Sexual Irregularities Research Articles

Irregular Sexuality; or, The Story of a Girl in Three Parts

This essay merges memoir and scholarship to explore three intersecting narratives: one in which the author is temporarily entrapped in domestic violence, one in which the author finally accepts her queer sexuality, and reflections on Jeremy Bentham’s eighteenth-century interventions in ‘sexual irregularities,’ to use his phrase. The author especially explores dynamics of power, particularly that of perceived submission’s subversion into power in consensual acts, and she asks us to consider why we still render dominance/submission kink as illegitimate or taboo.

Uncommon Sense: Jeremy Bentham, Queer Aesthetics, and the Politics of Taste by Carrie D. Shanafelt

Reviewed by: Uncommon Sense: Jeremy Bentham, Queer Aesthetics, and the Politics of Taste by Carrie D. Shanafelt Stella Sandford Carrie D. Shanafelt, Uncommon Sense: Jeremy Bentham, Queer Aesthetics, and the Politics of Taste (Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia Press, 2022). Pp. 194. $32.50 paper, $95.00 cloth. Carrie Shanafelt's Uncommon Sense is part of a recent resurgence in Bentham studies, driven by the ongoing, decades-long work of the Bentham Project at University College London on a complete critical edition of Bentham's work, including previously unpublished works. The volume Of Sexual Irregularities, and Other Writings on Sexual Morality (edited by Philip Schofield, Catherine Pease-Watkin, and Michael Quinn), published in 2014, is a startling read. It is difficult not to believe that the mid-late twentieth-century reception of Bentham via Foucault would have been very different had Foucault had access to these manuscripts. In contrast to the stern utilitarian picture of Bentham popularized by Dickens's Gradgrind, or the disciplinary panopticist picture of Foucault, this volume reveals Bentham as an astonishing sexual radical, not just in terms of his proposals for legal reforms but in the promotion of the joys of sexual exuberance. (Louis Crompton published some of Bentham's work on sexuality in 1978, in the Journal of Homosexuality, but it seems to have received little attention at the time.) Shanafelt's book is the result of an encounter with Bentham's work on sexuality and an attempt—perhaps the first—to locate it within his larger intellectual project of reform. Shanafelt approaches Bentham—squarely—from the standpoint of the present and the demands for equality characteristic of late twentieth-century and twenty-first century progressive social and political movements. Bentham emerges from Uncommon Sense as a formidable ally for those groups of people (who Shanafelt often identifies as women, sexual and religious minorities, the poor, colonized and enslaved people) that were and often still are deprived of the right to be the "custodians of their own bodily pleasures and political power" (49). As the book's title suggests, Shanafelt locates Bentham critically against the presumption of the eighteenth-century discourse of common sense, or more particularly the imagined universal figure of common sense who, of course, in fact, has the common sense and the tastes of the male, heterosexual ruling class. Shanafelt presents Bentham arguing against any appeal to an imaginary common sense in favor of an analysis of actual human behavior and against the presumption of the universality of one's own tastes, both aesthetic and sexual. Building on the existing literature on Bentham's analysis of the ferocity and cruelty of the prohibition and punishment of same-sex desire, the book charts Bentham's location of the force of that ferocity in "aesthetic" disgust (the energetic disavowals of the prosecutors also invite a psychoanalytic reading) and his consistent and insistent argument against "antipathy" as a defensible basis for morality or law. Any reader of Bentham's well-known works will be familiar with his defense of pleasure as the basis for happiness. But his defense of sexual pleasure—of whatever form, with whomsoever one chooses to find it—as a good in itself when it is not achieved at the expense of another's pain reveals a lesser known and possibly even queer Bentham. The most interesting and potentially game-changing aspect of Shanafelt's book for Bentham studies centers on the fact that Bentham was continually thinking and writing about sexual liberty alongside all of his work on legal reform, moral philosophy, and theology. Shanafelt proposes, on this basis, that sexual liberty was for Bentham "a test case" for all his arguments in these fields, that [End Page 499] he consistently tested "liberal rights" discourses, for example, against a criterion requiring "sexual liberty from legal prescription" (and of course always found those discourses wanting) (59, 85). Given that most of these writings on sexuality were not published in Bentham's lifetime, sexual liberty could only function for Bentham as a private test for the utility of government in providing for the happiness of people, but this is a test which has, arguably, proved its worth in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries...

