Scarcity Of Renewable Resources Research Articles

All about water and land? Resource-related conflicts in East and West Africa revisited

Recent years have seen an upsurge in the numbers of studies investigating the potential link between climate variability and conflict—and particularly so quantitative studies of this relationship—without reaching any consensus on causal pathways or main findings. This study sets out to explore what the main causes of conflict between resource-user groups in arid and semi-arid areas in Sub-Saharan Africa are, with a particular focus on renewable-resource scarcity. We conduct a comparative analysis of eleven high-quality case studies of the escalation into violence of disputes between pastoralists and farmers or pastoralists in the Western Sahel and East Africa. This enables us to identify the mechanisms underpinning the actors’ motivations. Our analysis shows that the nature of these conflicts is complex. They cannot be reduced to a stimulus (resource scarcity)–response (violence) relationship. We find that drought is a contributing factor in four of the conflicts, and that a poor rainy season plays a role in a fifth one. However, resource scarcity is never the most important cause and it does not explain well the differences in conflict intensity. The most important contributor to explaining different levels of intensity is when local autochthonous and exclusionary claims are coupled with national-level political processes.

Toward a constructivist understanding of socio-environmental conflicts

The links between environmental degradation, renewable resource scarcity, and conflict are still poorly understood. One reason for this is the positivist–rationalist bias which is characteristic of the mainstream literature on socio-environment conflicts but has largely remained unaddressed so far. Many studies are therefore unable to utilize insights from environmental sociology, constructivist conflict research, and political ecology. Drawing on this literature and discourse theory, the article develops a constructivist understanding of socio-environmental conflicts. The proposed framework highlights the relevance of discursively constructed identities, situation assessments, and interests for understanding the dynamics of such conflicts. The plausibility of the framework across different contexts is demonstrated by a discussion of the Israeli–Palestinian water conflict and forest conflicts in northern Thailand.

Small wind in urban sectors.Review of literature and dynamic model implementation

Large industry is focusing on off-shore wind generation solutions which permit extra large turbine dimensions. In an economically recessing situation it may be sensible to underline the good results observed in distributed and local generation. Attending to consumer proximity, cities and urban areas are to be studied. These locations present renewable resource scarcity in general. However, several authors, following the evolution of regulations in countries like UK, present the advantages of small wind. From the point of view of generator concept options experimental comparative analysis' results are included. Finally, a mathematical model for small radial flux permanent magnet synchronous generators (RF-PMSG) is included and verified by means of a contrasted simulator in Matlab Simulink. The implemented simulator will permit more accurate and analytical comparatives between small wind generator solutions.

The Concept of Environmental Security in International Relations: Definition, Features, Implications

