Severe Injustice Research Articles

Examining the Past Injustices Suffered by Those in Corrections and the General Public: A New Therapeutic Approach May Be Necessary

ABSTRACTOne under‐researched area within corrections is the connection among (a) past adverse events, particularly in the form of injustices against those who now are incarcerated, (b) crimes committed and then (c) healing from the effects of that past adversity of injustice. Might those who have experienced severe injustices against them develop an anger or a hatred that then is displaced onto others, leading to arrest, conviction and imprisonment? This is not to imply that societies condone illegal behaviour but instead to assist in the healing from the adversity so that future crime is reduced. As a first step in this sequence, the study here examined in detail the kinds of injustices suffered by men in a maximum‐security correctional institution (N = 103) compared with men in a medium‐security environment (N = 37) and in the general public (N = 96). Findings indicated differences between those in the general public and those in the two correctional contexts. The latter two groups had (a) a higher severity of injustices against them (rated by a panel of researchers), (b) a more negative current impact that past injustices are having on them (also rated by a panel of researchers), (c) more reports that the injustices contributed to their choices to harm others, (d) more serious types of hurt (such as sexual abuse), (e) a stronger degree of self‐reported hurt and (f) more injustices from family members. Implications for correctional rehabilitation to reduce the negative psychological effects caused by the injustices of others are discussed.

Must the Subaltern Speak Publicly? Public Reason Liberalism and the Ethics of Fighting Severe Injustice

Must the Subaltern Speak Publicly? Public Reason Liberalism and the Ethics of Fighting Severe Injustice

Compensation for Historic Injustice: Does it Matter how the Victims Respond?

AbstractWhen states are required to compensate victim groups for the historic wrongs they have committed, how should the compensation due be calculated? It seems that alongside the counterfactual world in which the wrongdoing never occurred, we should also consider the counterfactual world in which the wrongdoing has occurred, but the victims have responded to it in a prudent way. Under tort law, the damages a victim can claim are reduced if they are judged to have been contributorily negligent, thereby exacerbating the harm they have suffered. The paper considers four reasons why victim groups could not be expected to respond collectively to injustice in a way that outsiders might judge to be prudent. 1. The wrongdoing has destroyed their capacity to act as a group agent. 2. The wrongdoing has inflicted psychological traumas that lead them to make poor decisions. 3. They would need to violate a moral norm that is deeply embedded in their culture. 4. They would need to adopt policies that risk inflicting severe injustice on an internal minority. In many instances of historic injustice, one or more of these reasons apply. So although in principle victims’ behaviour is relevant when compensation is being calculated, we must be very cautious in using that doctrine to assess real cases.

Tauhid Education in Surah Luqman Ayat 12-19 (Review of The Book of Tafsir Al Munir by Wahbah Az Zuhaili)

This article discusses monotheistic education in Surah Luqman verses 12-19 explains teaching in children. This research was conducted by studying Surah Luqman. This type of research is included in library research (library research), researching library materials/literature related to research problems. The subject of this research is the Qur'an. At the same time, the object is the method of monotheistic education according to the Qur'an surah Luqman verses 12-19 in the perspective of tafsir Al-Munir by Wahbah Az-Zuhaili. Based on the research results in Surah Luqman verses 12-19 is an important role in building the growth of the fruit of the heart (child) by becoming an individual with great morals. Luqman made a solid educational foundation as the foundation of the existence of a Muslim in the form of monotheistic beliefs. Luqman warned his son not to use shirk to tarnish the monotheistic faith. Luqman even stated that shirk is a severe injustice. Luqman also instilled the respect given to his parents, who had cared for, taught, and even lovingly directed him. The need to treat both parents well is shown by setting the procedure to treat both parents well following the teachings of monotheism. Luqman instilled the piety of mahdhah in his social life, such as prayer and Amar ma'ruf nahi munkar, and adorned himself with noble morals and avoided low morals. Luqman's teachings are implemented with awareness of the power of Allah SWT and with love and affection, avoiding violence and coercion.

A school rampage threatens beliefs in justice: A longitudinal study of the belief in a just world among Chinese adolescents.