Penyimpangan Seksual sebagai Alasan Terjadinya Perceraian Menurut Pengadilan Agama Cibinong:

Sexual deviation as a reason for divorce has given a negative and ambiguous stigma to society, especially to the views of judges and Islamic law based on these factors which are the study of sexual deviation as a reason for divorce. Therefore this research is entitled: Sexual Deviance As the Reason for Divorce According to PA Cibinong. The formulation of the problem from this research is to answer (1) What are the factors causing divorce in the Cibinong Religious Court, (2) What is the Judge's view on sexual deviation as a reason for divorce, (3) What is the view of Islamic Law on Sexual Deviance as a reason occurrence of divorce. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative which is carried out to find out what the views of Islamic law on sexual deviance are as well as the impact that occurs due to sexual deviant behavior on marriage. This study uses primary data, namely observations in an object, interviews and secondary data sourced from Case Number: 5318/Pdt.G/2018/PA.Cbn, documents, books, and so on that are related to this research. The results of this research with factors that cause sexual deviance are due to weak faith, unable to contain lust, and the arrival of this aspect in almost every aspect of modern life that grows and develops not on the basis of the concept of religion. sexual intercourse without regard to the satisfaction of the opposite sex and in practice it is often accompanied by violence (hitting, kicking, etc.) which results in injury to the partner. So according to the Cibinong Religious Court Judge when viewed from PP No. 9 of 1975 Article 19 of this Sex Deviance can be categorized as a reason for divorce, in point d of the article it is explained, ie one party commits cruelty or severe abuse that endangers the other party in general about sexual violence in the household, and sexual deviance in particular is a new reason that is used as a reason for divorce before the court. without paying attention to the satisfaction of the opposite sex and not infrequently in practice it is spiked by violence (hitting, kicking, etc.) which results in injury to their partner. So according to the Cibinong Religious Court Judge when viewed from PP No. 9 of 1975 Article 19 of this Sex Deviance can be categorized as a reason for divorce, in point d of the article it is explained, that is, one party commits atrocities or severe abuse that endangers the other party in general about sexual violence in the household, and sexual deviance in particular is a new reason that is used as a reason for divorce before the court. Sexual violence in the household or sexual irregularities in the household that are widely used as reasons for divorce are physical violence, such as beatings, economic violence, in terms of economic neglect. Meanwhile, psychological violence and sexual deviations are rarely revealed in court. Unless these two types of deviation are simultaneously experienced by victims with physical violence.
 Keywords: Court, Judgment, Deviant Factors

Islamic Psychospiritual Counseling in Preventing Deviant Sexual Behavior

<p class="06IsiAbstrak">Guidelines for Islamic Psychospiritual Conseling on Prevention of Deviant Sexual Behavior. Despite existence of religious inscriptions and warnings about the dangers and consequences of sexual irregularities,the practice of deviant sexual behavior such as pedophilia, rape, sexual harassment, and LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) remains rampant. Not to mention, cases of sexual deviations in adolescents have led to unwanted circumstances like premarital pregnancy. This study’s question relates towhat kind of sexuality counseling guidance techniques that a Muslim counselor can develop to prevent the occurrence of sexual deviations specifically. In order to answer this question, there is a need for an in-depth study of Islamic teachings originating from the Qur’an, sunnah, Jurisprudence or fiqh, guidance on Islamic counseling, psychology, and counseling and psychotherapy psychology, supplemented by positive legal regulations and the research journals’ results related to the problem of sexuality deviation. This study was carried out in-depth using content analysis, with a psychospiritual approach to Islamic counseling.This study concludes that the subject of deviant sex is due to lack of knowledge about its dangers, lack of religion, and lack of control skills for lust. Islamicpsychospiritual counseling with bibliotherapy techniques followed by creating cognitive maps confirms anti-sex deviant intentions, ended with cognitive therapy using techniques of cognitive restructuring, though stopping and letting gorelaxation. It is predicted to be effective in helping subjects manage lust so that they avoid deviant sexual behavior. This conclusion is still hypothetical which needs to be followed by experiments to be reliable and this caneventually be used as an Islamic psychospiritual counseling guidance technique to overcome sexual deviation.</p>