[full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English]
 This article examines the concept of environmental security and assesses its role in international, regional and national security studies. The study is aimed at providing conceptual „mental map“ of this field, thereby giving analytical background and gui­dance for comprehensive environmental security studies, which are known for the diversity of conceptual approaches, methods and levels of analysis.The fundamental question of environmental security – how various environmen­tal factors (climate, resources, etc.) and processes can affect the security of states and societies. It examines the relationships between different environmental issues, their effects and various security problems. Environment is considered as integrated part of a security concept together with the dimensions of economic, social, energy or information security. In order to identify the main academic schools of the environmental security, this article uses four key questions, theoretically defining the core of environmental secu­rity concept: (i) what makes an impact (source of threat); (ii) to whom/what an impact is made („victim”); (iii) what kind of impact is made (threat); (iv) how an impact is made (mechanisms and “channels”). On the basis of these theoretical dimensions, five main academic schools of environmental security are identified and examined by focusing on their features and findings, methodology and critical assessment:1. Resource scarcity school examines the nexus between scarcity of renewable resources (e.g. freshwater) and various internal and international conflicts (their incidence, intensity and dynamics).2. Resource abundance school explores the relations between non-renewa­ble resources (e.g. diamonds, oil, etc.) and internal conflicts, especially civil wars.3. Climate change school focuses on nature (and human) induced environ­mental change and its implications for international security, socioeconomic development and social disruptions in various regions.4. Human security school focuses on environmental impacts on individual and “people-centered” security, which is closely related with sustainable develo­pment (food security, health and education, welfare, gender issues, etc.).5. Natural disasters school examines the socioeconomic impacts of various disasters (earthquakes, floods, etc.) with specific focus on the vulnerability and adaptive capacity of various social systems (states, communities, etc.).Analysis shows that environmental dimension becomes increasingly impor­tant element of international relations and security studies. Comprehensive security assessment, especially in developing countries, is not possible without taking into account the social and economic impacts made by resources, climate change and natural disasters.Research by 1 and 2 schools, despite various methodological problems, demons­trates the impact resources have to various internal conflicts and social disorder. Scar­city of renewable resources generates certain social effects (for example, decreased productivity of agriculture, migration, weakening of state institutions etc.), which, in turn, can fuel different types of conflicts (ethnic conflicts, coup d’état, poverty conflicts, etc.). Abundance of non-renewable resources can have various direct (for example, direct financial source for rebel groups), as well as indirect (affecting eco­nomy, political regime, separatism, etc.) impact to conflicts.Specific conditions in the developing countries play a significant role in terms of explaining the nexus between resources and security. Developing countries are often dependent on climate-sensitive agriculture and suffer from poverty. As a re­sult, various climate change effects (3 school) often amplify mechanisms, which lead to insecurity and violence, such as political instability, weak governance structures, poor economic performance, etc. This is especially relevant for those regions where several “conflict constellations” (water and food shortage, regular natural disasters, rapid demographic change, etc.) are overlapping. Environmental change also has a certain impact to international security in terms of possible increase in the number of weak and fragile states, risks for global economic development, intensification of migration, territorial disputes, etc.Generally, environmental security research (apart from the 1 and 2 schools) is based on a broad approach to security, which is not limited to military conflicts and include various elements of sustainable development and economic welfare. On the one hand, it is understandable, as interdisciplinary character of environmental securi­ty requires complex approach to security.On the other hand, research based on the concept of human security (4 school) often equates security with economic and social well-being, thus blurring the line between security and development studies. It also undermines the assessment of the impact environmental issues can have to traditional security problems (conflicts, regi­me change, political instability, etc.). Finally, securization of various social problems (AIDS, migration, poverty, gender inequality, etc.) might be used for political purpo­ses by legitimizing the use of military force or restricting human rights.Various natural disasters (5 school) have a substantial destructive power, which not only causes substantial damage (humanitarian crises, destroyed infrastructure, etc.), but also has complex socioeconomic and political effects, which affect politi­cal regimes, critical economic sectors, social stability, etc. From this perspective, a key role is played by physical and socioeconomic characteristics of vulnerability and adaptive capacity, which can absorb negative effects of natural disasters and mitigate the risk.

Blood and Soil? Resource Scarcity and Internal Armed Conflict Revisited

Scarcity of renewable resources is frequently argued to be a main driver of violent conflict. The 2004 and 2007 Nobel Peace Prize awards, as well as the international debate about the implications of climate change, show the salience of the topic as a security issue. Studies testing the link between renewable resource scarcity and armed conflict have reached diverging conclusions. One study, in particular, has found substantial support for eco-scarcity theory, while most others have found a limited association. This article starts with an attempt at replicating earlier findings on the link between population density, soil degradation, deforestation, water scarcity and civil war, but several results are not replicable. The final results lend little support to a purported link between resource scarcity and civil conflict, whereas it replicates earlier findings on the importance of poverty, instability and dependence of fuel exports. A high level of land degradation is the only factor that significantly increases the risk of civil conflict, although this result should be interpreted with caution. The general conclusion of this study is that scarcity of natural resources has limited explanatory power in terms of civil violence, whereas poverty and dysfunctional institutions are robustly related to conflict. Future studies on the link between resource scarcity and violent conflict should focus on local and less intense conflicts, pay more attention to a context of low economic development, look more thoroughly into the role of state actors in the escalatory phase of conflict and assess the importance of the distribution of resources relative to scarcity per se.