The current study examined whether and how severe injustice such as a school attack threatens the belief in a just world (BJW). We collected longitudinal data on the BJW from adolescents in China who witnessed random school attacks on the news (N=227). Change analyses provided evidence that the BJW increased after witnessing severe injustice. Furthermore, we tested for moderating effects of buffer variables, such as life satisfaction and perceived social support, on change in the BJW. Findings showed that these variables buffered the threat to the BJW after observing unfairness. We discuss these results in the context of justice motive theory and suggest implications for future research and practical implications.

Embitterment as a Specific Mental Health Reaction during the Coronavirus Pandemic

Introduction: Embitterment can occur as a reaction to perceived injustice. During the pandemic and restrictions in daily living due to infection risk management, a range of many smaller or severe injustices have occurred. Objective: The aim of this study is to investigate what characterizes persons with high embitterment, mental illness, embitterment and mental illness, and those without embitterment or mental health problems. Methods: We conducted an online survey including persons from the general population in November 2020 and December 2020, the phase during which a second lockdown took place, with closed shops, restaurants, cultural and activity sites. 3,208 participants (mean age 47 years) gave self-ratings on their present well-being, burdens experienced during the pandemic, embitterment, wisdom, and resilience. Results: Embitterment occurred among 16% of the sample, which is a high rate in comparison with 4% during pre-pandemic times. Embitterment was weakly correlated with unspecific mental well-being. There were more persons with embitterment than those with embitterment and a mental health problem. Persons with embitterment reported less coronavirus-related anxiety than persons without embitterment. However, embittered persons reported more social and economic burdens and more frequent experiences of losses (job loss and canceling of medical treatments). Embittered persons perceive their own wisdom competencies on a similar level as persons with mental health problems or persons without mental health problems. Conclusion: Embitterment is a specific potentially alone-standing affective state, which is distinguishable from general mental health and coping capacities (here: wisdom). The economic and social consequences of pandemic management should be carefully recognized and prevented by policy.

CHURCH UNDER LEVIATHAN

AbstractPolitical philosophers have long disagreed on the issue of whether churches should exercise restraint in the appeal to religious reasons in public discussion and political mobilization. Exclusivists defend the restraint, whereas inclusivists reject it. Both sides, however, assume the existence of a democratic government. In this essay, I discuss whether churches should exercise restraint in a non‐democratic, authoritarian society. I defend inclusivism and believe that churches should not restrain themselves, especially when doing so can promote democracy and prevent severe injustices. First, I argue that two exclusivist arguments which justify the restraint cannot be applied in an authoritarian society. Second, I defend inclusivism because religious reasons are effective in cultivating active citizens that strengthen the democratic movement. Finally, I use the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong as an example to show how inclusivism can enhance democratic movements under authoritarianism.

Minimalism, Determinacy, and Human Rights

According to a widely-shared view, human rights encompass a very limited range of ethical concerns: not all human interests, only urgent interests;1 not our preferences, only our needs;2 not all wrongs, only severe injustices;3 not a good life in the fullest sense, but only a minimally decent or autonomous life.4 In short, human rights are not about realizing the best, they are about shielding us from the worst. I will call this general theoretical stance Minimalism.

O paradoxo do direito em Eça de Queiroz: considerações a partir de “O crime do padre Amaro” e “O primo Basílio”

This paper searches for one possible way of understanding the Law based on the novels "O crime do padre Amaro" and "O primo Basílio", by Portuguese writer Eça de Queiroz. In both novels, the deaths of the female characters (Amélia and Luísa) are consequences of their lovers’ conducts (Amaro’s and Basílio’s), with no legal punishments for any of them. After reading these novels, there might be a feeling of injustice to the women, even if the male characters had not formally done any criminal actions. Precisely, this lack of action of the Law creates a paradox: even though the search for Justice is its main objective, by attempting to accomplish that purpose, sometimes severe injustice is brought by it, such as what happens to Amélia and Luísa. This research used the inductive scientific method, so the analysis of specific phenomena serves to generate generic conclusions. In this case, the main conclusion is the paradoxical trait of the Law, which is the main instrument for Justice, but is, at the same time, strongly capable of generating injustice because of its correct application.

Political Reconciliation in Light of Global Injustices

Abstract This article applies the idea of political reconciliation (and with it the rationale of restorative justice) to current debates on global injustices. My underlying thesis is that the idea of reconciliation fits better to the nonideal circumstances of global exploitation and domination. Originally, political reconciliation defines a transitional process from a state of severe injustice to a state of renewed social peace and cooperation under conditions of serious disagreement and in the absence of a well-ordered social structure. What the theory of political reconciliation has to add to nonideal theorizing is that political stability and unity (both domestically and globally) are to be based on a societal healing process that depends on institutional measures of trust-building, truth telling and forgiveness.