Sexing the World: Grammatical Gender and Biological Sex in Ancient Rome by Anthony Corbeill

Reviewed by: Sexing the World: Grammatical Gender and Biological Sex in Ancient Rome by Anthony Corbeill Benjamin H. Dunning Anthony Corbeill Sexing the World: Grammatical Gender and Biological Sex in Ancient Rome Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015 Pp. 216. $45.00. In Sexing the World: Grammatical Gender and Biological Sex in Ancient Rome, classicist Anthony Corbeill delves into an aspect of gender and sexuality in antiquity that has received relatively little discussion, especially in early Christian studies: the role that grammatical gender—masculine, feminine, neuter—played for ancient people in organizing the world according to categories of sexual difference. Against the commonplace that “[t]he grammatical gender of inanimate objects . . . is a convenient linguistic convention, having no correspondence with any sort of imagined sexual characteristics of those objects in the real world” (1), Corbeill deftly demonstrates the degree to which rhetorically astute Latin speakers engaged the sexual connotations carried by grammatical gender, both shaping their speech in ways that exploited it and, in turn, producing speech always already shaped in accordance with its parameters. The larger story that the book recounts is a diachronic one, though told primarily from the perspective of Roman grammarians of the late Republic and the Empire such as Marcus Terentius Varro. Chapter One explores a problem that worried the Roman grammarians: instances of Latin nouns displaying variable or uncertain gender in texts of the received tradition. In most cases, ancient perceptions of the “nature” of a given noun (i.e., its natural sex) combined with indications from morphology and usage were enough to settle the matter. But in cases where ambiguity stubbornly persisted, the grammarians recurred to a fourth and more elusive category—auctoritas. Here, Corbeill argues, ancient Latin scholars imagined a time of primeval origins in which the gender of nouns was fluid and only came to be fixed via the wise authority of the ancestors (maiores). More contemporarily, that authority persisted in the work of the poets; thus [End Page 160] “certain poets, in particular Vergil . . . can use an uncommon gender of a noun without being accused of either ignorance or error” (38). Chapter Two explores this peculiar license of the poets in more detail, surveying a range of explanations, both ancient and modern, for the practice. Corbeill’s own proposal reinforces the previous chapter’s argument, suggesting that the poets themselves were “hoping to recall this era when genders of nouns had an inherent instability” (63)—and thereby to demonstrate a certain mastery in continuity with the more ancient ancestral authority. Chapter Three tests this hypothesis against a series of case studies. These are poetic passages (drawn from Plautus, Virgil, Catullus, and others) in which nouns are gendered in seemingly fluid or anomalous ways, evidence of “poetic exploitation” (101), so Corbeill argues, to specific semantic and other literary ends. By contrast, the remainder of the book posits a decided movement away from this earlier fluidity, charting instead a subsequent “calcification of gender boundaries” and with it “the development of a literally heterosexual worldview” (71). Chapter Four proposes an analogy to these changing attitudes towards grammatical gender—but one that “evolved in tandem” (133)—whereby archaic Roman deities of fluid or androgynous sexual status gave way (perhaps historically, but at least in the imagination of later ancient scholars) to strictly dichotomous sexed divinities. Chapter Five traces a similar narrative with respect to the figure of the hermaphrodite, this time one in which the fate of human sexual irregularity is to lose the prodigious status that it carried in the republic, becoming in the empire simply a legal problem to be managed and situated, one way or another, with respect to the increasingly rigid binary of male and female. Scholars of gender and sexuality in early Christianity will benefit from the uniquely positioned set of questions that Corbeill poses with respect to grammatical gender and its relationship to sexual difference across a range of registers (biological, social, literary, political), none of which, he compellingly shows, can be neatly separated. At the same time, things may not have been quite as straightforward throughout every corner of the ancient world as the book’s diachronic presentation could lead one to believe. Indeed, the very complexity of...