Natural Resources

Patterns of armed conflict changed significantly in the course of the zoth century. The period ending in 1945 saw a series of blood-soaked interstate rivalries that left deep wounds, culminating in the horrific events at Auschwitz and Hiroshima. The following two decades were marked by wars of national liberation in colonies such as Indonesia, Algeria, and Vietnam. Indigenous military groups, often supported by the Soviet Union, fought the imperial powers-and each other-using surprisingly effective guerrilla tactics. At the same time, the Cold War polarized the world around two ideological blocs, one dominated by the United States, the other by the Soviet Union. Thanks in part to nuclear deterrence, a direct confrontation never occurred. But the two superpowers were engaged in proxy wars, and their involvement was a significant factor in fuelling internal conflicts around the world.With the disintegration of the USSR, the main reason for superpower confrontation evaporated and both superpowers pulled out of the war-torn countries, without giving any guarantee of future aid. At the same time, most of the civil conflicts that had broken out due to the decolonization process were over. Therefore, 1991 marked the beginning of a downward trend in the number of internal conflicts and the number of resulting fatalities.Nevertheless, internal conflicts still dominate the global picture and continue to devastate many parts of the world. In countries ravaged by such conflicts, insecurity, displacement, deprivation, disease, and death are part of daily life. It is therefore important to understand the causes of contemporary internal conflicts and their development. We need to construct an analytical framework that offers plausible explanations for today's sub-state conflicts. Such a framework would provide a foundation for the development of policies designed to prevent and/or reduce the risk of internal conflict.One highly publicized branch of conflict analysis explores the link between natural resources and armed conflict-that is, the influence, if any, of natural resources on the onset and/or duration of conflicts.Since the mid-1990s, three analytic approaches have dominated the field of resource-based conflict analysis. One stresses environmental factors, focusing on grievances created by the increasing scarcity of renewable resources. The second centres on economic factors and regards the greedy motivations of individuals as the main driver of conflict. The third takes a more state-centric approach, concentrating on political factors and institutional weakness.While these theoretical approaches posit different determining factors, cross-empirical evidence supports two theses: the onset of civil conflict is strongly associated with weak states in which oil represents the wealth of the nation; and economic factors are decisive in determining the duration of conflicts.Regardless of the approach one favours, it is easy to agree with the conclusion reached by Karen Ballentine and Jake Sherman: An analysis of the shifting interplay between economic and other factors over time will be an important step towards a more comprehensive framework of contemporary conflicts.1ENVIRONMENTAL SCARCITY AS A SOURCE OF CONFLICTEnvironmental resources-especially cropland, freshwater, fisheries, and forests-are vital for life. Moreover, many poor people in less developed countries are directly dependent on such resources as their primary source of income and/or to heat their homes, feed their families, and so forth. In principle, these finite resources are naturally renewable, and if properly managed they should secure future wellbeing. But the renewal process depends on a fragile balance that is now being disturbed and will be even more seriously disrupted in the future.On the one hand, demographic growth and high per capita consumption are increasing the demand for environmental resources. …

Environmental Security: A Geographic Information System Analysis Approach—The Case of Kenya

Studies into the relationships between environmental factors and violence or conflicts constitute a very debated research field called environmental security. Several authors think that environmental scarcity, which is scarcity of renewable resources, can contribute to generate violence or social unrest, particularly within states scarcely endowed with technical know-how and social structures, such as developing countries. In this work, we referred to the theoretical model developed by the Environmental Change and Acute Conflict Project. Our goal was to use easily available spatial databases to map the various sources of environmental scarcity through geographic information systems, in order to locate the areas apparently most at risk of suffering negative social effects and their consequences in terms of internal security. The analysis was carried out at a subnational level and applied to the case of Kenya. A first phase of the work included a careful selection of databases relative to renewable resources. Spatial operations among these data allowed us to obtain new information on the availability of renewable resources (cropland, forests, water), on the present and foreseen demographic pressure, as well as on the social and technical ingenuity. The results made it possible to identify areas suffering from scarcity of one or more renewable resources, indicating different levels of gravity. Accounts from Kenya seem to confirm our results, reporting clashes between tribal groups over the access to scarce resources in areas that our work showed to be at high risk.