Political Blackness in Multiracial Britain

Political Blackness in Multiracial Britain

Sexual violence against girls and young women with disabilities in Ethiopia. Including a capability perspective

ABSTRACTThe study examined the attributes of sexual violence against girls and young women with disabilities in the northern part of Ethiopia. In order to reach the proposed objective, six in-depth interviews were conducted with young women with disabilities who were survivors of sexual violence experienced during their adolescence and their caregivers. The study focused on vulnerability factors, situations of perpetrators, effects of sexual abuse and coping strategies. The results revealed that women with disabilities became victims of sexual violence because they are perceived as defenceless and live under poor protection. Disability and poverty are additional risk factors leading to gender-based violence. It was also found that the topic of sexual violence was a taboo in the respective neighbourhoods. Furthermore, the sexual violence was repeated and more severe for some, and it caused never-ending psychological, educational, social, economic, and health problems for all of the participating interviewees. The capability approach was used to reflect on the individual situations of the interviewees. The aim was to analyse contributing factors and consequences of this severe injustice against girls and women with disabilities, as well as to reflect on possible measures to restore capabilities and enable functionings by addressing important conversion factors.

Radicalizing realist legitimacy

Several critics of realist theories of political legitimacy have alleged that it possesses a problematic bias towards the status quo. This bias is thought to be reflected in the way in which these theories are more willing to accommodate potentially severe injustices which may exist in real societies. In this article, I focus on the most widely discussed realist theory of legitimacy, namely that of Bernard Williams. I argue that it is not only free of such status quo bias; it also has considerably more radical, anti-status quo potential than what is commonly thought and, indeed, what Williams himself may have thought.

Caribbean futures in the offshore Anthropocene: Debt, disaster, and duration

The devastating impacts of Hurricanes Irma and Maria across the Caribbean (especially in Barbuda, Dominica, Puerto Rico, St Martin/St Maarten, and parts of the British and US Virgin Islands) are haunting harbingers of a world of climate disaster, halting recovery, and impossible futures. Being at the leading edge of the global capitalist exploitation of people and other living and non-living beings in a world-spanning system of vast inequity and severe injustice, Caribbean thinkers, writers, poets, philosophers, activists, and artists have long lived with, dwelt upon, and offered answers to the problem of being human after Man, as Sylvia Wynter puts it. This reflection on island futuring and defuturing offers a critical analysis of Caribbean “disaster recovery” and “climate adaptation” based on an understanding of the disjuncture between three uneven spatio-temporal realities: (1) the decelerating “islanding effects” of debt, foreign aid, and austerity; (2) the accelerating mobilities of the “offshore” and extended operational landscapes of “planetary urbanization”; and (3) the durational im/mobilities of Amerindian survival, Maroon escape, and Black/Indigenous cultural endurance of alternative ontologies.

An incrementalist approach to political philosophy. The case of heterogeneous rationality assumptions in theories of distributive justice