Uncertain Women: Sexual Irregularity and the Greater Righteousness in Matthew 1

The identification of the concept of the “greater righteousness” as a central theme of Matthew's gospel provides a clue about the significance of the surprising inclusion of five women in the genealogy that opens the gospel. Matthew portrays Jesus' teaching about the greater righteousness as being concerned not with what the world sees and perceives, but with what God sees and wants. Accordingly, it is possible that a person may be tainted in the eyes of the world and yet demonstrate the greater righteousness. It is argued that in Matthew 1 Joseph's actions model and announce the theme of the greater righteousness for the remainder of the gospel. Further, it is argued that close consideration of the stories of the four Old Testament women mentioned in the genealogy in Matthew 1 reveals that each of the four women typifies the Matthean greater righteousness and that Mary, by analogy, is also portrayed in this way. These characters chosen to model the greater righteousness stand in antithesis to the characters chosen to model the “lesser” or “old” righteousness, the scribes and Pharisees.

SHAKESPEARE ON MONASTIC LIFE: NUNS AND FRIARS IN MEASURE FOR MEASURE

AbstractAgainst recent claims that Shakespeare satirizes and demystifies religious life in Measure for Measure, this article maintains that Shakespeare is generally sympathetic to Franciscan nuns and friars, particularly so in this play. Indeed, Shakespeare works against the anti-fraternal tradition by reversing its conventions. Nuns and friars are represented as virtue figures, not vice figures. The secular characters are guilty of sexual irregularities, whereas the religious are chaste and work to regularize the marriages of the lay figures. The usual exposure of the sexual corruption and hypocrisy of the friar backfires on Lucio, the chief vice figure in the play. The virginal and temperate Isabella, a secular figure in Shakespeare's sources, is portrayed as a prospective novice of the Poor Clares over against the puritanical Angelo, whose hypocritical asceticism turns into lust. Angelo conducts a public shaming English Protestant style, whereas the Duke in Catholic fashion conducts a sympathetic auricular confession. Finally Isabella does not sacrifice her virginity or accept the Duke's offer of marriage, two things her counterparts in the sources invariably do. Shakespeare's reversal of anti-Catholic conventions requires us to reposition him as a Catholic rather than a conforming member of the Church of England.

Some Cases from the Defamation Jurisdiction of the Archdeaconry of Richmond

Unusually, the archdeaconry of Richmond had two consistory courts, one in Chester and one in Richmond. This may well be the first study to be based upon the Richmond records. The mid-sixteenth century ‘explosion’ in the ecclesiastical defamation workload which other commentators have identified was being felt later, possibly by as much as a century, in Richmond than anywhere else in the country. The Richmond records provide the first firm evidence that the ecclesiastical courts were prepared to countenance defamation actions based upon the wrongful imputation of murder. Allegations of sexual irregularity were by far the most common subject of ecclesiastical defamation actions. Women were most likely to complain about allegations concerning their constancy; men for those touching upon their probity.

