Single-issue Party Research Articles

All You Need is Love? An analysis of the election campaign of the Green Party in 2021 on Facebook.

The 2021 federal election in Germany was very different from previous elections. For the first time, the environmental party, The Greens, ran a candidate for chancellor. In addition, the election campaign was increasingly digital due to the Corona pandemic. Citizens increasingly turned to the internet for information. In this context, Facebook was the most used social network for reading, sharing, and discussing political news. This paper examines the Green Party's use of Facebook during the election campaign to identify characteristics of their communication behaviour and user reactions. The empirical investigation is carried out by means of a qualitative content analysis according to Mayring. In the period from 01/04 to 26/09/2021 a total of 251 posts of the Green Party were analysed. The tool Fanpage Karma was used for this purpose. Based on the number of posts, relevant topics of the online election campaign were identified. We also looked at how often and with which reactions users responded to the party's posts. The results of the study show that the 2021 chancellor candidate Annalena Baerbock plays a prominent role. She is mentioned in 30.68% of all posts. In addition, environmental policy, the party's core issue, takes up a comparatively large amount of space with a total of 111 posts (44.22%). Of these, 39.84% deal with climate-related issues. The results of the analysis also show that the party has a broader range of topics. Social issues are mentioned in 38.65% of the posts and the image of being a ‘single-issue party’ is being shed to some extent. It can also be seen that The Greens, who are among the winners of the 2021 election, publish a comparatively low number of posts. At the same time, they receive the second-most ‘Love’ reactions, and the most ‘Loves’ per post. The study shows Facebook's status in the online election campaign of the German environmental party in the 2021 federal election. It provides information about the scope of use and topic setting on the social platform. At the same time, the results show to what extent and with what reactions the posts have been addressed.

Why people vote for thin-centred ideology parties? A multi-level multi-country test of individual and aggregate level predictors.

The present research investigates the individual and aggregate level determinants of support for thin-centred ideology parties across 23 European countries. Employing a multilevel modelling approach, we analysed European Social Survey data round 7 2014 (N = 44000). Our findings show that stronger identification with one's country and confidence in one's ability to influence the politics positively but perceiving the system as satisfactory and responsive; trusting the institutions and people, and having positive attitudes toward minorities, i.e., immigrants and refugees, negatively predict support for populist and single issue parties. The level of human development and perceptions of corruption at the country level moderate these effects. Thus, we provide the first evidence that the populist surge is triggered by populist actors' capacity to simultaneously invoke vertical, "ordinary" people against "the elites", and horizontal, "us" against "threatening aliens", categories of people as well as the sovereignty of majority over minorities. These categories and underlying social psychological processes of confidence, trust, and threats are moderated by the general level of human development and corruption perceptions in a country. It is, therefore, likely that voting for populist parties will increase as the liberally democratic countries continue to prosper and offer better opportunities for human development. Stronger emphasis on safeguarding the integrity of the economic and democratic institutions, as our findings imply, and preserving their ethical and honest, i.e., un-corrupt, nature can keep this surge under check.

“It’s the economy, stupid”: Changing Irish minds on the Lisbon Treaty

Ireland was Europeanised as part of a pragmatic top-down policy of modernisation. The national bargain with regional integration was built on soft Europeanism and rudimentary knowledge about the “ever closer union”. By the 21st century the vir‐ tuous Irish-EU narrative was weakening. Multiple domestic factors contributed. They included political fragmentation, affluence, and constitutional constrictions on the government’s conduct during referendum campaigns. Complacency, dis‐ traction, and an energetic single-issue party (Libertas) were some of the immediate causes of the defeat of Lisbon in 2008. The legitimacy of the first Lisbon referen‐ dum was undercut in an extended post-mortem that laid bare the electorate’s lack of knowledge. The negotiation of guarantees to ameliorate concerns about some national sacred cows and clarify misapprehensions played a crucial part in the ap‐ proach to the second referendum. However, the Global Financial Crisis was paramount. It invigorated the conventional narrative that full EU membership was axiomatic to Ireland’s continued economic and fiscal health.

Czech Republic on the Threshold of Parliamentary Elections: Pirate Party Factor

On the eve of the next parliamentary elections in the Czech Republic (October 2021), the leader of the electoral race changed. It was the Czech Pirate Party (CPP), which squeezed out the ruling movement of Prime Minister A. Babiš ANO (Action of Dissatisfied Citizens). It is highly probable «pirates» will head the Cabinet of Ministers in the fall of 2021. The situation emerging in the Czech Republic is unique, since for the first time in world practice, the national government will be headed by a Pirate party. The article examines the transformation of CPP from a «single issue party» to its current position. The features of the CPP functioning are indicated, the circumstances of the growth of its popularity are revealed. An explanation of the reasons for the weakening of the ANO is also given.

