Sino-Latin American Relations Research Articles

How Important are Sino-Latin American Trade for Economic Growth? A Trade in Value-Added Perspective

Sino-Latin American trade have increased substantially for decades. However, the increasing trade imbalances between China and several Latin American countries have yielded growing trade frictions. In this paper, we re-calculate the bilateral trade balance using the value-added content in trade and measure the contribution of Sino-Latin American trade to economic growth. The results show that gross trade statistics seriously overestimate the real bilateral trade imbalance, and China’s trade surplus with Mexico decreased by over 50%. The composition of Sino-Latin American trade suggests that most Latin American economies are complementary with Chinese economy. The South-South trade has been increasingly important for both China’s and Latin America’s economic development. We foresee an optimistic future of relations and continuously increasing trade between China and Latin America. Meanwhile, more efforts should be made to settle trade frictions and intensify Sino-Latin American relations.

Współpraca wojskowa Chin z państwami Ameryki Łacinskiej w XXI wieku

The aim of the article is to analyze the conditions and various dimensions of military cooperation between China and Latin American countries in the twenty-first century. The article consists of three parts. First of all, the author outlines Sino-Latin American relations in a broader perspective, presenting the conditions and goals of the Chinese presence in Latin America and the Caribbean and synthetically discussing the most important areas of political and economic cooperation. In the second part, he analyses the conditions and significance of military cooperation, pointing to the factors conducive to the development of cooperation, what is more, he motives and role of China’s military diplomacy in the Latin American region. In the third part, there are presented the most important forms of cooperation. The author focused on defense ministers’ and military commanders meetings, training, joint exercises and arms trade. The author’s priority goal is to show the evolution of military cooperation between the Middle Kingdom and Latin America and its importance for the balance of power in the region.

Chinese Policy in Latin America: Lessons and Risks for Spain

In the past two decades, Latin American countries and China have strengthened cooperation in such areas as politics, economy, finance, culture, and military sphere. In these relations each party pursues its own goals: China, for example, is looking for access to new sources of raw materials and markets, as well as support on some sensitive issues on the international agenda, such as the problem of human rights or the status of Taiwan. Latin America seeks new sources of finance, and technology, as well as the diversification of foreign policy ties. Sino-Latin American relations are most active in the sphere of economy, investment and lending, that increases the interdependence between China and the countries of the region and even the dependence on Chinese funding. At the same time, despite gradual growth, social and cultural contacts between parties remain limited, and that constrains the development of mutual understanding between them. The strengthening of Beijing's position in Latin America logically arouses Spain's fears, as the region has always been a historical space for its foreign policy; Spain's position and attractiveness there are gradually declining. However, since cooperation with China contributes to the development of Latin American countries, it can play a positive role for Spain and creates an opportunity for building ties between Spanish and Chinese institutions. Thus, the article is devoted to the problem of the influence of the development of Sino-Latin American relations on the role of Spain as a traditional foreign policy partner of the region. The authors conclude that in the context of the growth of partnership between Latin America and China, Spain will have to look for ways to cooperate with Chinese entities, trying to maintain its role in the region and derive benefits from such cooperation.

The Sino-Latin American "arc" in a shifting world order

The article analyzes peculiarities of the Sino-Latin American dialogue in the light of current developments in the world arena, as well as the issue of the probability of the dialogue’s systemic nature. The reasons are given for the rise of the international significance of the global South, including Latin America, which has become a factor in the “germination” of the New World Order (NWO). The author characterizes China's view on the properties of the NWO in the context of Sino-Latin American relations and concludes with a number of assumptions regarding nearest prospects of the New World Order for the global South.

Отношения КНР с регионом Латинской Америки и Карибского бассейна на современном этапе

In the "new era" of China’s foreign policy based on the concept of major power diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, Beijing has begun to change its attitude toward Latin America. In 2018, Xi Jinping officially invited Latin American countries to participate in the construction of the Belt and Road initiative, thereby bringing the region into the sphere of its global interests. This article is devoted to the study of the main directions of cooperation between China and the Latin American states and changes in the forms and instruments of Beijing's policy toward the region. The authors analyze the degree of involvement of Latin American states in the BRI and consider pros and cons of increasing China's influence in the region. The provisions of power transition theory form the methodological basis of the work, through the prism of which the U.S. factor in Sino-Latin American relations is examined. The final part of the article is devoted to the challenges facing Washington from the growing influence of China in the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region.