"Lesbian Love" from The Mysteries of New Orleans

IBron Ludwig von Reizenstein (1826-1885), the elder son of an administrator of the Bavarian state customs service and scion of an ancient Franconian noble house, was shipped overseas in 1849 by his fatherfor personal instability and possible sexual deviance. Reizenstein family had been dysfunctionalfor years, and Ludwig's mother had been institutionalized for unspecified sexual irregularities. After a period of wandering in America, Baron Ludwig von Reizenstein settled in New Orleans in 1851, earning his living as a property-surveyor and painter of real estate sales posters. After two efforts to launch a satirical journal, he published a novel entitled Die Geheimnisse von New-Orleans (The Mysteries of New Orleans), which applied the techniques of a German gothic horror story to the racial and social tensions of the American South. Although the novel, completed at the end of 1853, was completely published as a serial novel in the Louisiana Staats-Zeitung in 1854 and 1855, it was withdrawn as a book due to protests over its political and sexual content, and because it portrayed living persons in an unflattering light. central story of the novel concerns the birth of a black messiah who is destined to punish the whitesfor their crimes, but it also includes something to offend just about anyone in a southern community-if onlyfor its cruel comedy and its celebration of sexual irregularity. Although Reizenstein would go on to publish a series of columns of social satire in 1860 and 1861 on The Devil

Maria Edgeworth and the Construction of Gentlemanly Reading: Forester, Robinson Crusoe, and Benjamin Franklin

MARIA EDGEWORTH AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF GENTLEMANLY READING: FORESTER, ROBINSON CRUSOE, AND BENJAMIN FRANKLIN HEATHER MACFADYEN University o f Ottawa I THE woman reader plays a paradoxically central and marginal role in the history of the novel. Her centrality is evident in the frequency with which literary historians cite the increasing numbers of women readers as a causal factor in the emergence of the novel and its movement into cultural and literary prominence. In The Rise of the Novel (1957), Ian Watt suggests that middle-class women’s leisure led to a demand for suitable or rather “lighter reading” material and that this demand spurred the production of novels (171). Watt’s woman reader may be crucial to the development of the novel, but she is also held responsible for its inadequacies: “the domi­ nance of women readers” leads to the “characteristic kind of weakness and unreality to which the form is liable— its tendency to restrict the field on which its psychological and intellectual discriminations operate to a small and arbitrary selection of human situations” (340). In a rhetorical turn found in many histories of the novel, Watt transforms the woman reader into the female reader.1 The reading woman’s desires no longer encourage the emergence of the genre, but pollute it. In conflating the woman reader with her ideologically laden representation, the female reader, Watt draws upon a cultural trope that dominated the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-centuries’ understanding of the genre.2The trope of female reading appears in many discourses, and the female reader is censured in novels, plays, poems, reviews, sermons, essays, caricatures, memoirs, and conduct manuals. The trope assumes that women’s read­ ing is an act of the body, not the mind, and that the novel is an agent of sexual corruption. Thus women’s responses to literature are frequently rep­ resented as forms of gluttony, intoxication, or sexual arousal.3 Confronted with the troubling associations of women, sexual irregularity, and novel­ reading, Maria Edgeworth constructed an alternate and opposing trope in which properly conducted reading becomes a sign of domestic sociability and stability.4 While this motif can be found in many of Edgeworth’s novels, one 395 of the most striking instances can be seen in Belinda (1801). Belinda, Lady Delacour, and Virginia St. Pierre are all characterized by reference to their reading habits. While Belinda is an exemplary domestic reader, Virginia is a female reader, and her unsupervised novel-reading disturbs her sexual imag­ ination and complicates her relationship to men. Similarly, Lady Delacour’s imagination and her marriage are disturbed by her responses to a variety of texts. Both women are re-integrated into their domestic circles once their reading habits are disciplined.8 Edgeworth, however, did not limit herself to a consideration of the problem the reading woman posed to an orderly society. Instead, she expanded her consideration of the cultural significance of reading by introducing and addressing the problem posed when men’s reading becomes socially disruptive. Edgeworth argues that the reading man is as prone to illegitimate modes of reading as the much more frequently condemned reading woman. Through­ out her work, she suggests that proper and desirable masculinity (like proper fem ininity ) is instilled by and manifested in certain kinds of reading. The importance of reading in the construction of a properly desirable and socially useful man is especially evident in “Forester,” a novella written for adoles­ cents and published in Moral Tales in 1801.® “Forester” is a minor text in Edgeworth’s canon, but in its depiction of its hero’s coming of age, the tale provides a clear and relatively uncomplicated demonstration of the role that reading plays in Edgeworth’s construction of masculinity.7 The action of “Forester” begins with the arrival of its eponymous hero at the home of his guardian, Dr. Campbell. Following the death of his father, Forester travels north to Edinburgh by carrier, refusing upon political principle to travel by the coach appropriate to his station. Arriving late, he forces his way into the house and bursts upon the assembled company “with dirty shoes, a threadbare coat, and hair that looked as if it never had been...

