In a recent article published in The Behavior Analyst, Baron and Galizio (2005) revisited the question proposed by Michael (1975) on the distinction between positive and negative reinforcement (Skinner, 1953). They claimed that “the operational specification of which reinforcers are positive and which are negative contains an essential ambiguity” (p. 95). The conundrum presented by Baron and Galizio is represented in a case of a rat pressing a lever to turn on a heat lamp in a cold room (Weiss & Laties, 1961). This case is conventionally treated as positive reinforcement, because the lever pressing causes heat. Baron and Galizio, however, argue that one may regard it as negative reinforcement, because the lever pressing terminates coldness. Although this argument is logically sound, I prefer the first view, because the heat is a physical entity in the rat's environment, but “coldness” is a hypothetical state of the rat and is also a secondary concept meaning “lack of heat.” Other ambiguous cases of positive reinforcement presented by Baron and Galizio (2005) include a rat pressing a lever for delivery of a food pellet (or removal of a state of food deprivation, i.e., “hunger”), people working for delivery of money (or ending of a moneyless period, i.e., “poverty”), a child turning on the TV to watch a cartoon program (or termination of “boredom”). Baron and Galizio also presented ambiguous cases of negative reinforcement such as an animal making response for removal of shock (or the onset of the stimuli correlated with safety). I agree that there exists an essential ambiguity in specification of positive and negative reinforcement. But, we should have general standards for decision concerning the positive and negative types of reinforcement, and I feel that Baron and Galizio (2005) neglect them in the major part of their article. The judgmental standards distinguish between speculation and identification. As behavior analysts, we should prefer less speculation and more explicit identification (Skinner, 1950). In the case of the rat making a lever press for a food pellet, the pellet is countable and we can directly manipulate it. However, the “hunger” is a hypothetical construct (i.e., a guess of the rat's internal state). Money is also material for people, but “poverty” is secondarily defined. The cartoon program is on the air, but the termination of a child's “boredom” is not identified (i.e., if it exists, its termination is attainable by other TV programs). The removal of shock for a rat in a shuttle box is easily controlled and tested by an experimenter, but the stimuli correlated with safety are harder to identify specifically unless we preliminarily arranged a cue–shock contingency. Thus, categorizing this case as positive reinforcement is awkward (I do not mean that such analysis is meaningless, however; see below). Taking the “less speculation, more explicit identification” approach to the categorization conundrum has a practical advantage, because it permits behavior analysts to manipulate the environment directly rather than to burden such changes with speculation. It is noteworthy here that Baron and Galizio (2005) acknowledged this point: “When we are talking about reinforcers we are referring to environmental events rather than cognitive or physiological happenings” (p. 98). They seem to overlook that perspective in their discussion of the positive–negative distinction. Of course, there is some merit to the “two-sides” approach. Both positive and negative types of reinforcement may be operative in a single case. For example, as noted by Baron and Galizio (2005), self-injurious behavior (Iwata et al., 1994) can be maintained by escape from task demands (negative reinforcement) and attention of others (positive reinforcement). I disagree, however, with Baron and Galizio's claim that attention from others may be equivalent to relief from loneliness. “Relief from loneliness” is speculative, in that it depends on an inference about a behavioral or cognitive state. Similarly, it is not simple to equate escape from an aversive task with access to an alternative activity, because the latter is not well identified. Admittedly, examining a case from two perspectives might bring better understanding of a particular case and provide additional options for therapeutic interventions in the field of applied behavior analysis. I recommend, nevertheless, a “single-side” view as a first approach. Without basic training in viewing a case from a fixed standpoint, students are likely to have a hard time learning to take a two-sided view. Thus, I think that we must keep the distinction between positive and negative reinforcement, especially in the introductory course of behavior analysis.
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