The main goal of the thesis is to provide a framework for the pursuit of normative inquiries in the field of political philosophy, which bridges ideal and non-ideal theory by accommodating both types of approaches and by providing a blueprint for the transition between ideal and non-ideal theory. This blueprint is subsequently used to examine the various ways in which principles of distributive justice are dependent upon certain idealised assumptions and the ways in which such principles would be affected by the transition from ideal to non-ideal theory. A secondary goal of the thesis is to explore to what extent we can draw on various developments from social sciences (and particularly for this thesis, from neoclassical and behavioural economics) to engage in meaningful analyses of theories belonging to the field of political philosophy (and particularly for this thesis, theories of distributive justice). Aside from the provision of a theoretical background concerning the topic of distributive justice (chapter 2), the thesis consists of two main parts.In the first part (chapter 3), I propose and defend a novel methodological approach for pursuing normative inquiries, which aims to bridge ideal and non-ideal theory and provide a framework for the systematization of knowledge in political philosophy. The core ideas of the approach are that: (1) political philosophy should be concerned with both short term goals, such as addressing severe injustices in the present world and long term goals, such as moving towards gradually more just states of the world in the long-run and (2) an appropriate way to satisfy these aims in a systematic manner is to build a landscape of normative models through incremental derivation (i.e., making the assumptions of a model more or less fact-sensitive one at a time) and selecting to pursue the best path that we might take from mitigating problems of severe injustice in the current state of the world to the achievement of perfect justice. The subsequent chapters, which together compose the second part of the thesis, are then designed to expose various ways in which normative principles are dependent on certain assumptions, thereby illustrating the problems which may arise in the transition from ideal to non-ideal theory. All cases studied refer to the connection between principles of distributive justice and assumptions concerning rationality.In chapter 4 I challenge the Rawlsian assertion that each party will have a first-ranked preference for an identical set of principles of justice behind the veil of ignorance, claiming that the original position allows parties to choose on the basis of a plurality of conceptions of rationality and allows choices based on the assignment of different weights to social positions, which in turn may lead to a reasonable disagreement concerning the conception of justice selected. I then argue that this reasonable disagreement does not entail an abandonment of the contractualist project, but its reconstruction in the form of a two-stage process, where parties first construct an individual preference hierarchy for alternative conceptions of justice and then work towards the reconciliation of the divergent conceptions that are chosen in the first stage. Finally, I claim that the threshold prioritarian view is the most plausible candidate for selection in this reconciliatory stage, since it manages to address both the legitimate complaints of parties that would prefer a conception of justice focused on the most disadvantaged positions in society as well as the legitimate complaints of parties that would prefer a conception of justice in which less or no special weight is assigned to the worst-off positions. This result illustrates the more general claim that, in some cases, incrementally modifying the inputs of a normative model may lead to a change in the principles generated by that model.In chapter 5 I seek to assess the responses provided by several theories of sufficientarian justice in cases where heterogeneous assumptions concerning individual rationality are introduced. …

WHEN MAY WE KILL GOVERNMENT AGENTS? IN DEFENSE OF MORAL PARITY

Abstract:This essay argues for what may be called the parity thesis: Whenever it would be morally permissible to kill a civilian in self-defense or in defense of others against that civilian's unjust acts, it would also be permissible to kill government officials, including police officers, prison officers, generals, lawmakers, and even chief executives. I argue that in realistic circumstances, violent resistance to state injustice is permissible, even and perhaps especially in reasonably just democratic regimes. When civilians see officials about to commit certain severe injustices — such as police officers engaging in excessive violence — they may sometimes act unilaterally and kill the offending officials. I consider and rebut a wide range of objections, including objections against vigilantism, objections based on state legitimacy, and objections that violence can produce bad fallout.

The association between adolescents' beliefs in a just world and their attitudes to victims of bullying

Research which has investigated children's attitudes to bullying has found that the majority of children display anti-bullying attitudes. However, a small minority of children do appear to admire the bully and lack sympathy for victims of bullying. The just world belief theory has received a great deal of attention in recent years with evidence emerging in support of a two-dimensional model distinguishing between beliefs in a just world (BJW) for self and BJW for others. BJW-self (and not BJW-others) has been found to uniquely predict psychological well-being, whereas BJW-others (and not BJW-self) uniquely predicts harsh social attitudes and derogation of victims. The aim of the present study was to measure BJW-self and others in a sample of UK secondary schoolchildren and to see whether BJW-others can account for adolescents' negative attitudes towards victims of bullying. In total, 346 pupils aged 11-16 years of age (270 males, 76 females) from two schools took part in the study. The participants completed measures of BJW-self and others, attitudes to victims of bullying, empathy, and self-esteem on a whole class basis. It was found that BJW-others uniquely predicted adolescents' attitudes to victims but in the opposite direction to that which was predicted - high BJW were associated with stronger anti-bullying attitudes. As predicted, BJW-self (but not BJW-others) was positively and uniquely correlated with self-esteem. The findings are discussed in the context of research which has found that the direction of the relationship between BJW-others and derogation of victims appears to depend on the nature of the injustice, with people with strong BJW less tolerant of severe injustices.

Hope as a Political Virtue

In this paper I argue that hope is best understood as a compound psychological state. When we take hope according to the details of this account, we are in a good position to understand why it is a political virtue of persons. I also argue that securing the institutional bases of hope is a virtue of state institutions, particularly in states in transition from severe injustice. And, finally, when the bases are secure, a person who fails to hope for the political future is in that regard prima facie blameworthy.