China's Belt and Road Initiative in Latin America: What has Changed?

When China invited the Latin American countries to participate in the Belt and Road Initiative, it fuelled expectations of a much closer and more productive relationship with the region. In practice, however, there is little evidence that this was happening even before the coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic. The article shows that neither the policy statements by China nor the trends in economic relations indicate a substantive change in Sino–Latin American relations and that the Belt and Road Initiative represents a repackaging of existing relations and the continuation of trends that have been underway since the global financial crisis.

The Monroe Doctrine 2.0 and U.S.-China-Latin America Trilateral Relations

The election of Donald Trump caused a change in the direction of U.S. foreign policy for Latin America with the imposition of new sanctions on the Cuban government (starting a new cold war with the island) and the attempted regime changes in Venezuela and Nicaragua, whose governments are seen as a threat by Washington’s elite. In September 2018, during a speech at the opening session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, Donald Trump took up the principles of the Monroe Doctrine as formal a U.S. policy and rejected the alleged interference of foreign states in the western hemisphere and in the internal affairs of the United States — a direct allusion to China and Russia. This change in U.S. policy toward Latin America has had a great impact on Sino-Latin American relations in the context of political pressures and aggressive rhetoric seeking to curb the Chinese presence there. This article explores the motivation behind the new attitude of the United States in its relations with Latin America and how it impacts Sino-Latin American relations.

The value of security cooperation in Sino–South American relations

PurposeRelations between the People's Republic of China and Latin America have gradually expanded from commerce and finance to cover different aspects of security. The purpose of this article is to provide an overview over security cooperation between China and South America. Specifically, it analyses the motivations for security cooperation on both sides and its value added for Sino–South American relations.Design/methodology/approachThe article describes four dimensions of security cooperation between China and South America: functional cooperation, defence diplomacy, long-term cooperation initiatives and arms sales. For each dimension of security cooperation, the main motivations on the two sides are discussed, together with the value added of security cooperation to the “comprehensive and cooperative partnership” China's policy papers on Latin America and the Caribbean have called for.FindingsSecurity and defence considerations have not caused the development of Sino–South American security cooperation. Instead, it were the rapidly growing economic links from the 2000s on that facilitated China's broader political engagement with South America, including in the field of security. There are a number of important motivations that indicate security cooperation between China and South American states will further expand in the future.Practical implicationsSecurity cooperation should not only be practiced as an end in itself but also serve tangible outcomes to reduce insecurity.Originality/valueIn the context of Sino–Latin American relations, security cooperation has received relatively little attention beyond a comparatively small group of pundits despite the fact that military diplomacy has become increasingly important in bolstering China's growing international profile. This article makes an original contribution in discussing four dimensions of security cooperation between China and South America.

Exploring the nontraditional foreign investment in Sino–Latin American relations: The Chilean case

At the end of 2016, China and Chile increased their bilateral ties to a comprehensive strategic partnership increasingly involving the development of traditional and nontraditional foreign investments. The former is measured under the usual parameters of economic cooperation that includes horizontal and vertical investments. However, during the last decades, new forms of cooperation have emerged based on the creation of a HUB that responds to complex strategies in specific contexts, which implies the willingness of nations to establish sophisticated links in which both countries use their competitive resources in search of a common benefit. Although there is no absolute limit between traditional and nontraditional foreign direct investments, since they are not mutually exclusive, the latter have become fundamental elements in the establishment of Chinese multidimensional relations and are part of the new path of cooperation in the Latin America region. In this context, Chile is one of the countries that has hosted the largest number of hub platforms led by China in South America, which include the Southern Optical Fiber Project, the China-Chile Joint Astronomical Data Center, and the China-South America Transpacific cable. This article explores the dynamics of these initiatives through the case study of China–Chile relations.

Xi Jinping and The Sino - Latin American Relations in The 21st Century: Facing The Beginning of A New Phase?

Sino-Latin American relations experienced an extraordinary intensification throughout the first sixteen years of the 21st century. The present article analyses Sino-Latin American relations in the 21st century and proposes three major ideas. First, Sino-Latin American relations experienced an inflection point in 2001, which initiated an unprecedented process that intensified the relationship. Second, since the inflection point in 2001, the relationship established its foundations by transiting through an economic phase between 2001 and 2008, and a soft power phase between 2008 and 2013. Finally, since Xi Jinping took office in 2013, Sino-Latin American relations might be entering a comprehensive new phase that goes beyond trade and soft power, including the political and military-strategic dimensions. The article will be structured as follows: 1) it provides an overview of Sino-Latin American relations in the 21st century; 2) then it describes how the foundations of the relationship were established in its first two phases; 3) finally, this article provides a proposal of a new phase of Sino-Latin American relations since 2013.

