The paper starts from the assumption that OC is a specific type of system oriented towards an authoritative allocation of resources and that, as such, cannot survive without a territory where its power can be exerted through a mechanism of extortion and protection. The introduction states firstly that the cradle of OC is in the city, where it embodies the most unconventional and violent face of the capitalist accumulation of resources. Secondly, it asserts that it is necessary to take a closer look at the relationship between the city and the state in the nation-building process. The OC is, in fact, a direct consequence of the attempt, on the part of the central government, to reduce the cost of the process of the monopolization of force by co-opting local potentates instead of defeating them. The paper then compares Palermo and Ciudad Juarez, by looking at the two different paradigmatic models of OC that originated in these two cities: the Sicilian Cosa Nostra and the maras. Besides, Italy and Mexico share many political and social variables in their historical evolution: the late formation of a unified state in the second half of the 1850s; the strategic even if peripheral role in the international politics, thanks to their peculiar relationships with the US; but also the Spanish legacy (in Italy, mainly in Southern regions), which probably helps us to explain other cultural similarities (e.g. family and religion). The first section shortly reconstructs the history of Cosa nostra, emphasizing how its process of institutionalization and entrenchment in the Palermitan society results in one of the most striking example of political Mafia. The second section analyzes the role of OC after the end of Cold War, when old hierarchies of scale, based on nation-states, became destabilized, and when the historic dependence on the center of so many peripheries in the international system was replaced by the center’s growing subjugation to the peripheries. The third section analyzes Ciudad Juarez both comparing it with other Latin American cities that gave birth to some of the most famous cartels of narco-trafficking, and stressing its peculiarities that concur to define the assembled crime paradigm. The conclusion, finally, challenges the widely accepted assumption that state violence – i.e. war on drugs – can be the right strategy to combat OC. On the contrary, social scientists should revisit and develop Tilly’s idea of trust networks to find at least a theoretically plausible answer to OC.
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