicate local disputes according to conquered people’s own laws, which they therefore investigated and codified (creating much invented tradition in the process). This paper explores that link in sixteenth-century Spanish Peru, where, to a remarkable extent, recently conquered Andean people took their disputes to colonial courts. Spanish judges were supposed to decide intra-Andean disputes according to existing laws and customs but seldom actually tried to find out what those customs were. However, in cases where colonial elites were already interested in understanding specific indigenous institutions, litigation between rival Andean groups provided the context in which Spanish officials explored those institutions most profoundly. As a case study, this paper examines the Spanish official Polo de Ondegardo and the Andean social category of mitmaqkuna or mitimaes, which were settlement enclaves created by the pre-Hispanic Inca state. Mitima networks undermined colonial policies of spatial clarity and social control but were legitimized by the prestige that the Incas’ memory carried in Andean society. They also appeared to be a basis for community prosperity in the bleak Andean highlands, a subject in which the Spanish conquerors, who depended on tribute from Andean communities, had a material stake. Through a series of lawsuits between indigenous parties, Spanish jurists—especially Ondegardo—developed explanations for this apparently alien social institution and integrated it into the colonial state.

The Royal Hunt of the Sun (review)

Reviewed by C. J. Gianakaris Western Michigan University The Royal Hunt of the Sun. By Peter Shaffer. Directed by Trevor Nunn. National Theatre (Olivier Theatre), London. 1 April 2006. Four decades after a premiere that launched England's fledgling National Theatre, Peter Shaffer's epic drama The Royal Hunt of the Sun still gives directors pause. Only a fearless director, possessed of limitless theatrical ingenuity, could confidently tackle Shaffer's overflowing text, relying on techniques from Total Theatre. In 1964, at London's Old Vic Theatre, Shaffer's provocative work sprang to vivid life, directed by the brilliantly inventive John Dexter. That extraordinary production has since remained the gold standard. A revival of Hunt opened 12 April 2006 at the current National's Olivier Theatre—the National's first return to the work in forty-two years. With the playwright in the audience, director Trevor Nunn led a cast of thirty-three in an impressive though not flawless production. Nunn, formerly artistic director and chief executive of the Royal Shakespeare Company, as well as artistic director of the National, was Shaffer's choice to lead this Hunt. Shaffer's earlier drama leaned heavily on naturalism. Hunt was first to display Shaffer's subsequent prototypical themes and techniques: large-scale philosophical conflicts between contrasted antagonists and cultural values. In Hunt, the contrasts are represented by 167 invading Spanish conquistadors (led by Juan Pizarro) and by a subservient Incan empire of 24 million (ruled by the Sun God-King Atahuallpa). The plot, drawn from Pizarro's historical expedition to the New World in search of gold, expands to include Pizarro's personal hunt for a "truth" or deity to mitigate death in the human condition. Once in Peru, the Spaniards capture the monarch Atahuallpa and discover a socialist culture built on absolute obeisance to the sun-god sovereign. Atahuallpa is held for gold ransom that, once paid off, forces Pizarro to choose between his oath to free Atahuallpa or sacrifice him to save his soldiers. Hunt requires an involved-audience imagination. Straightforward realism will not work to depict a band of soldiers painfully trekking over the rugged Andes Mountains. The slaughter of hundreds of natives by the conquistadors does not lend itself to stage realism. Stylized theatricality is needed, and was superbly realized in 1964 by Dexter and his designer Michael Annals. Comparable theatrical magic was only partly achieved in Nunn's version. Shaffer's provocative notions regarding rapacious colonial exploitation were effectively retained. The fine script, overflowing with stimulating themes concerning human life, death, ambition, and honor, emerged wonderfully expressive today, even with "too many words." In our London conversations during previews, Shaffer detailed his insistence that the play not be refashioned as a cautionary tale about the Iraq War—despite his ardent personal criticism of that conflict. Nunn successfully focused on the play's inherent values, Shaffer stated, leaving any parallels between sixteenth-century Peru and modern-day Iraq to today's audiences. Shaffer expressed satisfaction with Nunn's cast. Alun Armstrong's portrayal of Pizarro gave impressive form to the former pig-herder described in Shaffer's script. A raspy yet clearly projecting voice helped define Pizarro, while Armstrong's uneven gait convincingly mirrored the Spaniard's painful life. Equally exceptional was Paterson Joseph, who played Atahuallpa with enormous élan and kinetic energy. Shaffer admitted that Joseph, unknown to him beforehand, was not his first choice. But upon hearing him read, Shaffer enthusiastically supported his casting, calling it a coup. [End Page 692] Click for larger view Figure 1 Alun Armstrong (foreground) as Francisco Pizarro and Paterson Joseph (background) as Atahuallpa. Photo: Catherine Ashmore. [End Page 692] The short, slim, and athletic Joseph made the god-king's role his own. Whether standing completely still or moving stealthily around the spacious stage, he held the audience riveted. His clipped words resounded throughout the hall, creating an alien aura. In conversations, Shaffer elaborated that, because Joseph was black, Nunn chose to cast black performers in the other Incan roles...