From the Eurozone Debt Crisis to the Alternative for Germany

The sudden rise and subsequent radicalization of the “Alternative for Germany” (AfD) has been one of the politically most important consequences of the Eurozone debt crisis in Germany, both in relation to domestic politics and in the broader context of European-level right-wing populism. While initially founded as a single-issue party in opposition to Angela Merkel’s claim that there was no alternative to saving the common currency, the party quickly turned increasingly right-wing populist and xenophobic, not least in the wake of the 2015-2016 “refugee crisis”. This article traces the causal mechanisms underlying the rise and subsequent radicalization of the Alternative for Germany, spelling out the respective importance, but also the drawbacks, of the twin windows of opportunity presented by the Eurozone debt crisis and the refugee crisis. In addition, the paper draws particular attention to the ways in which the public claims-making of its key figures reflects the party’s overall development, i.e. from a soft Euroskeptic party aiming to dissolve the Eurozone to a conventional populist radical right party. Key figures highlighting this development include Bernd Lucke, Frauke Petry and Alexander Gauland, but certainly also extreme voices such as Bjorn Hocke.

Animalism: a nascent ideology? Exploring the ideas of animal advocacy parties

ABSTRACT In recent years political parties advocating animal rights and animal interests have sprang up in several countries and seem to constitute a new party family. At first sight, they appear to be single-issue parties, but a closer look at their party programmes suggests that they are developing a new ideology based on the core concept of compassion and adjacent concepts of equality, intrinsic value and interdependence.

Shooting the fox? UKIP’s populism in the post-Brexit era

The UK Independence Party (UKIP) has moved from being a single-issue party par excellence to a broader party of protest, taking advantage of wider feelings of discontent and disconnection. However, the 2016 referendum on UK membership of the EU fundamentally challenged its development and operation, by removing a core part of the party’s rationale and identity, and radically shifting the overall political landscape. This paper considers the re-positioning through the referendum period, both rhetorically and organisationally. Drawing on party press releases and media coverage, the paper argues that UKIP has become caught in a set of multiple transformations, pushing it in the longer term towards a more conventionally populist position in a way that carries important resonances for other Eurosceptic parties across the continent.

A Single-Issue Party without an Issue? UKIP and British 2017 General Election

The article researches an interesting phenomenon of the fall of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) – the most successful populist right-wing party in British history. After soaring relatively high in British politics, in 2017 general election UKIP suffered a sharp drop from its electoral peaks. The inquiry explores UKIP’s 2017 electoral results and demographics of its support (or lack thereof) and examines some of the reasons behind Party’s collapse. More specifically, it focuses on three aspects of UKIP’s 2017 performance: 1) party’s message; 2) party’s leadership and 3) party’s election campaign. The article also discusses which British political party(ies) has/have benefited most from UKIP’s spectacular defeat and reflects on Party’s future prospects.

‘Animals first!’ The rise of animal advocacy parties in the EU: a new party family

ABSTRACT‘Euro Animal 7’ is the name given informally to 7 animal protection parties which represent voters in Cyprus, Germany, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and United Kingdom. These parties contested in the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election and gained representation in Germany and the Netherlands. Animal advocacy parties are also represented in the national parliaments of Portugal and the Netherlands.Animal protection is an emergent issue in international politics and this research offers an account of the political positioning of these animal advocacy parties, analyzing their manifestos and the election results. While acknowledging that some parties have distinct ideological traits and some are still reclusive in the form of a single-issue party, this article argues that animal advocacy parties constitute a new party family in European politics.

The single-issue party thesis and the Sweden Democrats

When commenting on the European radical right, the term ‘single-issue party’ is frequently bandied about. We survey the various conceptualizations of the term and then apply them to the Sweden Democrats (SD), a party with roots in extremist subcultures that gained parliamentary representation in the 2010 elections. In the empirical analysis, we draw primarily on a unique survey of all parliamentary candidates to study: (i) the SD candidates’ positions on a large number of diverse issues, (ii) what issues they prioritize and (iii) the degree of ideological cohesion among their candidates. Secondarily, certain voter characteristics associated with the single-issue party concept are surveyed. Here, we use a large-scale exit poll to study: (i) SD voters’ demographic characteristics and (ii) what issues they prioritize. Throughout, the other main Swedish parties serve as points of comparison. Against what is commonly claimed, we find that the single-issue party label fits the SD poorly.

Policy mandates and re-election among single issue parties

Recent studies point to dramatic ‘mandate switches’ by elected politicians, while others suggest higher levels of mandate loyalty. Yet, two of the oldest party systems in Latin America, Colombia and Venezuela, have not been extensively examined. Legislative activity across single issue parties is examined to determine whether they are able to stay focused and consistent with the party's policy goals. The analysis identifies the importance of stated policy goals, which are likely to provide long-term electoral benefits, and nomination procedures as important determinants of legislative action among single issue parties. The results shed a new light on parties in Latin America by suggesting that parties are capable of acting in accordance with their stated single-issue platforms.

