Secular History Research Articles

Informal Survey of Courses on Women in Religion

In the early 1970's courses in Women's Studies began to appear on many campuses across the country, encouraged in part by the success of Black Studies. As the whole area of women and religion is a particularly complex and significant field, courses on women began to appear in religion as well as in psychology, literature, history, sociology and even natural science departments.It was hard to know where to begin in organizing a course on “Women in Religion.” Most teachers felt some attention must be given to both Old and New Testament studies, church history, church law, non-Western religions, moral theology, and the role women play in contemporary churches; then secular history, literature, education and psychology must all be tapped to show parallels, causes and effects. People teaching in Women Studies programs tended to do a lot of sharing of experiences and resources.

The Attitudes of the Secular Historians of the Age of Justinian Towards the Classical Past

I shall begin with a definition. I am dealing with ‘secular historians,’ and thus I am excluding ecclesiastical history, and chronography. The second of these two genres, chronography, continued a tradition which goes back as far as Thucydides' contemporary, Hellanicus, but under a Christian empire it acquired a Christian bias and dropped any pretence of literary style. ‘Ecclesiastical history,’ which, as far as we know, was invented by Eusebius of Caesarea, and displays a somewhat unclassical passion for documentation, dealt with the church and history as it affected the church. Its presuppositions about historical causation were Christian. The secular historians, on the other hand, continued the classical traditions of historiography begun by Herodotus and Thucydides, and their subject matter was war and politics, and the cross between the two, which was diplomacy.

Mission Station Melting Pots as a Factor in the Rise of South African Black Nationalism

Since the publication of Roland Oliver's The Missionary Factor in East Africa in 1952, secular historians have built up an impressive library of case studies on the impact of Christianity in Africa, a literature which pays tribute not only to the richness of missionary sources but also to their special usefulness. Insofar as the social history of Africa before 1900 can be written at all from documents, it must be based largely on the missionary record. Alone among the agents of Europe who shared the daily life of Africans, missionaries chronicled that life.l Furthermore, they were in a unique position to record certain kinds of dramatic social change. For many historians the most fascinating change associated with missionary activity has been the growth of African political elites committed to African nationalism. How is the high correlation between missionary training and secular leadership to be explained?2 Most of the available explanations emphasize the efficiency with which missionaries detached Africans from traditional societies and gave to these socially disoriented individuals an awareness of new

Hume

Our point has been more than bibliographical. Hume, from the beginning of his career to the end, saw himself as historian, gleaning his observations about human nature from study of man in his historical situation.3 He used history as his experimental method of reasoning on moral subjects. But what kind of historian was Hume? Norton and I have called him a philosophical historian.4 I should like here to show that this is meaningful classification that gets to the heart of what Hume was against, providential and prophetic history, and the worldviews entailed by those outlooks. Years ago I proposed to person, now one of the most eminent historians of British affairs, that selection be made of Hume's History of England. He told me this was unnecessary because Hume had been superseded by Macauley, Treveylan, Namier, and lots of others. As historian, Hume may not be too interesting. However, I should like to argue that his way of doing history was turning point of great philosophical importance. Hume rejected providential and prophetic history totally and in so doing set pattern for purely secular history and the secular examination of man.

Theology and Class

‘In a higher world it may be otherwise, but here below to live is to change, and to perfect is to change often’.‘The history of all existing society is the history of class struggles’.The first of these quotations was written by Newman in 1845 in his famous Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine. The second was written by Marx and Engels three years later in The Communist Manifesto.Newman’s essay can be seen as the beginning of a genuine sense of history in the world of Catholic Theology. The Communist Manifesto can be seen as having a similar role for the history of ideas. Catholic Theology could never be the same again after Newman’s essay and secular history could never be the same again after the Communist Manifesto.It is beyond the scope of this paper to explore more than a few of the implications of the Marxist view of history as class struggle for Newman’s view of doctrinal development. I am not aware that anyone has ever given a Marxist analysis of Newman’s famous essay. There are, however, a number of Marxist treatments of the history of the Church and of Christian doctrine—notably by Engels and Karl Kautsky. These treatments are all written from the point of view of a rejection of belief, both in God and in any meaningful degree of historical certainty about the existence of Jesus Christ.The reasons for Marxist atheism are well known and can be found in the philosophical background of the young Marx. The reasons for the extreme scepticism over New Testament origins can be traced to early nineteenth century biblical criticism and to the work of the bosom friend of the young Marx at Berlin in the 1830s, Bruno Bauer.