Seventeenth-Century Attitudes toward Deviant Sex

abstain from the sin of homosexuality. To a non-Christian the distinction between the two commands would be different. The first he would understand as a command to abstain from a crime equally forbidden to Christians and non-Christians, the second as a scriptural sanction upon a form of deviant sex of which he might or might not disapprove for a variety of non-religious reasons. In other words, he might not consider it a sin. A seventeenth-century man would have found both of these attitudes unacceptable, and the non-Christian attitude incomprehensible. He would have read, in a spirit of acceptance, the biblical condemnations of all forms of sexual irregularity and deviation. The book of Genesis, chapters I8-I9, provided the most striking example in the cautionary tale of Sodom and Gomorrah, with its awesome culmination of divine punishment. More specifically, Leviticus in chapters I8 and 20 contained detailed condemnations of irregular and deviant sex, with appropriate punishments for each crime. Every variety of incest was separately detailed with its recommended punishment. As for the then prevalent forms of deviant sex, bestiality was condemned as (i.e., confusion of the natural order), and homosexuality as abomination-If a man also lie with mankind, as he lieth with a woman, both of them have committed an abomination; they shall surely be put to death.' St. Paul, in his Epistle to the Romans, assumed the Hebraic attitude of condemnation, and castigated the vile affections of the pagan world, lesbianism and male homosexuality. . .. Even their women did change the natural use into that which is against nature: And likewise also the men, leaving the natural use of the woman, burned in their lust one toward another, men with men working that which is unseemly...

The Treason of Sir Roger Casement

1 George H. Knott, ed., The Trial of Sir Roger (London, 1917), p. 15. 2 Lord Birkenhead, Famous Trials of History (London, 1926), p. 263. 3 Alexander M. Sullivan, The Last Serjeant (London, 1952), p. 271. Sergeant Sullivan, who came over from Dublin to defend Casement, declares in his recently published memoirs that the Attorney General-for what motive is stated-did everything he could to get him to read the diary during the trial, and was furious when he refused to do so. Mr. Sullivan states simply that the trial was already a great strain on him (indeed he collapsed in court during his speech for the defense), without having to read horrible document. Is it possible that Sir F. E. Smith's motive was to demoralize the defense? Mr. Sullivan leaves the reader with the impression that he considers the diary genuine, though he never actually says so. But his obiter dicta, e.g., that Casement had that touch of megalomania which is associated with mental aberration of a more unpleasant kind; or, that he was not completely normal and one of the abnormalities of his type is addiction to unpleasant practices, do inspire confidence in his psychological acumen. Sullivan, pp. 271, 267. Amusingly cnough, the gossip in the London clubs had it that Sir F. E. Smith, fearing lest losc the sergeant's professional services, would even let Mr. Sullivan know of the existence of the diary. This was exactly the opposite of the truth. E. S. P. Haynes, A Lawyer's Notebook (London, I932), p. 32. The British government has to this day steadfastly refused to clear up the mystery of the diary, refusing even to confirm or to deny the alleged fact of its existence. In this attitude Ramsay MacDonald and Stanley Baldwin were agreed. In view of these circumstances, the explanation advanced by Parmiter in 1936 still seems the most plausible one. He suggested that the diary was one of the Putumayo documents which submitted to the Foreign Office. The original being in Spanish, translated and copied it out in his own handwriting; he mentioned to several friends at that time that part of the evidence he was submitting was such a diary. When, after his death, the Foreign Office returned Casement's papers to a relative, the diary was among them. See Geoffrey de C. Parmiter, Roger (London, 1936), pp. 315-i6; William J. Maloney, The Forged Diaries (Dublin, 1936), passim; Denis Gwynn, Traitor or Patriot (New York 1931), p. 19!; Henry W. Nevinson, Last Changes, Last Chances (London, 1928), p. iI5. T. E. Lawrence was also refused information on the subject. Letters of T. E. Lawrence, ed. David Garnett (New York, I939), p. 863. Such a prohibition, besides making it impossible to ascertain the truth, facilitates such foolish comment as in Blanche Patch, Thirty Years with G. B. S. (London, 1951), pp. 100-103. Miss Patch is willing and eager to accept the allegation of Casement's perversion, in order to emphasize thereby Shaw's broadmindedness in matters of sexual irregularity. Even worse than this, the well-known London solicitor, Mr. E. S. P. Haynes, explains Casement's self-possession during his trial as due to an alleged insensitivity to death, which is in turn regarded as the result of syphilis. Haynes, p. 32. Cf. Alice Roosevelt Longworth, Crowded Hours (New York, 1933), p. 266; The Times, Aug. 4, 19I6; Nevinson, pp. II5-I6.