Новый этап развития китайско-латиноамериканских отношений

Новый этап развития китайско-латиноамериканских отношений

La nueva Etapa del "Desarrollo Constructivo" de Relaciones Sino-latinoamericanas

Después de experimentar las etapas del desarrollo espontáneo y del desarrollo independiente, las relaciones sino-latinoamericanas han entrado en una nueva fase del "desarrollo constructivo" que se caracteriza por el objetivo estratégico de construir una nueva estructura y una comunidad de destino común, un con un nuevo marco de cooperación basado en la negociación y en la ganancia mutua. Como resultado de esto, los lazos entre China y América Latina han conseguido muchos avances en los terrenos político, económico, cultural y de la cooperación multilateral. Sin embargo, debido a la incertidumbre del mundo y las transformaciones de las dos partes, la cooperación entre ambos lados sigue enfrentando muchos desafíos. En la actualidad, hay varias contradicciones importantes que deben ser resueltas: la primera es la brecha entre el mejoramiento de mecanismos de cooperación y sus expectativas; la segunda es la cada vez más fuerte presencia estratégica de China en América Latina y la capacidad de aceptación de este continente. La última es la necesidad urgente de desarrollar y profundizar esta relación tras la falta del conocimiento mutuo.

Latin America in Light of China’s Global Economic Power: Brazil and Ecuador and their foreign policies. A Comparative Study

This article aims to outline the factors that have influenced the strengthening of Sino-Latin American relations. It argues that Latin America’s political, commercial and financial interests towards China are explained in terms of the position consolidated by China as the world’s second largest economy. An analysis of Brazil as a relatively industrialized country and of Ecuador as a small nation serve as an empirical reference in explaining and understanding how the foreign policies of both countries have behaved with respect to China and allows us to question the priority areas of their relationship from a comparative perspective. The article concludes that while both countries have a strategic relationship with China, in Brazil’s case, foreign policy is strongly tied to China in the political, commercial and financial spheres, while Ecuador's financial dependence on China is the most important element in its foreign policy.

Promoting Renewable Energy or Environmental Problems?: Environmental Politics and Sustainability in Sino-Brazilian Relations

China is now Brazil’s largest trade and investment partner, with Brazil’s exports dominated by primary products such as iron ore, soy and crude oil. China and Brazil have also become major players in international environmental and debates as emerging powers, reflecting their contribution to carbon emissions and their vulnerability to climate change and environmental disasters such as droughts, floods, deforestation, landslides and pollution. In environmental terms, Brazil’s exports to China have led to changes in land use focused on export agriculture, the construction of infrastructure in vulnerable areas such as the Amazon region and a growing need for cheap, renewable energy to fuel transport, consumption and industrial development. In the context of these intensifying trade and economic connections between Brazil and China, this article examines the environmental dimensions of this relationship, focusing in particular on the contradictions created by renewable energy production. Paradoxically, given Brazil’s key role in the international climate change debate, one of the most controversial aspects of the country’s development agenda is the promotion of renewable energy as evidenced in the conflicts around hydro-electric power generation. The latter have provoked protests against the dams’ social and environmental effects among local communities and international environmental groups. Little studied compared to the more well-known aspects of Sino-Latin American relations, such as infrastructure and trade, the article argues that Chinese involvement in hydropower in Brazil reinforces an increasingly unsustainable domestic development agenda, as reflected in the asymmetry between arguments about the general benefits of hydropower and the negative effects on local communities.

Monroe Who? – The Chinese Dragon Stirs in Latin America

Mainstream media have reported on ‘China in Uncle Sam's Backyard’ - Latin America - with considerable alarm in recent years. But is such alarm justified? This article aspires to lift the fog on China's engagement with Latin America. The article finds that mutual concerns over economic development, not military advantage, are the driving force behind closer Sino-Latin American relations. Nonetheless, it is indisputable that China's presence in the Southern Hemisphere impacts the region's geopolitical dynamics, with possible consequences for the US security position. That said, China's arrival in Latin America also harbours a positive strategic opportunity for Washington to re-engage, on a more equal footing, with a continent whose relations with the US have been historically troubled, and more recently, have suffered from a certain neglect.