The Babylonian Chronicles and Berossus

Students of comparative religion and historians of historiography have for some time now been debating the value, or even the validity, of an “historical outlook”. Within the swamps of this impossibly large debate, one of the few points of seeming bedrock is that the historical outlook which is characteristic of Western civilization was alien to the peoples of the ancient Near East, the Hebrews possibly excepted. One awkward fact which this consensus must leave out of account is that in first-millennium Babylon there was something which looks like historical writing—the chronicles. So far as I know, they have been completely ignored in this debate.On the other hand, the chronicles have occasionally been singled out for high praise. Students of ancient historiography who, like myself, must depend on translations of the cuneiform texts, have generally supposed that of the many genres represented by these texts the most “historiographic” are the chronicles. One historian concluded that “the great Neo-Babylonian Chronicle” was indeed “the apogee of ancient Near Eastern historiography (exclusive of the Old Testament) and deserves to rank in importance with such milestones as the histories of Thucydides, Orosius and Ranke. Secular history as we know it today here first appeared”.

The New Heavens and New Earth: Political Religion in America. By Cushing Strout. New York: Harper & Row, 1974. 15 + 400 pp. $12.50.

Daniel J. Boorstin spoke of America's mingling of and Roy F. Nichols wrote both of democracy of American religion and of American democracy. Sidney E. Mead can speak of both the of the republic and republican religion. Seymour M. Lipset sees all-pervasiveness to be a consistent character of American religion, especially in the political order. Ralph Henry Gabriel tied Christianity and the Democratic Faith together with five strands. Clearly, the moderns stand in a long tradition when they discuss the tangle of and politics. The most notable and one of the most controversial articulators in this tradition was Alexis de Tocqueville, a man dismissed by Perry Miller so far as the subject of in America was concerned. Strout not only joins those who, against Miller, appreciate Tocqueville, but has written a long book tracing Tocquevillean themes throughout the history of America. He positions himself between two camps. The secular historians, he thinks, have been tone-deaf to religious nuances and have often then missed central themes of the national past. Church historians-whom has he been reading in the last thirty years ? -are too confessional and apologetic to tell the true story. This mild polemicizing behind him, he moves with ease through the three and a half centuries.

En guise d'introduction, ou comment se sauver de l'anomie et de l'aliénation : Jesus People et Catholiques Pentecostaux

The author of the introduction to this issue of Social Compass first shows concrete examples of how the Jesus People and the Catholic Pentecostals represent two distinct movements that should not be confused. Nevertheless, he points out that such religious phenomena have a common origin in the recent secular and religious history of the United States. From 1950 to 1965 a triumphant society becomes an insecure society. The shaking of formerly accepted moral values and convictions causes considerable anxiety, especially among the younger generation. The " counter-culture " movement arises out of this context. Both the Jesus People and the Catholic Pentecostals, each in their own way, will try to provide a religious answer to the problem. The Jesus People, independent of any particular religious denomination, both carry on and oppose the counter-culture. They follow its lifestyle but reject anything considered im moral or destructive. By so doing, the Jesus movement is undeniably performing a social function of reintegration which, in the end, may lead to its demise. Catholic Pentecostalism, on the other hand, also retains certain elements of the counter-culture " style," but submits the message of the Spirit which is its own to critical examination by the Catholic hierarchy.

Silvanus and the Emperor Constantius II

The sources which refer to Silvanus and his abortive usurpation are few and varied. They include a secular historian with a military background (Ammianus Marcellinus), a Roman emperor (Julian) and a lesser group composed of secular and ecclesiastical historians, orators and priests. Epigraphical evidence is slight. These sources are not of equal merit or value nor are they in absolute agreement. Indeed, the two major sources, Ammianus and Julian, differ substantially.

Other Recent Publications

Book Review| March 01 1970 Other Recent Publications EDWARD L. PARKER EDWARD L. PARKER Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Southern California Quarterly (1970) 52 (1): 86–89. https://doi.org/10.2307/41170280 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation EDWARD L. PARKER; Other Recent Publications. Southern California Quarterly 1 March 1970; 52 (1): 86–89. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/41170280 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentSouthern California Quarterly Search This content is only available via PDF. © Copyright 1970 The Historical Society of Southern California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

The Portuguese Administration in Malacca, 1511–1641

With the exception of Alfonso de Albuquerque in the 16th century, Marquis de Pombal in the 18th and Oliveira Salazar in the 20th, Portugal can hardly boast of any special genius for administration, whether of the colonies or of the mother-country. This lack of administrative acumen is matched by lack of interest in administrative matters among Portuguese chroniclers and historians. While the secular historians concentrated on the heroic deeds of a rather limited era, their Jesuit counterparts concerned themselves with exaggerating the scanty exploits in their evangelical enterprise. The administration was not elaborate and, therefore, the records were scanty. Portugal did not have a budgetary system; no systematic accounts were maintained either for Portugal or for the colonies, especially in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Consequently, one might with justification lament with Professor Charles R. Boxer upon the paucity of material for an administrative history of the Portuguese colonial possessions. Even so, one might study the Portuguese colonial administration in the larger context of interests, policies, and prejudices.