Single-issue party is a call to arms in defence of the NHS

Single-issue party is a call to arms in defence of the NHS

Single-issue party is a call to arms in defence of the NHS

Single-issue party is a call to arms in defence of the NHS

Competition Between Unequals: The Role of Mainstream Party Strategy in Niche Party Success

What accounts for variation in the electoral success of niche parties? Although institutional and sociological explanations of single-issue party strength have been dominant, they tend to remove parties from the analysis. In this article, I argue that the behavior of mainstream parties influences the electoral fortunes of the new, niche party actors. In contrast to standard spatial theories, my theory recognizes that party tactics work by altering the salience and ownership of issues for political competition, not just party issue positions. It follows that niche party support can be shaped by both proximal and non-proximal competitors. Analysis of green and radical right party vote in 17 Western European countries from 1970 to 2000 confirms that mainstream party strategies matter; the modified spatial theory accounts for the failure and success of niche parties across countries and over time better than institutional, sociological, and even standard spatial explanations.

The role of the Northern League in transforming the Italian political system: From economic federalism to ethnic politics and back

Until the early 1990s, Italy displayed a stable party system, where newcomers found it particularly difficult to challenge the overwhelming influence of the traditional parties: Christian Democrats (DC), Socialist Party (PSI), and Communist Party (PCI). New political formations managed to emerge, but they were largely unable to sustain their electoral success over a long period of time and failed to establish themselves as credible alternatives. The appearance of the Northern League (NL) in the late 1980s was also treated as temporary disaffection of sectors of the electorate from traditional politics. However, this proved not to be the case and the NL went on to become a very central player in the political system. This article examines the conditions for the emergence of the Northern League and its long lasting impact on Italian politics. The Northern League is partly responsible for major changes that occurred in Italy over the last decade and while its electoral fortunes have somewhat declined in recent years, the issues it brought to prominence are today very much central in political debates. The article argues that the NL, far from being a single-issue party, has a clear vision of what Italy in the new millennium should look like. Moreover, the article argues that this vision is similar to the one held by a number of right-wing parties in Western Europe such as Haider’s Freedom Party. Accordingly, the NL has abandoned its pro-independence position and has entered again into a political and electoral alliance with the centre-right Berlusconi-led coalition. This coalition is the favourite to win the 2001 national election and the NL is likely to hold once again a number of key ministerial posts. The presence of the Northern League in the new government will certainly accelerate the pace of decentralising reforms. The initial goal of federalism will probably be achieved after the NL went through a stage of profound radicalisation within which it flirted will independence. The failure of the Padanian project conceived in ethnic terms has brought the NL back to its roots and it is likely that Italy will soon be a federal state.

THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE DIRECT ELECTIONS IN ISRAEL

Like many immature and fledgling democracies Israel has suffered from the same disease, vvhich causes instability, inefficiency, maladministration, corruption, bribery, extortion and anarchy. However, unlike other countries, Israel has invented its own medication to cure the ills of its democratic system. This unprecedented "magic remedy" provided Israel with the distinetion of being the first dcmocracy to a have direct eleetion for its prime minister. This study is dedicated to the examination of this "untested remedy" and its side effects. As the paper shows, the direct elections have totally altered the form of government, party system, electoral campaigns, and the voting behaviours in the Jewish State. By allovving the split-ticket voting i.e. the separate voting for prime minister and Knesset , the new system has contributed to the further fragmentation of Israeli party system, strengthening the ethno-sectarian and single-issue parties at the expense of larger and ideological ones. In addition, vvhile it has modified the traditional inter and intra-party politics and traditional coalition formation procedures, it also starkly exposed the absence of checks and balances vvithin the system.

Some Conceptual Issues and Problems in the Comparison of Anti-Immigrant Parties in Western Europe

In this article it is argued that the conceptualization of anti-immigrant parties has been inadequate. Starting from the non-theoretical concept of anti-immigrant parties, three main concepts are discussed and defined: protest parties, racist parties and extreme-right parties. Each of these concepts has its own emphasis and highlights a specific feature of a political family in statu nascendi. Protest parties are non-revolutionary anti-system parties; racist parties are single-issue parties, while extreme-right parties are revolutionary anti-system parties. The article develops a typology of anti-immigrant parties that runs from the general and diffuse (protest parties) to the specific (racist) and ideologically articulate (extreme right). The concepts are not nested but are overlapping, yet they allow us to differentiate between different types of anti-immigrant parties in Western Europe. Protest parties are primarily a product of political alienation, racist parties arise from misgivings about national immigration policy, while extreme-right parties implicitly or explicitly present a political tradition that reacts against the spirit of international capitalism. Researchers who concentrate on electorates tend to use the concept of protest party, those who study militants tend towards the concept of racist parties while those who analyse party programmes and ideology often use the label extreme right.

A new constituency or a glitch in the system?: a note on recent AAFI federal by-election results

The anti-immigration party, AAFI, achieved an unusually high share of the vote for a single-issue party in recent Federal by-elections. The context of these by-elections, however, suggests AAFl will find it difficult to reproduce these results in future. Copyright. Monash University and the author/s

The Right to Life Movement and Third Party Politics

Exhibits Preface Introduction Single-Issue Parties in American History A Party is Born: Abortion and the Right To Life Party Activists and Identifiers Party Decay, Party Renewal, and Hybrid Multi-Partyism Epilogue Appendixes Bibliography Index