The Neurodynamics of Behavior

As individuals and as communities we have suddenly awakened to find ourselves enveloped in a welter of unprecedented changes—social, political, economic and scientific. If our minds are to keep pace with the restless current on which we are being carried along, if our senses are to become alert to the teeming dislocations that mark the present, it will be necessary to raise our sights to the farther reaches of a rapidly oncoming future. In this hurrying hour the outstanding domains of man's thought are found wanting. Accepted tenets in many fields of his activity are giving way to rapidly broadening concepts. In this moment of new assessments it is safe to predict that the field of psychopathology must also gird itself for very radical alterations. It is safe to predict that present-day preoccupations with interpersonal affects, domestic transferences, sexual irregularities, marital conflicts, psychotic episodes, and the vast array of neurotic symptoms that comprise our psychiatric systems will in the scientific reckoning of the future appear to us quite obsolete and inept. They will appear to us as humdrum and archaic, I feel sure, as old wives' tales when contrasted with the basic and encompassing constructs of an organismic phylobiology.

Acne Vulgaris from the Radiologic Standpoint

ETIOLOGICALLY considered, the discovery of the Bacillus acne, the organism of acne vulgaris, by Gilchrist, in 1902, made it seem logical that to prepare a vaccine which would completely resolve the treatment into a matter of routine would be a comparatively easy matter. Since that time all kinds of mixtures have been tried with but mediocre success. We have been taught that acne is caused by impurities in the blood, foci of infection, sexual irregularities, diet, menstrual disorders, thyroid disturbances, constipation, chlorosis, digestive disturbances, etc., all of which are well known alibies or, to say the least, doubtful contributors. There is some reason to believe that many of the above conditions have their influence on the disease, but as to the exact etiology no one seems to be able definitely to isolate the specific factor. It is our opinion that acne vulgaris is purely a localized disorder and probably can be explained on the basis of inability of the pores to throw out an unwelcome invader. Cu...

Flushing and Morbid Blushing; Their Pathology and Treatment.

Under this remarkable title the author has gathered a large number of observations on what may practically be described as a minor symptom of instability in the nervous centres. As is now the fashion, these manifestations of vaso-motor irregularity are explained by discharges in cortical brain areas whose existence are as yet hypothetical. A flush is described as "a nerve-storm in which a rush of blood to the skin and a sense of heat are generally the most obtrusive manifestations." The distinction between flushing and blushing is indefinite with the exception that flushing is usually connected with some sexual irregularity and blushing is excited by some emotion. In justification of the term morbid or pathological blushing a number of cases are cited (p. 135), some of which follow: Æt. 27 (man). Was a soldier, but compelled by excessive blushing to give up his profession. Æt. 28 (man). Has recently