Relations between China and Latin America: Inter-regionalism beyond the Triad

Inter-regionalism refers to regular forms of cooperation between regions or actors from different regions and is a result of the parallel phenomena of globalization and regionalism. Inter-regional links are rapidly developing all around the world and form a new level of global governance. Though originally inter-regionalism typically connected the actors of the so-called Triad, today emerging economies and developing regions are more active and visible participants of inter-regional cooperation. The article examines the perspectives and limitations of inter-regional relations between China and Latin America as a new dimension of deepening Sino—Latin American relations.

The Missing Link in Sino–Latin American Relations

The growing economic presence of China around the world is a widely recognized reality. China's expanding economic relations with other developing countries have generated both positive and negative reactions. Many believe that the increasing economic ties between China and these countries will enhance China's political influence and encourage political cooperation between China and other countries in the Global South. How strong is the economic–political link? This article examines this question in the context of Sino–Latin American relations in recent years. It finds that thus far China's expanding economic relations with the region have not had a significant spillover effect into the political realm. The article provides preliminary explanations of the missing link between the economic and the political. It calls for more nuanced ways to apply familiar international relations paradigms to understanding the implications of the rise of China.

Latin America and China’s Transnationalizing Oil Industry: A Political Economy Assessment of New Relations

Chinese oil companies have recently started to set up operations in Latin America, and they are doing this at a rapid pace. This article aims to provide an overview of the increasing flows of oil and capital (fdiand credit) between Latin America and China, and to clarify how they interact with the broader Sino-Latin American relations as well as Latin America’s changing political landscape. In addition to regional trends, the cases of Venezuela, Brazil and Ecuador are discussed. The article combines an assessment of factual data with an analysis of the broader political economy context in which these new oil relations operate. Next to national differences, three general tendencies stand out: first, the type of arrangements and coordinated activities that Chinese companies, banks and government agencies deploy differ from those of other large oil-seeking nations; second, while the arrival of Chinese capital is welcomed by Latin American governments and pictured as part of non-imperialist South-South relations, Chinese oil companies and loans are sometimes criticized in local media by scholars, opposition andngos; and third, Chinese oil imports and investments have added to changing attitudes and policies towards strategic sectors under new political regimes, which allows for more social spending but which critics have labeled as the return to an ‘extractivist model.’

Sino-Latin American Relations: Chinese Views of Latin America

In this study we explore Chinese views of their country’s rapidly growing political and economic ties with Latin America. We adopt a dual approach in this project. First, we examine the Chinese press and academic community’s accounts of China’s relationship with Latin America. Our preliminary analysis indicates that China’s overwhelming focus is on the country’s economic relationship with Latin America, while seeking to avoid overt political entanglements. Trade and investment opportunities appear to dominate published accounts of this relationship. Second, we conducted an original survey of Chinese undergraduate and graduate students, mid-level officials, and academics in a relatively large city in Eastern China. This survey allows us to determine how individual-level characteristics such as income, political interest, knowledge of world politics, and views of China’s role in world affairs influence views of the importance of Latin America and future of Sino-Latin American relations.

Potential Danger in Domestic Debate Constructing a Cuban Shangri-la: Online Chinese Perceptions of Cuba and Implications for China and the World

Although China and Cuba are generally seen as intimate partners, their socialist ideals have begun to diverge from each other since they launched their respective reforms, and Cuba’s importance to China in the Western hemisphere is also gradually being replaced by larger economic powers such as Brazil and Mexico. How do the ordinary Chinese perceive Cuba and the Cubans and how does this perception deviate from the official viewpoint? Given the limited knowledge the Chinese have about Cuba, how and why are such perceptions and discrepancies formed? What would be the impact on and implications for future Sino-Cuban relations, Sino-Latin American relations and US-Cuba relations? Would China have to face up to a crisis, the origins of which are in the seemingly risk-free construction of a faraway Latin American image? Presently, the Internet in China is increasingly acknowledged as a meaningful primary source to understand public opinion in general and that of global issues in particular. Using systematic, qualitative research on the Chinese online community, this article addresses the questions raised and concludes by describing the discrepancies between the official and popular Chinese perceptions of Cuba and their implications.