Paradise is a Bazaar? Greed, Creed, and Governance in Civil War, 1989-99

Some prominent recent studies of civil war argue that greed, not grievance, is the primary motivating factor behind violence, basing their conclusions on a strong empirical association between primary commodity exports and civil war. This study contrasts alternative propositions that see need-, creed-, and governance-based explanations that are intimately related to the question of primary commodity dependence and conflict. Maximum likelihood analysis on approximately 138 countries over the entire post- Cold War period shows little support for neo-Malthusian claims. Abundant mineral wealth makes countries highly unstable, whereas scarcity of renewable resources is largely unrelated to civil conflict. A positive effect of population density on conflict does not seem to be conditioned by renewable resource scarcity. Ethnicity is related to conflict when society is moderately homogenous; a highly plural society faces less risk. Very slight political liberalization leads to conflict, but larger increases reduce the danger considerably, supporting the view that conflict is driven by opportunistic behaviour rather than by grievance. Increases in homogeneity among Islamic and Catholic populations make them riskier. Perhaps institutional factors relating to separation of church and state rather than competing creeds explain culture conflicts. Larger shares of both Christians and Muslims within countries make them safer, contrary to claims of natural antagonism between the two. Governance, proxied by the ratio of total trade to GDP, predicts peace strongly, an under-theorized area within the study of civil war. Trade's relationship to peace is robust to specification and sample size, supporting the findings of the State Failure Project. Greater attention should perhaps be paid to formal and informal institutional factors that create the synergy between private and public spaces for overcoming collective action problems of maintaining peace.

Resource Scarcity and Conflict in Developing Countries

As time passes, renewable resource scarcities are becoming more common. There is increasing evidence that these scarcities are a causal factor in political conflict, especially in developing countries. We present a simple dynamic model of renewable resource and population interaction featuring the possibility of conflict triggered by per capita resource scarcity. In the model, conflict diverts resources away from resource harvesting, increases the death rate, and damages the resource. The two former effects may speed the return to a peaceful steady state. If conflict results in resource destruction, however, it may destabilize the system, leading it towards collapse. Conflict due to renewable resource scarcity could be cyclical, implying recurring phases of conflict. However, such conflict cannot last for ever. We use the model to examine various policy scenarios concerning population control and technical innovations in harvesting and natural resource growth. A key insight of the model is the importance of the bidirectional interplay between conflict and resource scarcity, as opposed to the unidirectional notion that resource scarcity leads to conflict. As such, the model points to the need for the use of simultaneous equation econometric models in empirical investigations of resource scarcity and conflict.

Environmental Scarcity and Violent Conflict: The Case of South Africa

The causal relationship between environmental scarcities - the scarcity of renewable resources - and the outbreak of violent conflict is complex. Environmental scarcity emerges within a political, social economic, and ecological context and interacts with many of these contextual factors to contribute to violence. To examine this relationship, we outline a theoretical framework defining scarcities, the social effects arising from these scarcities, and the ensuing movement towards violence. We subsequently apply this framework to analyse the link between environmental scarcities and violent conflict in South Africa. Within South Africa, violence arose at precisely the same time that many anticipated a transformation to a more peaceful society - upon the release of Nelson Mandela, the end of the ban on political activity and the official end to apartheid. This article provides a new perspective on these events by analysing the link between South Africa's environmental scarcity and violent conflict.