Natives, Europeans, and Africans in Sixteenth-Century Santiago de Guatemala

In a major contribution to our understanding of early postconquest society, Robinson A. Herrera focuses on the colonial city of Santiago de Guatemala. Founded by Pedro de Alvarado in 1524 and established on its present site in Panchoy Valley in 1543, Santiago is today the popular tourist destination known as Antigua Guatemala. Until its destruction by earthquake in 1773, Santiago was Spanish Central America’s principal administrative, commercial, ecclesiastical, and cultural center, the seat of a royal audiencia for most of the colonial period, and a city that ultimately boasted a population of some 40,000 souls, making it one of the most significant regional urban centers in the Americas.Thanks to Antigua’s agreeable climate, beautiful physical setting, and charming colonial ruins, as well as the availability in nearby Guatemala City of rich and well-organized documentation, Santiago has long attracted scholars’ attention. A fair share of it has gone to the sixteenth century, but no one yet has approached Guatemala’s formative generations with the vision, determination, and minute attention to detail that characterizes Herrera’s effort. Inspired by James Lockhart’s early work on sixteenth-century Peru, the author has patiently sought out the ordinary doings of ordinary people, as reflected primarily in the notarial registers that hold the wills, property conveyances, powers of attorney, partnership papers, labor contracts, and similar documents, which provide clues to the daily experience of the great majority of the city’s population. Herrera also makes good use of criminal records, civil suits, and official correspondence. Skilled at the deft juxtaposition of scattered bits of information, he portrays a city that, even in the first generation, was already beginning to flourish as a commercial hub, a center for artisan production, and a magnet for migrants from nearby indigenous communities, neighboring isthmian provinces, and even more distant places in the Americas and Europe.Thanks to Christopher H. Lutz’s indispensable 1994 demographic study of Santiago (Santiago de Guatemala, 1541 – 1773: City, Caste, and the Colonial Experience, Univ. of Oklahoma Press), the multiethnic complexity of the colonial city’s popular classes is already familiar to us, but Herrera goes a step beyond Lutz, not only in descriptive detail but also in painstaking reconstruction of daily interactions among persons of differing social classes and racial and cultural backgrounds. While power, privilege, and high social status remained concentrated at the top of a rigid hierarchy rooted in traditional Spanish values and prejudices, Santiago is revealed as a place where ordinary European colonists — far from disdaining manual labor and petty commerce — scrambled to make a living, often in close association with natives, Africans both free and slave, and the usual variety of persons of mixed ancestry. More than half of the book is devoted to non-elite Europeans: not only Spaniards (although they were certainly the majority) but also Italians, Portuguese, and the odd Irishman. Substantial chapters also address the experiences of Santiago’s numerous indigenous inhabitants, as well as its population of blacks and mulattoes. In an effort to bring gender in as well, Herrera takes periodic account of the roles played by women, either directly or indirectly, in the social and economic life of the community.The strength of this important book is also in some ways its weakness. The method pioneered by Lockhart and adapted so masterfully to the Guatemalan case by Herrera provides a view of the past not available elsewhere, but it also imposes certain limitations, not the least of which is the difficulty of generalization from scattered and partial evidence, sometimes from only one or two observed cases. Some readers may find Herrera too daring in this regard, such as when he concludes on the basis of only two labor contracts that free blacks were paid more than mestizos for similar work (p. 126). But Herrera’s sources and reasoning are generally visible, so that readers are free to evaluate them and to accept or reject them. On another issue, more attentive fact checking might have helped Herrera to avoid the occasional “nuisance” error — Puerto de Caballos placed on the Pacific coast rather than the Caribbean (p. 29), the Council of Indies seated at Havana (p. 107), slaves imported from New Guinea rather than Guinea (p. 118) — but none of these is central to the book’s purpose or argument, and, in the end, such slips do not diminish the author’s real achievement.That achievement is, in fact, substantial. Robinson Herrera’s book greatly enriches the historiography of sixteenth-century Guatemala. It introduces us to real people with real concerns, whose lived experience did not always conform neatly to the comfortable categories into which we are accustomed to sort the social realities of the early Spanish period. As such, it warrants the careful attention not only of specialists on colonial Central America but also of students of the social history of early Latin America in general.