Church History and Secular History as Reflected by Newton and His Time

Church History and Secular History as Reflected by Newton and His Time

The Historical Background of Vietnamese Communism

THE VIETNAMESE COMMUNIST MOVEMENT IS DEEPLY AFFECTED BY ITS own history, brief as this has been (it was only founded in 1930). At the same time it has been marked by the triple historical experience of the nation from which it was born : the rich traditions of its secular history, the changes of the colonial period and the trials it has gone through and continues to go through since independence. It is authentically Vietnamese.

African-Related Materials in European Missionary Archives

During the summer of 1966 this writer had the opportunity to investigate the archival holdings of four European Protestant missionary societies. The purpose of this investigation was to gather information on Protestant missionary influence on the development of the Merina Kingdom of Madagascar. During the course of this research I found that these archival holdings were not only a necessary source for my limited study. The information contained in these depositories was also a valuable source of intelligence on almost every aspect of life and labor in Africa from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries. Unfortunately, these sources have not been used as extensively as they might be. In part, this is due to the limited scope of much of the missionary correspondence, and the awesome task of extracting what the secular historian would consider relevant from the writings of individuals whose dominant concerns were theological and often polemic. Another, partial, explanation for the neglect of these sources --if one can use such a strong term -- stems from the general lack of information concerning these holdings and their availability to scholars. Although the most frequent users of the mission archives are missionaries themselves and church historians, the secular scholar is generally welcomed and eagerly aided by the professional staffs of the various institutions noted below. It is the intention of this brief article to indicate the location, facilities, and holdings of those four missionary archives which were used by this writer, and to furnish general information regarding other missionary organizations and depositories useful for the researcher.

Paul, Galatians, and Jerusalem

HE conflict between Paul and the Jerusalem leaders in the Epistle to the Galatians is clarified when it is viewed as one between two groups divided by unacknowledged political and social differences. These differences were expressed in religious and theological terms, and the exegesis of Galatians has been generally theological. If we start with the political history, though, we can make sense of the theological expressions, and the method of this article is to relate the latter constantly to the former, although it may be that in some cases the connection is indirect. The thesis can be stated simply: In Galatians we see traces of the nationalist crisis that preceded by a decade or so the war of 66-70. Paul is on one side and James on the other. The theological discussion, then, can be translated into terms of secular history.

William Tyndale's Use of History as a Weapon of Religious Controversy

In their struggle against the Church of Rome, a number of sixteenth century English reformers became students of ecclesiastical and secular history. To support their contention that the Roman Church had deviated from New Testament principles, these reformers studied the available records concerning the dogma and ritual of primitive and early medieval Christianity. To prove their charge that for eight hundred years the Church of Rome had usurped the temporal power of European and English rulers, they turned to the medieval chronicles.

The Organization of a Mediaeval Cathedral Community: The Chapter of Valencia (1238–1280)

In recent years, more and more American readers have been entering the delightful world of Anthony Trollope's novels—the world of Barchester Towers, of the intrepid Archdeacon Grantly, of the absentee prebendary Doctor Vesey Stanhope and the over-burdened vicar of Puddingdale, Mr. Quiverful. Such a reader often finds himself confused, as he is intrigued, by the commnual background of that world, the cathedral chapter. Historians indeed, who have read considerably in mediaeval secular history, have remained puzzled as to the precise nature of the cathedral chapter. Travelling abroad, one is struck by its continuance as an institution, by its colorful robes and insignia, and by the liturgical splendor of its worship at the great continental cathedrals. Even here at home, at the chancery of Archbishop Mitty or in the cathedral of Bishop Pike, one can find at least vestiges of this institution.