Book Review: Kristin Shrader-Frechette.ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE: CREATING EQUALITY, RECLAIMING DEMOCRACY. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2002.

Reviewed by: Environmental Justice: Creating Equality, Reclaiming Democracy Avner De-Shalit (bio) Environmental Justice: Creating Equality, Reclaiming Democracy, by Kristin Shrader-Frechette. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. 2002. Pp. 269 including index. ISBN: 0-19-515203-4. At the very last page of her book Kristin Shrader-Frechette writes: "We fail to recognize that unless we are the agents of democracy and social reform, there will be neither democracy nor social reform." This is such a short sentence, and yet it is so important. Shrader-Frechette writes this book in order for us the readers to be moved both philosophically and politically speaking. It is a Socratic way of shocking the student, and causing her to reflect upon the way she has conceived things, the way she has interpreted the world. This is not an easy book to read—it is more like watching a violent film: it tells us about greediness, cruelty, misery, cynicism, and the like. But just like watching a good film, after reading the book one cannot remain indifferent. This book, then, is not a typical neutral piece of philosophy or social science. Shrader-Frechette has an agenda on her mind, and she claims that not only is it wrong not to do something to stop environmental injustice, but in fact people have a duty to be active, politically speaking (see especially [End Page 140] pp. 195-7). Indeed, it is about time environmental philosophers realize that they have a social obligation not to remain unconcerned. Their first weapon is their philosophical tools, which they should employ to reveal and criticize what is going on. In this case, for example, Shrader-Frechette not only describes many cases of environmental injustice, but she also eloquently analyzes the arguments that are used by those opposing policies that are meant to rectify environmental disadvantages. Her position is unequivocal: environmental injustice is wrong because it is immoral, and because it discriminates against people, often the more vulnerable. Environmental injustice is defended by arguments which are philosophically flawed and morally repugnant. However, there are growing cases of environmental injustice because there are strong interests behind them, and because the more powerful can exploit the vulnerability of those marginalized by society. The reader can hear the echo of the French novelist Emile Zola's famous article, apropos of the Dreyfus affair: "J'accuse." What is 'environmental justice'? Often goods (e.g., cheaper electricity or faster cars) are manufactured with an environmental cost (pollution). Obviously, one relevant question is whether we need these goods. Let us assume that society decides we do. Sometimes this production ends up in severe injustice. Sometimes only the rich enjoy the benefits (e.g., faster cars) while the entire population pays the cost (more air pollution, more noise). Sometimes it is the case that society in general enjoys the benefits (e.g., cheaper electricity). Nevertheless, only a small group bears the cost. Why is the cost so unevenly distributed? First, pollution and hazardous waste must be treated by professionals so it is transferred to, and concentrated in several locations to be treated. This exposes the populations that live there to very high levels of pollution. These people, then, face risks to their health and well-being, which other people do not have to face. Furthermore, when this happens house prices in the area usually fall, and these people are trapped there: so sharp is the fall in house pricing in their area that they cannot move to another, cleaner, or safer place, because whatever price they will get for their houses won't allow them to buy a decent house in cleaner areas. Once the process has started, even more pollution is attracted to this place. This is partly due to market forces: buying burial space for hazardous waste becomes very cheap in these locations, and therefore more and more firms use these locations for the burial [End Page 141] of hazardous waste. However, there is a second reason for this: it seems that the authorities and committees that decide where to send the waste to, are formed by middle class people who are less likely to live in those locations. It is an empirical fact...

The Social Construction of Injustice: Fairness Judgments in Response to Own and Others' Unfair Treatment by Authorities

The research literature in organizational justice has examined in some detail the dynamics and consequences of justice judgments based on direct experiences with fair and unfair authorities, but little is known about how people form justice judgments on the basis of reports of injustice by others or how group discussion changes justice judgments. The present study examined the consequences of distributed injustice, in which all members of a group experience some denial of voice, and concentrated injustice, in which one member experiences repeated denial of voice and others do not. It was predicted and found that mild personal experiences of injustice are a more potent source of group impressions of injustice than are reports of more severe injustice experienced by others. In both conditions, group ratings of unfairness were more extreme than were the mean of individual ratings either before or after discussion.