:Home and Homelessness in the Medieval and Renaissance World

This collection of original essays serves as a set of case studies for exploring ways in which people experienced home and homelessness between eighth and sixteenth centuries. Arranged in reverse chronological order, volume considers precise examples of need for (or lack of) shelter and a place to call one's own in cultures ranging from Venice, Spain, and Latin America to Iceland and Anglo-Saxon England. Patricia Fortini Brown translates floor plans of houses and layouts of neighborhoods of Renaissance Venice into a broad understanding of that city's social and political arrangements. Mary Elizabeth Perry examines ways in which physical spaces and protected courtyards of Spanish homes allowed Moriscos to maintain their Islamic faith after Reconquista. Sabine McCormack articulates paradox that arose in sixteenth-century Peru when conquering Spaniards made a triumphant new home for themselves by forcing homelessness on many of indigenous peoples. William Ian Miller considers unique case of home and homelessness in medieval Iceland, in which scattered settlements in the middle of nowhere were held together by a complex legal system. Drawing on lexical and textual evidence that survives from Old English, Nicholas Howe supplements available archaeological materials and offers new ways of examining home and homelessness in Anglo-Saxon England. Featuring writings of some of most influential scholars in history, art history, and literary studies, Home and Homelessness in Medieval and Renaissance World presents fascinating studies that cover a wide breadth of cultural sites and moments.

Rafael Varón Gabai. <italic>Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers: The Illusion of Power in Sixteenth-Century Peru</italic>. Translated by Javier Flores Espinoza. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 1997. Pp. xvi, 352. $34.95

Journal Article Rafael Varón Gabai. Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers: The Illusion of Power in Sixteenth-Century Peru. Translated by Javier Flores Espinoza. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 1997. Pp. xvi, 352. $34.95 Get access Gabai Rafael Varón. Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers: The Illusion of Power in Sixteenth-Century Peru. Translated by Espinoza Javier Flores. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 1997. Pp. xvi, 352. $34.95. Kenneth J. Andrien Kenneth J. Andrien Ohio State University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 103, Issue 2, April 1998, Pages 630–631, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/103.2.630 Published: 01 April 1998

Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers: The Illusion of Power in Sixteenth-Century Peru

In Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers, Rafael Varon Gabai breaks fresh ground in his reconstruction of the Pizarros' conquest as a new form of business enterprise, built up by Francisco Pizarro both to conduct government and to manage his family's exploitation of Peru.The private nature of the Pizarro enterprise, together with the public political support it received at first from the Spanish Crown, allowed Pizarro to build an organization of several hundred people.

Rafael Varón Gabai, Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers: The Illusion of Power in Sixteenth-Century Peru (Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997), pp. xvi+352, $34.95.

Rafael Varón Gabai, Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers: The Illusion of Power in Sixteenth-Century Peru (Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997), pp. xvi+352, $34.95. - Volume 30 Issue 1

Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers: The Illusion of Power in Sixteenth-Century Peru.

Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers: The Illusion of Power in Sixteenth-Century Peru.

Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers: The Illusion of Power in Sixteenth-Century Peru

Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers: The Illusion of Power in Sixteenth-Century Peru

Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers: The Illusion of Power in Sixteenth-Century Peru. By Rafael Varón Gabai and trans. by Javier Flores Espinoza. (Norman: Universitiy of Oklahoma Press, 1997. Pp. 352. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $34.95.)

Francisco Pizarro and His Brothers: The Illusion of Power in Sixteenth-Century Peru. By Rafael Varón Gabai and trans. by Javier Flores Espinoza. (Norman: Universitiy of Oklahoma Press, 1997. Pp. 352. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $34.95.) - Volume 54 Issue 3

Francisco Pizarro and his brothers: the illusion of power in sixteenth-century Peru

Francisco Pizarro and his brothers: the illusion of power in sixteenth-century Peru

The World Upside Down: Cross-Cultural Contact and Conflict in Sixteenth-Century Peru

The World Upside Down: Cross-Cultural Contact and Conflict in Sixteenth-Century Peru