The Problem of Julius Caesar

ULlUS CAESAR is one of Shakespeare's perplexing plays. Its stylistic simplicity, coupled with an absence of bawdy lines, has made it favorite school text, and this has led * vK tr , some critics believe that it o'ught be simple play, belief which has easily ripened into the conviction that it is simple play. Others have acknowledged its perplexities. Professor Allardyce Nicoll calls it one of Shakespeare's most difficult plays rightly assess,' and Mr. Wilson Knight remarks that to close analysis it reveals subtleties and complexities which render interpretation difficult.2 There is widespread disagreement among critics about who is the play's principal character or whether it has principal character, on whether it is tragedy and if so whose, on whether Shakespeare wants us consider the assassination as damnable or praiseworthy, while of all the chief characters in the play violently contradictory interpretations have been offered. To illustrate this polarity of views it will be sufficient refer two eminent critics. Professor Dover Wilson tells us that in this play Shakespeare adopted the traditional Renaissance view of Caesar, derived from Lucan, which regarded him as a Roman Tamburlaine of illimitable ambition and ruthless irresistible genius; monstrous tyrant who destroyed his country and ruined 'the mightiest and flourishing commonwealth that the world will ever see. play's theme is the single one, Liberty versus Tyranny (p. xxi). The assassination is wholly laudable, the conspirators are unselfish champions of freedom, while Brutus' tragedy consists in his vain struggle against the destiny of Rome, which lies in the establishment of Caesarism (p. xxii). we turn from this Sir Mark Hunter's interpretation of the play we are told that can be no doubt that Shakespeare's way of thinking, however much he extends sympathy the perpetrators of the deed, the murder of Julius was the foulest crime in secular history. Of Caesar we learn, When put the test of the stage the personality of Julius 'moves before us as something right royal', character sufficiently great render the impassioned eulogy of Antony and the calm tribute of not inconsistent with what we have actually heard and seen of the object of their praise. Of the conspirators we are told, Brutus excepted, there is no sign anywhere that the enemies

Trends in Canadian Church History

A dual culture and geographical barriers which foster regional development have made writing Canadian history a difficult task. One historian regards it as ‘an act of faith, the substance of things hoped for.’ All the problems which the secular historian faces as he tries to organize his material into a connected story are intensified in the field of Canadian church history, and up to the present no one has ventured to do more than to trace ‘certain general movements of religion in Canadian sociological development’.

Whitehead’s Philosophy of Time by William W. Hammerschmidt

BOOK REVIEWS 299 guidance from the philosopher and the theologian in finding the ultimates in history, which historical data of themselves cannot give. Lowith reacts quite properly to the historicism of men like Dilthey and the fatalism of " philosophers of history " like Spengler and Marx; but his reaction seems too strong, insofar as secular history is treated as a profane subject that is a useless, even dangerous, study. Lowith is right in claiming that history cannot answer the problem he raises of "the meaning of history," which is properly a theological problem . The general tenor of his book is to dismiss " philosophies of history " as illegitimate studies. This is too slick a trick. One can agree with Lowith that only a theology of history can answer the question of the end of history, and of individuals, but one can still have room for the sort of thing Berdiaefi and Toynbee have done-which is generally referred to by that loose phrase "philosophy of history." The problem of salvati!)n, which is the central concern of Meaning in History, is twofold. There is the problem of the end of each historical person, of each man who lives in history. There is also the problem of the end of society, of the coming of the Kingdom of God. Both of these are theological rather than historical problems, and both of them are realized outside the course of history. Li:iwith handles them well, but he creates a certain amount of confusion for the reader by not keeping distinct these two " salvations." It is the wise historian who will agree with him in admitting that the ultimate meaning of history must be found in theology rather than in history. But Lowith has not presented a convincing case to show that the antithesis between the Christian view of history and any conceivable " profane " history is necessary. St. Louis University, St. Louis, Mo. THOMAS P. NEILL Whitehead's Philosophy of Time. By WILLIAM W. HAMMERSCHMIDT. New York: King's Crown Press, 1947. Pp. 108. $2.00. Those who are interested in Mr. Whitehead's philosophy of Space-Time will find in this study a very helpful and scholarly collection of material. The intention of Mr. Hammerschmidt is to "give a reader a manageable basis for a criticism of Whitehead's writings on Space-Time" (p. 1). He traces faithfully the philosopher's thought on the subject through three general periods. The first extends from his earliest publications through 19~4. It will be remembered that Mr. Whitehead joined the faculty of Harvard University in the department of philosophy in that year. The second period is the transitional one starting with the publication of Science and the Modern World (19~6) and continuing to the appearance of Process 800 BOOK REVIEWS and Reality {1929). The publication of the latter book introduces the final period of Whitehead's thought. The arrangement of the book is calculated to make the reading as easy as possible. Chapter headings are significant, sub-headings are expressive of the material contained in the smaller sections, and at the close of each chapter the writer summarizes the thought analyzed in that chapter. Notes and references are accurate. The glossary of terms is a necessary aid to those who are unaccustomed to the terminology of the philosophy of organism, although the definitions sometimes are as difficult to understand as the terms defined. For example, a mental pole is defined as " that aspect of an actual occasion which includes an aim at an aesthetically and morally harmonious nature as the result of the self-creation of the actual occasion." Of course, it is not the fault of Mr. Hammerschmidt that he must give such a defintion. He is only repeating the words of the philosopher. To criticize him on this point is to show a lack of appreciation of the monumental work which he has actually accomplished-a reaso~­ ably coherent presentation of a system of thought which is not in itself noted for coherence. There are four chapters in the book. The first is a preliminary account of time and nature. It includes a study of the general aspects of the philosophy or organism...