Claims that some human trait, say, IQ test score at age 18, show high heritability derive from analysis of data from relatives. For example, the similarity of monozygotic twins (which share all their genes) can be compared with the similarity of dizygotic twins (which do not share all their genes). The more that the former quantity exceeds the latter, the higher the trait’s ‘‘heritability.’’ Researchers and commentators often describe such calculations as showing how much a trait is ‘‘heritable’’ or ‘‘genetic.’’ However, no genes or measurable, transmissable genetic factors (e.g., alleles, tandem repeats, chromosomal inversions) are examined in deriving heritability estimates, nor does the method of analysis suggest where to look for them. Moreover, even if the similarity among twins or a set of close relatives is associated with similarity of yet-to-be-identified genetic factors, the factors may not be the same from one set of relatives to the next, or from one situation to the next. In other words, the underlying factors may be heterogeneous .I t could be that pairs of alleles, say, AAbbcbDDee, subject to a sequence of environmental factors, say, FghiJ, are associated, all other things being equal, with the same outcomes as alleles aabbCCDDEE subject to a sequence of environmental factors FgHiJ. That heritability estimates are not helpful in identifying the specific genetic factors has been noted by prominent researchers (e.g., Rutter 2002, p. 4), but the possible heterogeneity of factors that underlie patterns in observed traits has not been flagged as an issue, either by quantitative geneticists or by critical commentators on heritability research (e.g., Downes 2004 and references therein). A conference session that involved members of three Societies—Social Studies of Science, History of Science, and Philosophy of Science—was held in November 2006 to stimulate interest among a range of scholars in the scientific, philosophical,